The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 25, 1925, Page 6

Page Six ==: THE DAILY WORKER. pa ae a an LE TN Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING co. 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, DL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES ‘ By mall: $3.50....6 months $2.00....8 months By mail (in Chicago only): | Y $4.50....6 months $2.50...8 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1918 W. Washington Bivd. 3. LOUIS ENGDAHL san. Editors WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB....... wenn Business Manager FE Se ——— Entered as second-class mati Sept. 21, 1928, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. Chicago, tlineis E200 Advertising rates op app“cation Railway Workers and Shop Committees Unskilled labor bears the biggest part of the wage cuts that American capitalists are handing out. If in addition to doing that class of labor called unskilled—altho in many instances it re- quires a higher degree of special skill than many so-called trades—the workers are unorganized, the wage cuts are merciless. Railway labor, below that of the brotherhoods— engine firemen, conductors and trainmen, key occupations that the railroads try to keep satis- fied—is notoriously underpaid. Yet since 1920 the railroads with the advice, consent and co-opera- tion of the government railway labor board, have been deliberately and steadily reducing wages’ of the great majority of the railway workers. Clerks, telegraphers and signalmen, according} to the figures compiled by Leland Olds, statistician | for the Federated Press, have suffered reductions | of approximately 8 per cent. These occupations are fairly well organized and can be included in the lower strata of the labor aristocracy. But loaders, baggage handlers, freight handlers, | building mechanics (who on the railroads do not occupy the favored position they do in outside | building trades) section foremen, section laborers | and crossing flagmen have received cuts averaging a little over 20 per cent and ranging from 39.2 per cent for crossing flagmen to 14 per cent for section foremen: Maintenance of way men now average $2.79 for an eight-hour day. .This is getting back to “nor- maley” with a‘vengeance as it is almost as low as pre-war wages in many occupations. The important thing to remember in connection with this wholesale wage-slashing is that it is con- ducted by a government agency—ah agency which, when it was set up during the war by the Wilson administration, was hailed as a great victory for labor by the fakers. But government agencies, in America especially; have a way of changing and extending their functions, of perpetuating them- selves'in line with the pronounced increase of gov- ernment: centralization beginning during the war and continuing since that time. Government ownership is not looked upon favor- able by the railway magnates, but government ownership and control of living standards of rail- way workers is quite all right. The majority of the railway workers, by these figures, are shown to have been beaten down to the standard of common labor. Their organizations aré very feeble where they exist at all, but the railway labor board has created the necessary at- mosphere for organization to flourish. The first step in the transportation industry must be the creation of shop committees and their extension into a national network. These shop committees, in addition to handling the daily grievances of the workers, must be used to bring pressure on the existing unions and as the nucleus of an organization campaign. It is ridiculous to assert, as the labor fakers do, that the railway workers must be left to the tender mercies of the company unions. Low wages, long hours, lack of job control, cap- italist and government tyranny, together spell response to a militant organization drive. All the ‘necessary conditions for renewed ac- tivity of the railway workers are now present in the industry, but whatever is done will have to be in spite of the labor union bureaucrats and the labor aristocracy like the brotherhoods who have received a 5 per cent raise while the great mass of workers were getting wage cuts. Every day get a “sub” for the DAILY WORKER and a member for the Workers Party. Morgan’s Slave Agents “Lackeys” is a term we often use in describing the socialists and it is a word that seems to arouse their most violent indignation. But what: other word describes so wejl the servile attitude of the Second International to- wards capitalism? In Germany the socialist coalition is appealing to the masses for support against the monarchist candidate on the ground that it will be able to get more consideration from the Housé of Morgan. By “better consideration” the gocialists mean that the House of Morgan will be more liberal in the matter of loans. In other words, finance-cap- italists will condescend to allow the German work- ers to be exploited in larger numbers and more efficiently. If this is not Jackeyism and bootlicking of the most abject kind, what is it? The program of the German Communist Party is to turn ‘neck ahd crop, the whole evil-smel! ing and bloody gang of monarchists, capitalists— foreign and domestic—aud theib‘retainers, to set up a workers’ and farmers’ government, in place of the dictatorship of capital, the dictatorship of the working class. Compared to this program’ thatof the so-called socialists shows itself to be nothing but an out- right sale of the German’ masses to the interna- tional band of slave-drivers, It'i#*no wonder that confronted with a parliamentary opposition whose actions are directed by a desire to barter off the German masses unconditionally, the monarchists, who propose to sell at retail rather than whole- sale, should have acquired a large following. The German social-democracy is today nothing but a slave agency for the House of Morgan. They may be able to sell but delivery is some- thing else again. Equality Before the Law-Two Cases There are two news items in.our issue of yester- day that call for comment. One tells of the lynching of-a Negro. in North Carolina, merely suspected of an attack on a woman. The other is the story of the legal tiachine set in motion in Indianapolis to free on bail Stephen- son, high official of the ku klux klan, charged with ravishing a young girl in a particularly atrocious manner, resulting in her committing suicide by poisoning. This ?$t&me|%?4et (the stupid prohibition of many good old English words by the postoffice authorities is a great handicap in such cases as this) has been denouncing the Negroes, foreign- born workers and reds ‘in the best. 100 per: cent American style. He has been wrapping himself in a mantle of purity, posing as a protector of Amer- ican womanhood and the sanctity of the home, and like all the rest ofsthe leprous-minded brotherhood to which he belonged, has stirred up hatred: and suspicion among the nationalities and races that form American society. There seems to be little doubt of the guilt of this typical patriot, but he is given all the consideration to which he is entitled under the law. But the Negro in Carthage, North Carolina? This 18-year-old boy is not given the semblance of a trial. He is taken by a mob composed of | Stephensons, tortured andrkilled. Equality before the law? It is the sheerest hypoericy to say so. Neither will there be any semblance of equality until. the Negro. workers and farmers are organized to stop these and other bar- barities inflicted upon their fellows as a matter of course. The white ruling class, spreading its poison of racial prejudice and setting white worker against black, will cease its activities in this direc- tion when both black and. white workers treat the breed of Stephenson’ and “their supporters the same as they would a rattlesnake, backing up their aetions by powerful organizations formed for the fight against the common enemy—American cap- italism. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for the DAILY WORKER. Hawaiian Heroes Hawaii is on a war footing and the officers, naval and military, are happy. The warfare is of the mimic variety, no one will be killed with the possible exception of enlisted men by accidents in the land or naval batteries, and the officer caste is having-a hell of a good time. In the military prison of Hawaii are two private soldiers who saw thru the sham of “national de- fense,” “national honor,” “protection of our dem- ocratic institutions” and other phrases with which the masses are stupified and led to slaughter for the profit of those who rob them in time of peace. They understood the imperialist nature of cap- italist military preparedness and said so. According to the capitalist press the heroes are the officers who ate’strutting around the Hawaiian islands bedizened with all the panoply of warfare. But the reai heroes of the Pacific are these two soldiers and their comrades who dared to challenge the whole might of American imperialism+in one of its most important outposts. They are’ paying the penalty that capitalism, like all other slave systems, exacts from the slaves who rebel. But these two Communist soldiers have caused hundreds of thousands of workers ¢o stop and think of what all this mobilization of death-dealing machinery is about. Of just as much importance to the colonial work- ers and those of continental America as the naval maneuvers is the fact that right within the heart of American