The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 14, 1925, Page 6

ut | _ ANB W. Washington Bivd. siti ee rebate! — * Page Six —_—_—_—_ Te THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING OO. 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Dl (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $6.60 per year = 33.50... months —$2.00...8 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50..3 months — Address al! mail and wake out checks to THE DAILY WORKER Chicago, Iiinels 3. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE feet End tor MORITZ J. LOBB.......:senenm- Business Manager Bntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <p 200 Advertising rates op appcation Britain and the U. S. Those who believe that a permanent united front has been established between Britain and the United States should do well to ponder the follow- ing excerpt from an interview given by Manuel Quezon, leader of the Filipino independence move- ment, to an American reporter. Quezon was dis- cussing the danger to the Philippines in a war in the Pacific between the United States and Japan. Quezon said: “There is no reason to believe that war in the Pacific can only be between the east and the west. Such a war might well split Europe again as in the last war or maybe it might be be- tween the white powers of Europe and the new world. Ninety-nine per cent of all Englishmen and Americans Will laugh at this opinion, but it is not impossible that the war will be in the Atlantic as well as in the Pacific and will be between England and America. “History of the last 500 years shows that Engi land has fought every nation that challenges her supremacy and the United States today is.the only nation that challenges England’s supremacy.' The theory that war between England and America is impossible on account of the kindred ties of race, language and political ideals, both being demo- cratic countries, is poorly founded. While these ties would be strong factors toward the prevention of such a war, if the time ever comes when the commercial efforts of both countries conflict, then all other reasons will disappear. Commerce today is the one reason and cause of all wars.” All modern wars are gigantic commercial enter- prises. The theory that the close social relations existing between the financial and industrial mag- nates of the United States and their British “cousins” will prevent war is not tenable. The leading monarchies in Europe were more closely related to each other at the opening of the late war than are the leading elements of the British and American capitalist classes, but that did not prevent them from blowing each other into the ash can of history. Britain and the United States agree on a divi- sion of the spoils in certain spheres of exploitation but their interests are in fundamental conflict. As Quezon points out, England’s historical policy has been to fight her closest competitor for com- mercial supremacy. All signs point to war be- tween those two mighty rivals, with the workers of both nations doing the suffering, unless in the meantime the workers take matters into their own hands and organize society on the basis of service to all instead of misery for the majority and luxury for a few as is the case under capitalism. “Muster” Day Yesterday’s editorial inadvertently stated that last year’s marshalling of this country’s military resources took place on November 11, the an- niversary of the armistice day. The correct date is September 12. However, that is a small matter. The important thing to consider is that the gov- trnment was able to get away with its militaristic test last year and intends to continue it in the future. Last year the secretary of war got under the skin of the pacifists by designating September 12 “mobilization day.” The reserve officers’ associa- tion has decided that “muster day” is more ap- propriate and less offensive. It’s a rose under an- other name. The militarists were satisfied with their first venture. “It was a good beginning, for it com- pletely silenced the pacifists.” This is what the committee in charge of the next “muster” day had Yo say. The pacifists are knocked out, even speech- less. The labor fakers are elbowing each other onto the tailboards. The Communists only offer an opposition to capitalist militarism and have a plan which will organize the workers to fight effectively against it, The stocks.of socialism went up a few more points in Wall Street, when Paul Boncour, French socialist, made.a red-hot speech demanding guar- antees for France and insisting that in default of such guarantees France would be obliged to arm to the eyebrows, This is the language of Poincare and Clemenceau. It is further proof that social- ist parties are no longer parties of labor but par- ties of capitalism. ~ Galvin Coolidge smokes ten cent cigars and re- fuses to smoke the higher priced brands even when he receives them free of charge. They might spoil his taste, he says, like the fellow who paid fifty cents to attend an ice cream social, but refused to wat the ice cream, It might spoil his taste for prunes. Wall Street seems to have developed a taste for ten cent presidents. Shearing