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x a Page Six Ow wert THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER. ————_—_—_——_—— Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, DL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: 96.00 per year $8.60....6 months $2.00....8 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.60...3 months Adress all mail and wake out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 4918 W. Washington Bivd. 2. LOUIS ENGDAHL t WILLIAM F. DUNNE ove DG ItOre MORITZ J. LOEB.......ccsenessom- Business Manager Chioage, tlineie Satored as second-class mall Sept. 21, 1928, at the Post- @ffice at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. Pt eS ES <a 290 Advertising rates om application Dawes Plan for France We have been saying that a Dawes plan for France was in preparation and the latest news con- firms this. Under-secretary Winston of the gov- ernment debt funding commission has sailed for France, and de Monzie, the new. finance minister, has already proposed that the railroads and the telegraph and telephone service, which in France is part of the postoffice department, become private concerns. Taxes also are to be increased on many staple commodities if the de Monzie plan is accepted. These two measures are characteristic of the Dawes plan and it matters little by what name the scheme is called in France. The pressure by the House of Morgan is ap- plied relentlessly. The French ruling class may complain, but they are learning the old, old proverb to the effect that he who pays the piper calls the tune. The French capitalist class are now or soon will be, vassals of American finance-capital. They in turn have their own sphere of influence in Poland and Roumania, but the circle in which they can operate becomes narrower. French foreign policy will now become the foreign policy of the House of Morgan. The job of the French rulers now is to placate the masses, to prevent revolt against the new rulers—the American plunderbund. It is always harder to rule for an overlord than, to rule in one’s own right and for this reason the extension of American imperialist hegemony over France creates new and great possibilities for the French Communist Party. Help the Irish Famine Victims The article by Comrade Robert Stewart, secre; tary of the Irish section of the Workers’ Interna- tional Relief which appears in another column should convince the most skeptical that the need for help to the famine situation in Ireland is more than serious and that it is the duty of the class conscious workers of the United States to do some- thing, and that immediately, in order to save thousands of working class lives that are threat- ened by one of the greatest disasters that ever visited a country referred to by August Bebel as the “classic land of oppression.” The DAILY WORKER has kept the famine situation in Ireland before its readers since news of the distress first reached us. We have given publicity to the work of the Irish Workers’ and Peasants’ Famine Relief Committee. We have done this not.alone because we want to see the suffer- ings of our brothers and sisters in Ireland alle- viated but more important still, because we want to see the workers of all lands get into the habit of helping each other instead of allowing the rob- ber capitalists to pose as saviors in the eyes of their victims with their cautious and degrading charity. No reader of this paper, and particularly no Communist, needs to be convinced there is no better way of bringing the message of international solidarity home to the Irish workers than by com- ing to their assistance in their hour of trial, partic- ularly as the capitalist class and their agents in the press and in the pulpit are ignoring the agony of the famine-stricken. Let the workers of all lands help each other! When they learn to do this, they will also learn to fight on behalf of each other, Money, Munitions and War What manufacturer of steel products but is for bigger, better, bloodier and more expensive wars when he is shown figures giving the appre cost of munitions in the next gigantie conflict? The list of heads of heavy industry acting as an advisory ordnance board in co-operation with the war department includes such well-known patriots as Gary and Sehwab, Tripp of the West- inghouse conc and Woodin of the American Car and Foundry company. Coupled with the need for markets and military protection for the exploiters is the assurance that huge contracts for munitions at war prices will more than make up for any temporary interrup- tion of business. Then there are the loaus by the finance-eapitalists under whose terms the cash advanced is used largely for the purchase of goods from the imperialist. nation. With an enormous navy and surplus of goods at home, enormous quan- “‘tiew of liquid capital and complete control of the national government, our robber class plots and dreams of conquest. That the Pacific cruise of the navy is more than mere show is obvious when we connect it up with the militarist propaganda of the capitalist press, the howling of the admirals and generals, the trial mobilizations and training camps and the meeting of the ordnance advisory board with its personnel chosén from heavy industry. The finance-capitalists have not yet sueceeded in stopping the flow of gold into the United States from every corner.of ethe capitalist world. Qut of a total of approximately $9,000,000.00 in gold exhe yir and