imperialism working class revolt has made itself heard and felt. Crouch and Trumbull will be remembered long after the rusted navies of imperialism are the play- thing of the tides, as the two workers who struck the first blow at the war-making machinery of American imperialism in the colonies. They and their fellows in the Hawaiian Com- munist League wanted affiliation with the Com- munist International—the only enemy of world capitalism. This is their crime and their glory. The “Stay Away” notices sent out by the central labor unions are becoming plentiful—sure’ signs that the period of great industrial activity is near- ing an end. The tour of the prince of Wales’ is featured by the killing of native rebels in South Africa. The world has not changed much °siice the time of Alexander the Great when the¥*used to slaughter a few captives in honor of his visit. fonenneee!)¥~ obi» | BEG avery day get a “sub” for the MATILY WORKER and a member for the Workers Party. RGR chad thy. RESIS gS hg Se at Si et a Bh Ra RS FB ea EI et Ration MI I BEES SE ML Ns RO ae ede Se SERED er AL <n: 2 ac ANN a ce EN Re, a RO Tat I ICR ENE EE Rc PRET THE DAILY WORKER ous Sessions of Enlarged Executive of the C. L Bucharin Speake FaacRueslan Question. Me Aprif #—(By Mail)—Ses- sion of thé enlarged executive of the Cominteri: At today’s morn- ing session Com¥ade Bucharin spoke on the Russian “question: It is not a question of persons, but one of political policy. There are in the Comintern, right social-demo- cratic dangers on the one hand, and ultra-left tendencies on the other. There also is a grouping of right ele- ments—as was demonstrated by Krei- bich’s speech, and grouping of left elements—as denionstrated by Bordi- ga’s support of Trotskyism. We thus see an attempt at a concentration of forces against the‘ official policy of the Comintern, ‘THe problem of the Russian revolution ‘has ‘thus become an international problem. The inter- nal occurrences “irl the Communist Party of Russia ‘are’ at once taken ad- vantage of by olir énemies and: half- enemies. The opportunists within the Comintern are supported by the rene- gades; this is of course the objective effect of the mechanism of - social forces. There is;jbesides, a. category of sentimental Communists, who judge things not fromeaupolitical point of view, but a to . their. senti- ments. UR task is ta lexiinine thoroly the correctness of the policy pursued by the central conimittee of the Com- munist Party of Russia, and the in- correctness of the opposition policy. The main characteristics of Trotsky- ism are: its underestimation of the peasantry, and’ its overestimation of the state apparatus. In the phase of war Communism these errors were not dangerous. The NEP requires other methods, a finer capacity for. differentiating, a change in our relations to the peas- antry, and the emphasis of the eco- nomic element in peasant economy. i* the opinion of many. comrades, Trotskyism is, , simply. menshev- ism. This view, is,,too..simple and therefore false. It necessary to re- gard Trotskyism AB as Structure pe- culiar to itself, this, is, possible only thru an analysis of the concrete. prob- lems. It is not by change,shat the last dis- cussion coincided: ims point .of time with the Russian -party’s change of policy in the peasant:question. We are in the midst ofa,new economic situation and newggocial conditions; hence the need for a)new policy. IROTSKYISM ma#iesits appearance; firstly, in the question of the dic- tatorship of industry; secondly, in the question of plaii*#tonomy (i. e., in the question of thé‘extent of the ra- tional element *‘in“"our economy); thirdly, in the quéstion of the price policy of the state trusts; fourthly, in the question of ~ reform; fifthly, in the question of socialist ac- cumulation and théstruggle against private capital. Hos; Some comrades*“ask whether it is not possible to have differences of op- inion in these questions without re- sorting to organizational measures. The answer is NOssince these ques- tions are not a matter of literary dis- cussion, but constitute the most vital questions of the dictatorship. Due to the growth of the economic life of the Soviet. Union, there was lately a certain tension.in.the rela- tions of workers and.peasants. The conflict of interests between the work- ing class as buyer andthe peasantry as seller’ of products,,hag given rise to a certain discord in. the peasantry. HE productive forces of the coun- try are growing rapidly; yet there is greater overpopulation and unem- ployment. The peasant, who has be- come mare active and independent, de- mands participation in the political life. The process of growth carries with it the danger of creating a gulf between the working class