Time Sheep living in the temperate zones are usually shorn of their fleeces in the summer time. The sheep raisers have a lot of consideration for the animals, so they rob'them of their warm blankets when old Sol is out to act as a substitute, Because sheep get shorn with monotonous reg- ularity, the small fry who dabble in stocks are re- ferred to as lambs. But Wall Street has no partic- ular shearing season. It is handy with the shears all the year round. Wall Street takes an unholy delight in bringing small businessmen and workers, who have man- aged to save a few dollars, into its parlor. It strings them along for a while before it takes out the clippers and sends its guests home in a barrel. This is what happened to the little fellows who were proud to think they were a part of the great transcontinental railroad system known as_ the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul, which recently went into the hands of a receiver. Tho this rail- road was privately owned and managed, and tho capitalist apologists tell us that without the man- agement genius of the bourgeoisie this great in- dustrial workshop would become a desert, the C., M. and St. P. went broke. It is still running, of course, run by the engineers, firemen, con- ductors, brakemen, porters and other categories of labor whose names neyer figured in the bankruptcy proceedings. The St. Paul road has estimated assets of over $200,000,000 and estimated liabilities of over $500,- \000,000. Most of those liabilities are in the form of common stock, owned by the little fellows. The big fellows own the stock that pays no dues or assessments, but gets the cream of everything that is going. It bears the same relationship to the preferred stock that the rank and file of the re- publican party bear to William M. Butler, “Cal’s” political managers. The common stock does the voting and takes its medicine. It will have to swallow the $500,000,000 liability of the C., M. and St. P. or choke, The common stock of the St. Paul road is today as worthless as the German mark of pre-Dawes lays. Small investors have lost the savings of a lifetime. Their money went to lay shining rails from the Windy City to the Puget Sound. The rails are still there, but the money is gone. To add insult to injury, the common stock- holders are liable to be called on for an assess- ment. This is a legal way of killing the poor things physically. It is cheaper than hiring a gang of sluggers on a commission basis. Those who survive the ordeal will never be their old selves again. Wall Street is putting the road thru a delousing process. When the job is “finished the Chicago, Milwaukee’and St. Paul will get out new time tables, new stock, bring in a fresh crop of suckers and the shearing will continue. Ain’t capitalism wonderful? Meat for the D. of J. Not since the Wall Street explosion has any mystery more delightfully baffling come into the web of the department of justice than that pres- ented by a person bearing the name of H. F. Dunn, from the eity of Indianapolis. Dunn may be a disciple of Arthur Canon Doyle, noted spook ex- pert, or of any of. the professional Communist | baiters in the United States from William Green to “Joe” Wise. If you have never heard of the lat- ter, it will not held against you. He is not known outside the Chicago “loop.” Whoever Dunn may be a disciple of, he is a worthy one. He claims to have discovered the most dastardly Bolshevik plot ever perpetrated on the American capitalist class. So startling is this conspiracy in the novelty of its methods that Dunn has lost his senses, granting that such a feat is possible, “ay The victims of this “physic radio” called on Dunn to act as their spokesman and defender. Where they have their broadcasting stations he does not know. But he wants the department of justice to run them down and out. Dunn described experiences with the radio Bol- sheviks as “so terrifying in their strangeness, so vivid in reality and so filled with phenomena of ap- parently supernatural character that my days be- came a nightmare beyond comprehension of the imagination.” This foe of Bolshevism with all its works and pomps claims that “the human brain and nervous system radiate electro-magnetic records which leave the body in ether waves or magnetic lines.” ‘This may solve the riddle. Perhaps the vibrations from the bodies of the editorial staff of the DAILY WORKER as they pound their typewriters are responsible for the phenomena. It must be dolefully admitted that the depart- ment of justice is not what it used to be when William J. Burns was its chief press agent. Instead of being received with an arching of the eyebrows and a suggestive nod in the general direction of the nearest psychopathic hospital, Dunn would>see a k€owing grin blossom on Burn’s face before its owner admitted that he had his eye on those Bol- shevik radio plotters and would have them ar- rested “within twenty-four hours.” The mystery is not in Dunn’s pipe dream, but in the failure of the department of justice to demand a large appropriation to run down the psychic Communist broadcasting station, Now that the Jewish Daily Forward has donated $15,000 doMars to the socialist