bullion one-half is in this country. Te carelee carries with it a constant danger of inflation and calls constantly for re-investment. Since the first of the year huge loans have been made, but these in turn have cfeated new spheres of exploitation from which increasing profits are derived. The increas- ing amount of foreign loans force the American government more and more to make foreign policy its major concern. The extension of the power of the United States increases the rivalry between it and Japan, it and Great Britain. World politics for American im- perialism takes on more and more the character of a war for the extermination of competitors. War is politics carried to its logical and inevitable con- clusion. What is the task of the working class movement and especially of its most conscious section—the Communist Party? It is to utilize’ every oppor- tunity to arouse the masses of workers and farmers of America to the danger and to establish and maintain the closest connections with the working class of the nations threatened by American im- perialism for joint action against the enemy—the robbers and war mongers. Texas Is Typical The fight of the Negroes in Texas for the right to vote in the primaries preceding elections, the story of which we carried yesterday, is not a very clear one, but is indicative of the feudal status of the race in the south. A Texas primary election in which but one Negro votes is by that fact illegal. This puts it up to the authorities to use their best judgment, as the saying goes. It meaps that no Negro will be allowed within gunshot of the polling places. In Texas as elsewhere in the former slave states the right of Negroes to vote is purely theoretical. They are completely disfranchised and consequent- ly unable to take any advantage whatever of such privileges as the franchise gives. Southern poli- ticians therefore felt it necessary to do anything for the Negro masses. The mild reforms that the white workers have been able to force affect the Negro not at all. In spite of this the Negroes, by mass migration to the north, have been able lately to secure slight- ly more consideration from the southern landlords and capitalists. Not all of them can migrate, how- ever, and at best the cessation of some of the worst forms of persecution forced by this method is only temporary. Like the white workers were forced to do, the Negroes must organize in the north and south. They must establish in one form or another a cen- tralized body to combat all kinds of racial persecu- tion and its first task must be to force fret? the white working “class a recognition of the Negro as an equal and an ally in all struggles of the working class. A struggle like that in Texas must be broadened owt and given a national character, the isolated efforts made by the Negroes must be connected up into. one mass movement in which the class in- terests of the great majority of the Negroes, work- ers and farmers, are recognized as such and made the basis for the program of struggle. British Leaders Urge. Trade Union Unity FOR WORLD TRADE UNION UNITY (Concludes: fe last issue.) What Happened at Amsterdam Meeting of the I. F. T. U. General Council, Feb. 5 to 7. We have now taken up the story at the point where the official letter of the Trade Union Congress had been sent to the I. F. T. U. urging an unconditional and immediate confer- ence. The general council had also before it, at this'meeting of February 5 to 7, 1925, a telegram from the All- Russian Coun¢il’ of Trade Unions making a similar’proposal. The mem- bers of the general coun¢il who had to reach a décisfon on these propos- als were as follows: Burea\ A. A. Purcell, | Great Britain, presi- dent |. F. T. uy (dn the chair). ‘, Jouhaux,. Terance, Th. Lelpart, Germany, C. Mertens, Belgium, vice- presidents. J. Oudegeest, Johann Sassenbach, John W. Brown, secretaries. Management, Committee: . Bramley, Great Britain. - Buisson, France. . Stelnhuis, Holland. D’Aragona, Italy. L. Caballero, Spain. . Durr, Switzerland. Grassmann, Germany. » Tayerle, Czecho-Slovakia. Madsen, Denmark. » Jaszai, Hungary. . Zulawsky, Poland. International Trade Secretariats: A. J. Cook, International Miners’ Federation, E. Fimmen, International port Workers’ Federation. G. J. A. Smit, International Fed- eration of Commercial, Clerical, and Technical Employes. The discussion on unity in the in- ternational trade union movement was opened by @ ‘Speech from Oude- geest, who put*férward the following resolution on behalf of the bureau: The general Gouncil regrets that the Russian tradé unions are not prepared to accépt'the invitation of the Vienna Congréss to affiliate with the I. F. T. Use * ; The general coucil regrets that the Russian organizations keep up their hostile attitiide towards the |. F. T. U. and its“affiliated bodies. The general ¢ddtincil is of the op- inion that everything possible has been done on the part of the |. F. T. U, ito Induce the Russians to come in; and‘that théSbureau should be instructed to notify the Russian trade union centér’that we regard the whole questié# as finished; and that we should refrain from any fur ther correspondénde. This-tathér wild® “proposal, N@OORVAMr DEN Trans- which The leaders in such a movement, indications of /would have bolted and barred the door which are already to be seen, will come from the class-conscious section of the Negro masses—they will be Negro workers who know that neither their race nor the white workers can never be really free while capitalism lasts. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for the DAILY WORKER. The Thompson Case Constitutions and by-laws, precedents and de- cisions, mean nothing to the labor fakers of the against’ any further attempts at inter- national unity, was not, it appears probabl> from suli$equent events, put forward except ava’ stalking-horse resolution. It eiffbled other resolu- tions or amendmétits*of the right wing of the meeting to°take on the appear. ance of a midway course by contrast with it; and whéfi* its purpose was served it was witt@rawn without hav- ing been put tothe vote. After Oudegeesthad spoken, Fred Bramley, in aig and masterly spech, put forwatd’the British pro- posal for an uncérditional immediate conference. a Farrington type when it is a question of crushing} After a long disétission a new reso- the left wing to prevent its interference with the| lution was put forward by Steinhuis plans of the officialdom which in the United Mine| #4 Smit, which ran as follows: Workers include a scheme worked in conjun¢tion with the coal owners to drive 200,000 miners out of the industry. The attempted ousting of Freeman Thompson, president of Sub-District 4 of District 12, by Far- rington, cannot be justified by any law of or precedent established in the union. On the con- trary, decisions on similar’ cases uphold Thompson and not Farrington. Two decisions by Farrington and one by Wright, executive beard member, made on March 12, » 1928, April 21, 1928, and April 20, 1923, are specific in stating that the district office is without power to decide controversies arising out of sub-district elections. Yet Farrington rules that Thompson is not entitled to hold office. Accustomed to official corruption for years, the miners have become cynical, but this last instance is a little too raw. Even the local to which Walker, the Farrington choice for Thompson’s office, be- longs has unanimously repudiated this action. The Thompson ease is one on which the member- ship will fight. It is so easily seen that behind Farrington are the coal operators who have not been able to bend Thompson to their will that the question is really one of the life of the union in Sub-district 4. We do not believe that the rank and file of the miners in this sub-district, the most militant in Illinois, are going to let Farrington or anyone else wreck their organization. The Thompson fight is a fight of the whole-left wing. The Australian workers are Ahreatening to boy- cott the American fleet when it reaches there as a protest against the criminal syndiealism and sedition laws in the United States, World solidar- ity of the working class is not such a utopian desire after all, Every day get a “sub” for the DAILY WORKER and a member for the Workers Party. | Steinhuis-Smit R ution. | The general council of the I. F. T. U. after having examined the cor- respondence between the I. F. T. U. and the All-Russian Council of Trade Unions instructs the execu- tive committee of the I. F. T. U. to inform the All-Russian Council of Trade Unions that the |. F. T. U. is prepared to admit the All-Russian Federation of Trade Unions, when they express their desire to this ef- fect. ia The I. F. T. wae declares itself Prepared to con) a conference in Amsterdam wit 4 , the All-Russian Council of Tra Unions with a view to an exchange of opinions as soon as possibi, after the All-Rus- sian council intimates its desire to be admitted to the I. F. T. U. sation strongly op- m, and pressed for- ward their T. U. C, policy, which was supported in apééches by Fimmen, Cook, and Bramlé in his reply.. The British proposal ‘as then voted on and defeated by'13 votes to 6. The six were: Purcell, Bramley, Cook, Brown, Fimmen dnd Madsen. A simi- lar resolution moved by Durr met with a similar fate, Tié Stenhuis-Smith res- olution was then carried by 14 votes to 5, Madsen voting with the majority. bd The British delegation, making the best of a bad job, then moved that negotiatory delegates be appointed under the terms of the resolution that had been passed, After some demur this was agreed to, and the bureau, together with Bramley, Fimmen, Grassmann and “Zilawsky, were thus appointed. It shoujt bo Weted that the presr correspondents’-4etters dealing with the meeting (n ly the Manchester Guardian) were tendencious, and in some cases the correspondents had ‘delegates? We publish herewith the last instalment of. extracts from the Special Supplement to the Monthly Circular of the Labor Research Department of the British Trade Union Congress devoted to further- ing world trade union unity. The Special Supplement began with a preface by A. A. Purcell, president of the International Federation of Trade Unions (Amster- dam) and is composed largely of original documents; correspondence between the Red International of Labor Unions and the Amsterdam right wing officialdom, reports of conferences, etc. The publication of this Special Supplement, the very frank and militant announcement of its purposes by the president of the Amster- dam International, the complete exposure of the treacherous and dis- ruptive tactics of the right wing which it contain: Il are indicative of the tremendous hold that the slogan of World Trade Union Unity has gained upon the British trade union movement, the most powerful section of the Amsterdam International.