and the peasantry. Hence the need of new methods in two spheres of our policy; in the first place, our state ifdtistries must fur- nish the peasant ‘With cheaper goods than he is able to get from the capi- talist industry; inthe second place, what is necessary is not the dictator- ship of two classesy but the strength- ening of the dictatérship-of ‘the pro- letariat—by meansuof a peaceful pol- October” is his. oh that his estimate of the mottye , forces of the October revolution. has proved to be correct. The undéréstimation of the peasantry is intimately bound up with the theory of "permanent revolution.” The speaker elaborates on the theory of “permanent revolution” and shows that the revolution has not de- veloped according to Trotsky’s tactics and slogans, The party must overcome sky’s deviations. The central commit- tee is pursuing the real Leninist pol- icy, adapted to the given siiuation, but the fundamentals of’ Leninism as the party applies them are -attacked by Trotsky’s opposition. HE fight conducted against the old guard, and the attempt to shift the center of gravity to the party youth was really'an attempt to oppose the youth which was ‘infected with Tritskyism, to the'old guard. Trotsky’s demand for‘greater fac-~ tional liberty also pursued a strategic aim. Another fundamental error of Trotskyism is the underestimation of the leading role of the party, and the overestimation of the state apparatus. The party had to declare ruthless war against these errors. Those foreign comrades who had not analyzed the problems of Trotsky- ism but merely indulging in gossip, have themselves demonstrated the »ankruptcy of Trotskyism. 'N the Comintern the Trotskyists are a * wholly isolated. The Communist Party of Russia has. carried out -an ideological campaign against Trotsky- ism. The party has acquired many new elements, and today the party has but few Trotskyists. The party won a splendid Bolshevist victory first, and 4) only then did it resort to organization- al measures. The central commig§ee considers it its duty to continue the fight. The party is laboring under no illusions; it realizes that in spite of recognition and “peace” new contra- dictions will arise. The growth of the Soviet Union increases the Bolshevist danger, which in turn makes for new conflicts with the bourgeoisie. . Hence the necessity for absolute unity and discipline in the entire leadership of the party. The speaker asks the ple- num to give full support to the meas- ures taken by the Communist Party of Russia against Trotsky. (Stormy: ap- Plause.) ry q se x Bordiga Defends Trotskyism. I'VENING SESSION, Comrade SCOCCIMARCO (Italy): In the Italian party, Bordiga defends Trot- skyism, which i? not surprising, since Bordiga’s views on the role of the party and the peasantry, on the role’ of the leaders, and on the theory of spontaneity, have much resemblance with Trotskyism. Bordiga has supported Trotsky” in the question of the October events, in} AS WE SEE IT OL fp (Contintied from page:1). tract a stick of type in the lost and found columns, unless accompanied by a first class murder. But it must be said that the capitalist journalists whose business it is to think up-new variations of these forgeries are some- times capable of pulling off a first class fake. There is originality in the instructions attributed to Zino- viev, contained in his alleged. letter to the Bulgarian Communists, advis- ing the assassination of a fascist gen- eral, in order to provide an excuse for a funeral, which in turn would present a fine opportunity for a bomb to do its dirty work. ie oe T was quite obvious from the In- ception of the latest reaction in Bulgaria to the acts of the terrorist regime, that: a new anti-Soviet con- spiracy was on foot among the \capi- talist powers. Sofia dispatches to the New York Times inform us that the Bulgarian government has placed information in the hands- of the gov- ernments of France, England and Italy, purporting to show that the Communist International had — given the instructions which led up to the cathedral explosion. This may serve the purpose of the moment and en- icy and with methods which corres-| ble the capitalist powers to break the pond to the new'@lass relations. HE discussion’"began at a time when we had @ great stagnation of trade, and ba depreciated cur- rency; at a time” there was a real danger of a ‘cémplete break be- tween city and land. The solution of this problem was the most vital problém of the dictator- ship. Trotsky aséribed our plight to the irrationality ‘our economy, and Proposed he remedy, ‘to in- crease the rational elements ‘in our economy; he conatd the problem of price policy and currency reform as secondary, The central committee of the party