party treasury, per- haps Morris Hillquit will engage Billy Sunday for his revival campaign and sack Debs. Old Gene has many fine qualifications for the job, but he uses the word “socialism” too frequently... Abe }Cahan is not going to see his money wasted © i ~ w’ areemenan * i E DAILY WORKER Character and Driving Forces of the Russian Revolution (Continued from last issue) But Trotsky did not only fail to un- derstand the dialectical develop- ment of the agrarian-peasant revolu- tion into a socialist revolution, his in- ability to understand it, made it im- possible for him understand the process of the development of the Rus- sian revolution into the world revolu- tion. Thus in 1915 Trotsky dealt as follows with the question of the cor- relation between the Russian and the international revolution: “Do we ad- mit that the development of the Rus- sian revolution, and consequently the actual movements of the Russian pro- letariat, depend on the revolutionary movement of the Russian intelligent- aia, the urban petty-bourgeoisie and the peasantry? Or do we subprdi- nate the movemént) of the Russian proletariat to the*tasks and aims of the movement of the entire European proletariat, making ithe Russian revo- lution dependent*om the proletarian struggle in the entire capitalist world? _To put it briefly: @o¢we allow our en- tire policy to be imfiuenced by the na- tional bourgeois revolution or by the international revohition of the prole- tariat?”* This ‘statement shows as clearly as possibld Trotsky’s failure to understand, withia‘ithe framework of Russia, the correlation between the national and the-socialist revolution and the process of the development of the Russian rey@lution, into the in- ternational revolution. Metaphysical- ly, Trotsky sets;the national revolu- tion against the socialist revolution. He judges of this question as fol- lows: either a national or a socialist revolution, ignoring the question of the development of the national revolu- tion into the socialist revolution. This erroneous theoretical interpre- tation of the peculiarities of the Rus- sian revolution found its expression in Comrade Trotsky’s political mis- take at the time of the Brest Litovsk peace negotiations when he issued the slogan “neither peace nor war.” Ac- cording to Trotsky, this slogan was to be a challenge of the Russian prole- tariat to the international proletariat and an indication that the Russian proletariat was placing the fate of the Russian revolutign in the hands of the international proletariat. Trotsky did not understand at that time that the task, as pointed out by Lenin, con- sisted in strengthening and consoli- dating the union, between the Russian working class and. the peasantry, in welding together the internal driving forces of the Russian revolution and in “sounding” on this basis the trend of the international revolution. The Brest Litovsk aoe had to be signed in the interests of the consolidation of the workers’ peasants’ union. But Trotsky, inste: f solving these con- crete tasks of this special phase of the revolution, [fmited himself to set- ting the trend of the national revolu- tion against the’trend of the interna- tional revolution HE mistake of ener timate the peasantry, which has its origin in the theory of permanent revolu- tion, was committed by Trotsky in the famous discussion on the trade unions in 1920-21, At the conclusion of the civil war,certain changes took place in the relations between the working class and the peasantry. On the strength of these changes, the *Trotsky—War . and ‘Revolution, state publishing department, 1922, Vol. 1, pp. 256 and 257 (Russian edi- tion.) (Federated Press Review by Samuel S. Shipman, former labor manager of Kuzbas Colony, Siberia.) Commercial Year Book of the Soviet Union, 1925, compiled by Segal and Santalov. B. W. Huebsch, Inc., 30 Irving Place, New York. $2.50. TS 1925 Commercial Year Book of the Soviet Union presents for the first time in English a conpact and conveniently apanged summary of the economic life of Russia since the revolution. « y The maim sections deal with statis- tics and descriptions of the agricul- tural and mineral resources of the So- viet Union andthe extent of their exploitation, thevoutput and condition of the industries; the development of the export an@#sdmport trades,, the financial situatiam, and the transport and communication facilities of the Union. 16 The statisticsdand explanations are complete and *have been compiled mainly from official Soviet reports. Most of the figares go down to the end of 1924—an‘important considera- tion in dealing with a country where conditions change as rapidly as they do in Russia today. HE organization, powers and responsibilities of the various gov- ernment departments and institutions of the country are deberibed as are the regulations relating to the con- duct of foreign trade and concessions by private corporations, Other sections contain brief discus- sions of the political organization and constitution of the U. 8.8. R., foreign relations, inclyding summaries of treaties, the co-operative movement and internal trade, labor conditions, and the deucat{noal system. HRUOUT the book is maintained a tone