—Ed. Note. clearly been supplied with misleading accounts of what happened. Thus much publicity was given to the story that Purcell had repudiated the idea of a world congress. Mertens at the close of the discussion proposed that this alleged “repudiation” be recorded on the minutes, whereupon Bramley made it clear thatthe British had not repudiated the idea of a world labor congress; but simply were against it being called immediately. | The Meaning of Amste | What exactly is the effect of the Stenhuis-Smit resolution, carried against the opposition of the British Its tone has nothing of the blatant hostility of the Oudegest- bureau resolution. ,What of its sub- stance? It drops the previous stipula- tion as to formal acceptance of rules and statutes and substitutes therefore “the expression of a desire” as sufli- cient preliminary for admission of the Russians to the I. F. T. U. More, it says that once this desire is express- ed, they are prepared to meet the Rus- sians in conference. That is all. But, to speak paradoxically, its sub- stance is found rather in the things it omits. Thus it makes no mention of the world labor congress, it leaves out—a significant omission—any refer- ence to the declaration of principles and policy sent by Tomsky at the I. F. T. U.’s request, it is silent on the question of Anglo-Russian relations (a matter on which Mr. Stenhuis had been sufficiently vocal), and, most im- portant of all, it quietly ignores the existence of the R. I. L, U., Tomsky’s repeated references to the R. I. L. U. and the known public attitude of the Russian Trade Union Congress‘in sup- port of the R. I, L. U. That is to say, by this sudden omission of the cen- tral issues of the controversy, and by its bland acceptance of a conference provided the Russians join the I. F. T. U., the resolution appears to throw the onus and odium of rejecting such a conference upon the heads of the Russian trade unions, while in reality it represents a reversion to the die- hard position of early 1924; This then would seem to be the substance of the resolution. Never. theless it is not quite a reversion to the situation of nine months ago. There are differences, differences only of wording perhaps,’ possibly differ- encés of emphasis and meaning. But the extent to which ‘the position” is really altered in any way from that of June last depends on what weight is given to these subtle differences-by those concerned, by the trade union leaders of Europe. That is to say, the distance travelled since last. June is not a fixed measurement, it is a question of interpretation. How do they interpret it? .Fimmen considers it to be a trap for Moscow, a resolution which under a specious appearance is really a wrecking mo- tion, not a “compromise,” but a defeat of the British and the Russians. On the other hand a more favorable opin- ion has been expressed on this side, that it is really a half-way house reso. lution. The Right Wing Interpretation. | In such a case it is best to turn to those who backed the motion, who carried it and who presumably were acutely aware of’ 'its implications. Here we find at once that the right wing of Amsterdam’ have treated the resolution as a very smart piece of work, a Satisfactory solution that gives them a victory over the Russian trade unions. Vérwarts, for instance, contained af article on Feb. 11, in which under the chuckling headline, “Moscow's Tu to. Speak,” they put forward the folldwite interpretation: n, 0 general coun- - clin to invite the Russians to a. al. conference, if they previously, are, ready to join the I. F. T, ate shrewd blow at the Bolshevik. “apljt-brothers. The entry of the, ussian trade unions into the jam = International must be preceded by their exit from the R, I. L. Us-which means the end of io he WY 2 How do ti gh look upon it? Here we Ay ‘af, Jouhaux, chairman of one—an jt, largest one—of the three anion Confederations which divide . allegiance of the French workers, up a similar line to Vorwarfs,, In, the. course of a long article (in which he repeats the false report of the 1 Bramley- -Purcell at. titude towards ‘orld congress) he says: “The Russia trade unions have the opportunity “say “In a concrete way whether or not they wish to OU can have this valuable material on world trade union unity, together with the summary of the report of the British trade union delegation to Rus: you can always ha’ in 1924, in one pamphlet for your files. This way ready for reference this important’ publication of the Labor Research Department of England. HE DAILY WORKER has received a limited number only and re- quests are being filled in order received. Each copy sells at ten cents and can also be had from all authorized DAILY WORKER Agents. . enter the I. F. T. U.; they ty that'they must go out of the door of the R. 1. L. U, and the question of a_united. front, (which is behind the camouflage of the proposed world congress on unity) cannot be rais- ed.” This attitude is put still more bluntly in the curt stipulation of Oudegeest (as reported in Vorwarts of Feb. 9): If they join the |. F. T. U., they must naturally leave the R. I. L. U. Even more explicit is the interview given by Oudegeest to Het Volk on Feb. 9, where he sets forth his inter. pretation of the “compromise” reso- lution as follows (emphasis ours): 1am heartily in favor of the Stenhuis proposal because the only alteration its acceptance would make to the position would be TO STRENGTHEN THE _ RESOLU- TION OF THE VIENNA CON- GRESS. The Congress of Vienna ordered us to enter into negotiations with the Russians on the