viewed the matter from a different angle, and considered the currency reform and the lowering of prices as the two most emporeent questions, ioe plan consists primarily: in es- tablishing a proportion be- tween industry agriculture. ‘The demand for a an” ot indus- try over finances™meant the failure to understand ‘iat industry is de- pendent upon its culture. Trotsky and the ition have not grasped the imp ce of the peas- antry. The tant part of ‘Trotsky’s foreword to his “Lessons of Neuilly treaty and give’ Bulgaria per- mission to recruit a larger army. 8 the socialists is contained in a public statement “made” by: the social- ist leader, Passoukoff, who said: “Last week's events were the forerun- ner of the creation of'a Soviet Re public in Bulgaria.” This traitor goes on to say that he criticized the Zan- kov government in the past and would continue'to do so in the fu- ture, but—. ‘This'means that he was put up to show the world that free- dom of speech ‘really existed in Bul- garia for the Zankov opposition, and that terror was used only on bomb throwers and ‘desperadoes, What a despicable sinner! 9. Se NE of the few labor weeklies that reach our exchange desk, that is worth reading Topics. This ag refreshing ag tard at 2 o'cloc ing in Februar raft. that the Montana “sharp morn- ‘jun be said ly has some- ‘That thing extraor- pu ae Proof of ‘the perfidy o the discussion of the Commuist Party of Russia, and in the question of the tactics of the Comintern executive. Bordiga demands: the revision of the Comintern tactics in the question of the united front, in that of trade union unity, in the question of a workers’ and peasants’.government, and in the organizational questions. He refuses to admit his own mistakes. Trotsky’s attitude is not wholly identical with that of Bordiga, but the resemblance is great. Trotskyism is dangerous for the Comintern because it offers a point of crystallization for right tendencies. oes IREINT (France): In France the right wing was opposed to the formation of trade union committees, and trade union fractions; in these questions the right wing wanted to re- treat before the anarchists; it op- posed the reorganization: ofthe party on the basis of shop, nuclei, it opposed the creation of a party apparatus, it supported the right wing’ in the Ger- man Communist Party, it* succumbed to the ‘illusions créated’ ‘by the Mac- Donald government,, propagated the freedom of factions, and underestim- ated the role of the party. The right wing agrees with Trotsky. It at- tempted to establish international con- nections. The French delegation of- ficially asks whether Trotsky has any connections with Souvarine, Rosmer and Monatte, and it expects an un- equivocal answer. The Communist Party of France has combatted and ‘iquidated Trotskyism which is par- ticularly dangerous in petty bourgeois France. ELL (England): The British party is in full accord with the central committee of the Communist Party of Russia and with the executive of the Comintern. During a stabilizAtion period like the present one in central Europe, the party must not yield, but doubly intensify its activities. The right tendencies in the Comintern are based on the failure to grasp the es- sencé of Bolshevism. It is not at all surprising to hear the bourgeoisie praise the renegades Newbold, Price;- Hoeglund, Balaban- ova, etc.; it is somewhat more difficult to explain their, praise of Trotsky. The British, party, is aware that Trot- skyism.is.an.old problem. Discipline, and: self-criticism are necessary,to.overcome our own errors. The central,committee of the Com- munist Party of. Russia has acted cor- rectly. J EUMANN (Germany): The speak- er ahalydes Trotskyism as an in- ternational phenomenon, and points out that in Germany Tratskyism oc- curs in the question of the relation of the party to the class, in the questions relating’ to ‘the ‘inner structure and leadership, in the question of the allies of the ‘proletariat, and in the view that a bloc- revolution is possible. ~ By TJ. O'Flaherty of Labor... He went into Great Falls, lit a fat cigar, stuck his thumbs into his yest after the fashion of the movie bawdy house keeper, and ordered the radicals, to, run for cover. The great open spaces. .resounded to the loud guffaw of layghter that the ukase of this fat chunk of protoplasm called forth. The militants are faughing yet, and fighting. eee “ HE DAILY ‘WORKER carried sev- eral stories on the situation in Great Falls. Suffice it to say that Smith tried to’do there what he did in Minneapolis, when he ousted the Communists from the central labor body. But he did not kill the Com- munist movement in the Twin Cities; neither did he kill it in Great Falls. That he succeeded in doing some harm we will admit. And that the employers appreciate his disruptive work, is also admitted. It does not appear, owever, ‘that the militants in Great Falls are lying down and tak- ing their punishment calmly. They are fighting back vigorously and they are to be congratulated’on having a paper like Town ‘Topics to throw the hooks into the ‘takers ‘ind give the labor movement the right lead. More power to them!” Recover, Collins, Body CAVE CITY, KyjeApril 23.