of objective, painstaking ac- curacy, controversial matter is avoid. ed and unpleasant facts are. not party had to adopt the so-called new economic policy. Trotsky just failed to understand that the fundamental peculiarity of the situation consisted in the changes which had token place in the relations between town and country, the working class and the peasantry. He thot that the main thing to do was to tighten the screw of military Communism, to go on mili- tarizing the industries in order to raise the productivity of labor within the industries by means of military pressure. The same mistake was made by Trotsky. in 1923 in the fa- mous discussion on planning. When the economic crisis was upon us, Trot- sky thot that the remedy was to do away with the disproportion between the various branches of industry, and to make the latter tealize the necessity of systematization and planning. But this was not at all the crux of the matter, for the crisis had its origin in the definitely abnormal relations be- tween industry and agriculture, -be- tween town and country. In fact the crisis was due to the inadequacy of the internal peasant market. There- fore the economic policy of the Rus- sian Communist Party had to consist in relieving the peasantry of the emission tax by establishing a stable valuta, and in lowering prices, in- stead of following the path of “maxi- mum profits” as was advocated in the economic proposals of the opposition led by Comrade Trotsky. i heed mistakes made by Comrade Trotsky on the field of practical Politics with relation to the peasantry had their origin in the theory of permanent revolution. In his article The Fight for Power, Comrade Trot- sky propounded thé idea that na- tional revolutions, just like national wars, are impossible in the epoch of imperialism because in the epoch of imperialism, according to Trotsky, it is not the bourgeois nation which is cold figures the efforts being made by the Russian people to rebuild their material destinies and the slow but steady progress in that direction. Here one may learn the details of how the fiscal miracle of balancing the budget and consequent stabilizing of the currency was accomplished. For the business man or student the facts collected offer a-complete and accurate picture of the economic con- ditions of Russia; for the general reader interested in Russian affairs the descriptive sections dealing with other phases of-Russian life should prove illuminating. NE might wish that the co-oper- ative movement were given the fuller treatment it deserves, and that the discussion on internal trade con- tained more information on retail trading with particular reference to the part played by private business since the introduction of the new economic policy. Especially since on the latter point there seems ‘to be a profound misunderstanding on the part of foreign observers of Russian affairs. But these are only minor de- fects in a valuable and useful hand- book, By A. TIALA. ‘OU can’t find a definition of the word “Gudok” in your dictionary, for wise as the compilers of diction- aries are, they cannot anticipate all the tricks of the “Reds,” who keep on importing one darn thing after an- other from Russia, None other than Wm, Z, Foster is guilty of this late deviltry against good Americanism; and he has the unspeakable nerve to tell all about it in the Workers’ Monthly for May. S a matter of fact, the issue is chock full of stuff which reveals that the Tribune’s master minds have yet much to learn about the doings glossed over, | ills wade a tg Communists. For instance, the set against the old order, but the pro- letariat against the bourgeoisie. Such an interpretation of the question is an infringement of the A B C of dia- letic materialism. Instead ofa con- crete analysis of the pecularities of the Russian revolution, Trotsky refers to the general character of the epoch, Concerning the question of the possi- bility or impossibility of national wars in the epoch of imperailism Lenin wrote as follows: “Does the fact that the foremost European (and American) capitalism has entered a new epoch of imperialism imply that henceforth only imperialist wars are possible? This would be an, absurd assertion, an inability to differentiate between a definite phenomenon and the sum total of the various phenom- ena of the epoch. The term epoch is applied because it embraces a num- ber of various phenomena and wars, typical as well as non-typical, great as. well as small, characteristic of highly developed as well as of back- ward countries. To brush aside these- concrete doartiane by means of gen- eral phrases about ‘the epoch’ is tan- tamount to using the word epoch in vain.” Materialistic dialetics are not Trotsky’s strong point, and he is un- able to see the concrete for the gen- eral. He frequently skips over the real vital phases of .the revolution. Basing himself on such an abstract in- terpretation of the socialist revolu- tion, Trotsky underestimates not only the peasant but also the colonial- liberation and national movements. In his book The Peace Program, he speaks of a simultaneous isolated so- cialist revolution in the chief and highly developed capitalist countries. In 