The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 25, 1925, Page 3

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

Page Three SECTION OF THE This NION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE ‘INVESTIGATION’ BY HUTCHESONIS _AHOWLING FARCE Article 5 Ansvering Secretary Duffy By ‘J. W. JOHNSTONE In Secretary Duffy’s circular letter to local unions and district councils, “explaining” the expulsion policy of Hutcheson, he naturally did not men- jon what immediate expulsions were contemplated or that the process of expelling political opponents was to continue. _Hutcheson’s expulsion cy- clone has swept quite a large territory and does not seem to have spent it- self. Los Angeles, Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, and now it has reached New York. Lapidus Victimized “The newest prospective victims are the officers of Local 376 and Joseph Lapidus, campaign manager of Morris Rosen who was the left wing candi- date for general president in the re- cent carpenters’ election, Mr. Duffy notified these members to appear before a special investiga- tion committee of the G. E. B. on March 18th, to answer the charge of circulating “scandalous, scurrilous, and defamatory literature.” (At this writing no word has been received as to the results of this investigation.) This is the same old chestnut that Brindell (Hutcheson’s crony) used when expelling his opponents before he went to the penitentiary, and is also in general use by John L. Lewis, Frank Farrington, and other labor takers. The Reason Behind It The real reason back of this action, however, is seen in the vote cast in Local 876 in the general election— Hutcheson received 8 votes, Brown 4, and Morris Rosen 222, for general + president. And it would not do to allow this sentiment to develop in such a large center as New York with- out at least trying to smash it. Section 55 of the general constitu- tion could not serve Hutcheson’s pur- pose in a local where he could only get,8 votes, so, as in the other expul- sion! cases, it is placed in cold storage. The skids have been greased and a * fake “investigation committee” select- ed by Hutcheson to give a legal at- mosphere to a verdict that Dad * ready been reached: ~~~ “A Falr Trial”? Just consider for a moment the farce that is being enacted. The G. E. B., or rather Hutcheson, because he is the G. EB. B., have charged these men with having committed a so-cal- led crime; then they select a com- mittee from amongst themselyes to investigate and prove their charges true (although they are supposed to have investigated-the foundation for such charges before making them). Next comes the pronouncement of sentence and punishment by the same group of men, who also enforce them. After which this same man, or body of men, pass upon the appeal of the expelled and sustain the first decision. Hutcheson is a staunch republican, a 100 per center, a lover of American “democracy.” He favors the ku klux klan. And it therefore goes without saying that he is opposed to the dic- tatorship of the proletariat, Hutch a Capitalist Among Capitalists And, why not? Like his friend and co-partner, John L. Lewis, he is a wealthy man, a raiser of blooded stock, and the carpenters’ union is the means by which he increased his wealth and personal advancement. So anyone who stands in his way must be crushed, no matter by what means, The progressive carpenters ran their candidate for general president on a program of action. The candi- date, Morris Rosen, was unknown. It was the program that the rank and file were asked to consider and not the individual. The local unions were circularized with copies of the _pro- gram asking the endorsement of their candidate by the local unions on the basis of the program. Following is a 1. “Affiliation to the building trades department of the American Federation of Labor. 2. “Abolition of the national board of jurisdictional awards. 8. “Job control. 4. “Five daye—forty-hour week. 6. “Uniform agreements to expire | at the same time. « 6. “All agreements to be ratified by the rank and file. ~ 7. “A joint drive with other trades to organize the industry 100 per cent. 8. “Old age pensions, .9 “Reinstatement of the Los An- geles expelled members. (These were the first of the present series of ex- pulsions.) 10. “The right of minority to free- dom of expression within the union. 11, “The right of the general pres- ident to suspend members without trial, to be abolished. 12. “National convention to be held biennially. 13. “Committee on rules to govern prashiyignes or Aether def! aes egates assembled. he skeleton outline of the program: STi STREET Oe Tee Smith of Minneapolis, Seeking New Pastures, Picks on Great Falls By LEFTIST. GREAT FALLS, Mont.,—Brothers: Just a few lines to let you know that Bill Green, Gompers’ successor, has landed in this burg with the honor- able Mr. Smith of Minneapolis “fame.” Undoubtedly the reason for their visit is to help Brother Ely to subdue the militants and to try’ and fasten his class collaboration policy on the labor movement of Great Falls. Smith spoke before the Labor As- ‘sembly last Friday, He immediately launched into a bitter attack on the left wing, and the left wing immediate- ly came back and let him know that he would have a fight on his hands if he came here for the same purpose that he’ went to Minneapolis. Brother Green will no doubt tell us, before he leaves, that the conference table is more to his liking than the field of struggle, and that we must show the boss that it is to his inter- est to please allow us to organize. This probably will be followed up by Smith’s demanding the expulsion of all those who do not accept his policy, but who demand that the fight between capital and labor be carried out on the basis of the class strug- gle. I expect Smith to appear before the carpenters’ union at it’s next meeting. If he does, he will find out that they are not all dead ones. referendum in the districts they re- present. 