basis of our statutes and principles. This, however, has been refused by the Russians whg in its stead proposed with the backing of the English dele gation—to have an unconditional conference. The answer given to that by the general council is, in short, the same as what has been proclaimed by us for years in speech and in writing, and what has also already been communicated te the American trade unions, namely: if you declare yourselves ready to affiliate with the I. F. T. U., then THERE IS A POSSIBILITY. OF DISCUSSING WITH US THE REG. ULATING OF! POSSIBLE POINTS OF DETAIL. So the general council has not only approved of the attitude of the bureau.” It has taken a_ further move: either to reach unity THRU THE AFFILIATION OF THE RUS- SIAN TRADE UNIONS TO THE 1. F. T. U. OR TO MAKE AN END OF THESE FRUITLESS NEGOTIA- TIONS—fruitless till now thru no fault of ours—as I proposed in my opening speech. Thus, to sum up, it is abundantly clear that to the right wing of Am- sterdam the resolution of Feb. 7 is being interpreted—and presumably will be acted upon—as a return to the obdurate attitude of a year ago and as a snub to the unwholesome activities displayed by our Trade Union Con- gress in the cause of unity. a Decision of the British T. U. C. General Council. The whole situation had to be dis. cussed by the general council of the Trades Union Congress at its meet ing of Feb. 25 and 27. Various alter. native courses were open to them, Their own basic policy was clear. It had been laid down in Mr. Bramley’s letter (quoted above) on Novembe. 17. There was no need for recrimination. The question was simply that of choosing the immediate steps that would eventually lead to the fulfilment in the most fruitful way of that basic policy. After full discussion it was resolved to remit the whole question to the standing international committee of the general council, whose duty it would be to meet the representatives of the Russian Trades Union Con- gress, and discuss with them the diffi. culties arising out of the Stenhuis- Smit resolution, Up to September, when the Trades Union Congress will be held, and the whole course of the unity negotiations since the Hull Congress will come under review, the progress of relations with Moscow and Amsterdam will now depend largely on the steps taken and the policy pursued by the ten repre- sentatives of the general council who, together with is officers, make up the international committee. faust Last Opera Rendered by San Carlo Performers By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN. The San Carlo Opera company wound up its week run at the Audi- torium last Sunday night with a much slashed up performance of Faust. in the Gounod version. Two scenes, those of the cathedral and of the bracken, were cut out completely, and other scenes, such as the one in which occurs the chorus of soldiers, were re- duced to only a fraction of their or- iginal length. And yet this had to be. For Faust was written to be given under Parisian conditions, where opera begins early and is over late, and not for production under. Chicago Auditorium conditions, where opera begins late and is over com- atively early. At that last Sun- day's performance was nearly three hours long. The opera was excellently cast. There was a splendid sense of team- work among the five principals. All the pricipals were good. Pietro de Biasi as Mephisto perhaps stood out a little more than the others. He has has large physique and the compelling and powerful voice for the part. Bl- anco Saroya has the voice of M guerite, which part she sang, but figure of a Brunnhilde, At that is so graceful that when five-and- half foot Marguerite fell into the ! of four-and-three-quarter-foot Siebel it did not look funny. Mario Valle, a baritone with a voice that shakes buildings, made Valentine a man and not a demi-god. Great work! Demetrio Onofrei, who is a gifted tenor, somewhat over. eee the role of Faust. It seems as if Gounod could not conceive of two principal tenors ‘on the stage at the same time. ‘So he made the part of Siebel, Faust’s rival for Marguerite, a contralto role. Now nobody is ever fooled into believing that Siebel is a boy. Mary Kent, who |. did the part last Sunday, looked like |, a nice, pretty, little girl, and her sing: ing of the fidwer song in the second act; next to Biasi’s rendition of the “Song of the Golden Calf” was the whole show. ’ ‘There were some remarkable things Bg mr .|performances are good. best individual performance of the \, WOMAN'S PLACE WITH COMMUNISTS : By LEO KAMENEV. 4 women must first of all be free from the trammels of household drudgery. It is only as a full-fledged producer and fellow fighter 4 _ within the ranks of the workers’, army that women will + in their complete emancipation. is in the nore revolutionary. cartyenthe. Communist in staging there. For instonce, in the first scene, old man Faust, the ascetic, the philosopher, wore a brown monk's robe and under it white kid shoes and white silk stockings! And the victor- jous army with which Valentine is associated must have numbered twenty. Well, the San Carlo is gone. Their Their sing- ers are good. Let us hope that when they return next year they stay long- er and play to better houses. c Gale Injures Ten. PLYMOUTH, England, April I The Cunard liner Antonia, arriving here today from New York, reported ten passenges wee slightly inj during a flerce gale. é ‘Get a sub—make another Com- munist! Therefore, women’s eget ee |