1923, Trotsky gave a new Com- munist coloring to his old slogan “the united states of Europe,” start- ing from the fact of: the “Balkaniza- tion” of Europe, Trotsky deems it necessary to issue in addition to the GENE! AND MAURICE ON THE GOLDEN ‘SHORE. TO SOCIALISM slogan of the workers’ and péasantes’ government the slogan of the Soviet united states of Europe. According to him, this slogan makes the slogan of the workers’ and peasants’ govern- ment more concrete’ and ‘somplete, But this slogan is not by any means acceptable to the Communist move- ment in the present stage of its de- velopment, In this, Trotsky- shows again that he underestimates the na- tional movements. At the present’ stage it behooves Communists to use the national movements of the op- pressed nations for the purpose. of bringing them over to the side of the revolution by insisting on the realiza- tion of the national self-determination slogan. Oppressed nationalities dis- trust the oppressor nations, and there- fore we cannot raise the question of the federation of peoples before we'go thru a period of national separation and individualization, when the pro- letariat by helping the backward na- tions will gain their confidence and will lay the foundation ‘of a compre- hensive European Soviet federation. . But to make’ the establishment’ ‘of such a federation -an immediate task is tantamount to losing opportunities. for the winning over of the national movements, in fact it is tantamount to skipping over a definite stage of the revolution. One had to adopt Lenin’s viewpoint to be able to initiate and continue the Russian revolution. ‘One had to understand the importance‘of the peasant, national and -colonialy liberation movements for the Russian revolution. In the same way it is es- sential to accept the Lenin theory of the proletarian revolution to be @ble to initiate and continue the miove- ment of the proletarian revolution in the other countries. But Trotsky’s theory of revolution does not give us the possibility either to initiate or to continue the proletarian revolution wherever it may be, [ VA athatecittiesiste ie monthly tells us that tere is a “Lenin School” in Chicago; which means that Superintendent of Schools McAndrew is to be replaced by a statue of Lenin —marble for a block of wood. And Communism goes parading on the streets of America. It’s a fact. Earl Browder will swear to it. He proves it by pictures taken by a regu- lar photographer, not a Communistic one, so the pictures must be unbiased. bp forty pages are just crowded with fights, probably inspired by Jack Dempsey passing thru Chicago. Anyway, there's the story of the “Fight for Unity in Minnesota,” of which an Englishman with the en- phonious name of Hathaway is referee And there's the story of the election fight in Halle, Germany, which should have been entitled, “Socialists Paint the Fatherland Red,” but wasn’t en- titled that because the stairway broke down and the red blood of the workers was discolored with bruises. Fs pthbrg the flamboyant covers there’s evidence of immorality, too. A picture on page 297 is evidence in question. Two of the Rugsian girls in the picture have dimpled knees. Furthermore, what do you think of |@ poet who starts out like this: “I'm a happy-go-lucky son of a reckless brood— Painter of smoke stacks, steeples, flag poles, and sky-scraping cor- nices. ‘3 Give me a piece of rope and I'll climb to God-knows-where, and dance a sailor's hornpipe a’ top of it.” The man hasn't even affixed hig signature at the end, He's probably a conceited kind of cuss who thinks that his poetry is known by its quality, like the rare real stuff in bottles, and doesn't require any labels for adver. tising, 5 poy read the darn thing from be- » ginning to end now a half dozen times and we're it some more. It’s the darndest, bewitchingest thing. But to get even with the au- thor, we're going to tell here who he is. Oh, heck! He's no real poet from Greenwich Village. He's just a work- ing stiff in Cleveland. His name is Jim Waters. t HERE’S a lot more unmentioned stuffi—some perhaps unmention- able—in the May issue of the Work- ers’ Monthly. It’s the kind of stuff that makes the little jackasses who get out Liberty and Saturday Evening Post have nightmares. But a sound old working horse can relish his;bit of wild oats among his firmer intel- lectual grub. RISING WATERS. Foam on the sea And not the sea— What of the jagged rocks, y And the waves themselves, - Vis And the force of the mounting waters? You are — Pibiog << But foam on'the sea, +6 iF : You rich ones— Nig Beis Not the séa, —Langston Hughes. ' In the April iseue ef The Workers Monthly. Plutes Can’t Make Opera Pay. The Chicago Civic Opera company suffered a deficit of $399,276 during the season just closed, according to the annual report of the guarantc issued today. This is the loss since its organization three years ago. ] Beast Push Kansas Conspiracy, Case, TOPEKA, Kans.,, May) 12>, every indication pointing toa bitterly fought legal battle; attorneys for state and defense in the case of Jonathan M. ‘Davis, tormer.governor of Kansas, on trial in court Es forconspiracy and og a ribe, prepared today to get into the . BS a