15. “Amalgamation of the building trades upon a departmental basis, along lines laid down by the 1913 con- vention of the building trades depart- ment. 16. “International affiliation with the international building trades se- eretariat, to include the Russian build- ing trades. 17. “Independent working class po- litical action. 18. “Recognition of, and trade re- lations with, Soviet, Russia.” In all of these 18 points, and in the letter that went to the local unions with the program, Hutcheson or the administration is neither mentioned or criticized. So we get the full mean- ing of what is meant ‘by “scandalous, scurrilous, and defamatory literature,” at least according ‘to the perverted minds of the Hutcheson administra- tion. If you advocate any measure that is not endorsed by Hutcheson, or use any words not in his vocabulary, then it is “scandalous, scurrilous and de- famatory,” Section 55 of the consti- tution, nothwistanding. That section simply does not apply, but it requires the superior braing of a G. E. B. special investigation committee, and the punishment is expulsion. Works for Scabs and With Police Of course Hutcheson is very sens- itive to clauses, 6, 10 and 11 of the progressive carpenters’ program, as it reminds him of his usurpation of power, his signing of the Chicago scab- agreement without the consent of the membership, his expulsion of the 16 members of the Los Angeles locals by telegram on evidence submitted by the police. In spite of the open rebellion of the rank and file against his ruinous and disruptive tactics in expelling the most progressive and the most active members of the union, he is determ- ined to carry out this expulsion policy no matter how much it disrupts or disorganizes the Brotherhood. Opposition Is Uniting This time, however, he is meeting with an intelligent and powerful op- position, The members of the union who voted for Willis K. Brown are lining up with the left wing and are jointly against the corrupt Hutcheson administration, This combined force cast 45,000 votes (official count) in the last election against Hutcheson. It is a force to be reckoned with and one that cannot be defeated by the expulsion of a few of their leaders. Hundreds of locals are on record against the expulsion of these milit- ants and are demanding their reinsta- tement. Passing resolutions is good, but not sufficient. The: entire mem- bership must be informed of the si- tuation and mass membership meet- ings should be called, so that this ruinous policy may be stopped. This has already been done in Chicago and Detroit. Committes should be elected to visit local unions and acquaint them wi what is going on in thelr organiza- tion, While Hutcheson is waging a war on the militants, he is in close collaboration with the enemies of la- bor,—as witness his surrendering of carpenters of Chicago to the Lan- dis award. He was, and still is, a close associate of Robert 'P. Brindell, of New York, eee In my next article I will deal with Hutcheson’s relations with the crook, Brindell, from 1916 until Brindell went to the penitentiary, \ Spanish Fascisti Need Money. MADRID, March 23—Bachelors over of age and childless widowers from 20 to 60 per cent un- city. board of the A. C, W. joined the united front set up by the Workers (Communist) Party and the T. U. B. L. for the release of class war prisoners and gave the hall free of charge for the Sacco-Vanzetti con: GREEN, IN ATTACK ON RED SAYS UNIONS MUSTN'T STRIKE, BUT COLLABORATE WITH BOSSES BOSTON, March 23,—In a plea for class collaboration, naked and un- ashamed, delivered before the Harvard Union, Harvard University, the night of March 20, William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, disavowed the class struggle and the idea that capitalism will be distroyed by a@ proletarian revolution, Social Pacifism. He stated his view of the situation in this way? “The trade union méve- ment has been passing thru that period when physital controversies and the tactics of force were most effective; it is now im a period when its leaders must seek the conference room, and there, by exposition and demonstration, convince conferees of the justice and wisdom of labor’s position. In such service labor is finding a special need for trained representatives and ef- fective information.” He_described with warm approval the “B. & O. plan” of “co-operation” in shop responsibility between the B. & O. railroad company and its fed- erated shop unions. Success in col- lective bargaining, he declared, is based upon unreserved recognition of the union on the one hand, and a will- ing concession by the workers, on the other hand, of “the right of em- ployers to control, direct and manage industry to receive a fair return up- on invested capital.” Green Against Proletarian Rule. Referring to the antt-union employ- ers and to “so-called members of the proletariat” who take sharp issue with this conception of trade union rights and duties, Green said the workers in this group are opposed to collective bargaining because “they assert it means wage slavery.” “They do not believe in wage con- tracts or wage scale regulations,” he