—The body of Floyd Collins, trapped in an underground cavern iit’ nd Cave for the past two mont wat the surface this morning ana brought here, nou 6 obboww Let the Jesus-screamers, The open shop artists, . And their ilk, rey So | ca Then, The right wing is striving to attain freedom of factionalism. The lessons derived from the Trot- sky discussion must be international- ized. Every party should utilize these lessons. ANBORN (America): In the United States Trotskyism is represented by Loreism. Lore has not understood Trotskyism theoretically. The speak- er confirms the view of Bucharin that all enemies of the Comintern support Trotskyism. Lore is a typical enemy of the Comintern. He supported Ser- rati and Levi against the Comintern. and wrote in 1923, that it was thé duty of the German Communist Party to prevent the German revolution. Lore’s attitude towards the peasantry is Trotskyist, in spite of the fact that the farmer question in America is of great importance. Lore is also op- posed to a céntralized” disciplined party. The American party must fight Trotskyism on» the ideological and or- ganizational fields:--The~majority of the central committee: of the Ameri- can party at first ‘vascilated on the Trotsky question,. but: under: pressure from the minority, it accepted the res- olution against Trotsky. Lore is an enemy of the party; we must fight him unitedly. t CHAFARSCH — (Czecho-Slovakia): The former central committee vascillated in the question of Trot- skyism and criticized the methods and forms used in combatting Trotskyism, The new central committee of the Czech Party gave its full support to the central committee of the Com- munist Party of Russia in the second discussion. The defeat of Trotskyism was the defeat of opportunism on an international scale: The Czecho-Slo- vakian party is in full accord with the Communist Party of Russia ‘in the Trotsky question. De (America) considers the, Lore tendency not as dangerous! as does Sanborn, if it is fough ht uae edly. The party has published most important material’ on Trot. ism for the membership. “ Sanborn is right im demanding ‘a “campaign against Loreism, but such a’ catpaign must be conducted in léyalty to’ the central committee. “The” American party is 100 per cent against ‘Trotsky- ism. There is the danger of arti- ficial organizational interference with- out a previous ideological Bucharin has shown the i ta: to combat Trotskyism first ideok ally, and then organizationally. * speaker hopes that the opposition 1 vill be liquidated, thereby making a: ‘unit. ed fight against Loreism BrcHaRin, in his closing speech calls attention to-the- fact that the Trotskyists have not participated in this discussion. He moves that the Political commission be instructed to formulate the resolution on the Trot- sky question. of be N. Y. Young Workers to Have Sunday’ Hike NEW YORK, April 23.—The hed Workers League of this’ district’ hs arranged a general hike fo1 April 26, in which the entire ‘Imember- ship of the Young Workers abe will participate. Every member of the Young mut ers League will be there, and all other young workers are invited. Young workers’ clubs, tourists’ clubs” and others are also invited to joi There will be a band of as well as other forms of ‘entertainment. An educational program and a-special bulletin for the occasion have also been prepared. All you need is your lunch and about 30 cents fare and we assure every one a good time. All over 30 will not be excluded. Oliver Carlson to Speak on Youth © Movement Sula At the Bronx, anes vs Forum, 1347 Boston road, Sunday evenin April 26, Oliver Carlson of ~ " rkers’ School, will lecture on the “The International Youth ‘Movement.’ Everybody ig invited and admission is free. Does your. friend subeisian the DAILY WORKER? Ask oo ™ on |. i (tia _————— International Workers’ Aid Calls!“ Did you do your duty? Statistics. hes tired of listening to sun-shine talk, i, a This pleinthe-sky stuff, e " 4 ' This travesty on patient toil; Hook their fat. necks over a flying emery wheel. For....eight....long.... hours; Bn- And to the beat and whir of machinery, a 3 Chant this: “1 work to get’ money to buy food to-gét strong, tifa money to buy food to yee y will understand Why the church. pews are empty, for unloniom. te r j { : 4