continued. “They preach class war and class struggle. They are opposed to the existing social order, to what they term ‘capitalism,’ and pretend to look forward to the time when capitalism will be destroyed and the rule of the proletariat will be substi- tuted in its place. This Is a Lie—Bill Green. “They believe that any improve- ment in wages and working condi- tions which comes to the workers thru the medium of trade unionism and collective bargaining prevents the final triumph of the proletariat and the early realization of their predict- ed millenium. The enjoyment of high wages and humane conditions of employment by the workers is regard- ed by this second group as an ob- stacle in the way of progress while poverty and suffering are looked up- as stepping stones to success.” Green could not offer any proof that his ideas of no strikes and class col- laboration would bring the workers the desired “high wages and humane conditions.” His lie that revolution- ists are not in favor of improvement in wages and conditions likewise was lacking proof. And he failed to men- tion that the criticism levelled at him and his kind by revolutionists, is precisely that their theory and prac- of class collaboration and pacifism in the class struggle totally prevents high wages and humane conditions. “Obviously modern trade union- ism is opposed to these two ex- tremes and of necessity is forced to contend against the vigorous opposi- tion which emanates from these groups. Confronted by hostile em- ployers and the workers’ revolution- ary group, trades unionism is pur- suing its own policy, fighting for pub- lie aeceptance of its creed and phil- osophy.” “Dreams” Come True in Soviet Russia In conclusion, Green remarked that “Many wage earners have had dreams of ownership in industry, but even so we all know that whatever the own- ership—private, governmental or em- ploye—the vital problem for us is the terms and relations we have with management, To deal with this prob- lem, labor must always have its vol- untary organizations directed and managed by itself. “Working men and women are no longer mere fixtures in industry but instead are intelligent, understanding human beings. with a concept of life which emphasizes the cultural and spiritual rather than the material. We want to make it possible for the work- ers to acquire more of culture, re- finement and education.” Pittsburgh Carpenters Drive Another Nail in Popular Coffin PITTSBURGH, Pa., March 23—Dear Comrade: This is to notify you that Carpenters’ Locals 142 and 333 have endorsed the resolution sent out by Local 2140 of Detroit, Michigan against the expulsion policy of Presi- dent Hutcheson and the G. E. B. Local 142 is the largest one in this Please publish this in the T. U. E. L. section, so the carpenters will know that even conservative Pittsburgh is against the expulsion policy, ee Rochester A. C. W. Helps Prisoners ROCHESTER, N. Y.—The joint of this city LOZOVSKY WRITES UPON ANARCHO- SYNDIGALISM Its Theory of Union, Par- ty and State By A. LOSOVSKY. (General Secretary of the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions.) In the last article I wrote of the “trade unionism” which, prior to the war, was limited to economic views and held no conception of the new so- ciety to be won by a working class revolution, a movement which ac- cepted capitalism as permanent. The second kind of pre-war labor movement, which represents the oppo- site side of trade union movement is known by the name of “anchro-syndi- calism.” If trade unionism is connect- ed with Anglo-Saxon countries, an- archo-syndicalism is connected with the Latin. The birthplace of anarcho- syndicalism is France, there it had its greatest development and there also was created the theory which united numbers of workers of the Latin countries. A Healthy Reaction. What are the main characteristics of anarcho-syndicalism? Trade union- ism as we said, is devoted to the in- terests of one craft. Anarcho-syndi- calism—and this is surely ‘the pro- gressive side of it—is devoted to the interests of the working class. It was a healthy reaction of a certain part of the proletariat against the opportun- ism and reformism which had existed in labor ‘ization, trade union as well as. The first character- istic of o-syndicalism which dif- ferentiates it is that it puts first the general class interests and struggles —not for betterment within capital ism, but for the overthrow of the sys tem. The Syndicalist Fallacy. The second characterization of the anarcho-syndicalist movement within the international labor movement is its anti-politieal character. Anarcho- syndicalists gonsider the union as the primary organ for the class struggle. They believe there are no other organ- izations except the trade unions which can conquer capitalism. , All po- litical parties—say the anarcho-syndi- calists—beginning with the bourgeois and’ ending with the socialist, and at the present 6 with the Commun- ists, are, from the social point of view, mixed organizations; while the trade unions represent a purely labor organ. ization. A party is a union of citizens. A trade union unites the producers. In the party there are may be workers and also people from other classes. In a trade union—only workers. This is why the anarcho-syndicalists place the union ahead of the party. This is why the trade union happens to be the main weapon of the social revolution in their view., Besides that, in the opinion of the theoreticians and active workers of anarcho-syndicalism (of whom we may name Sorel, LaGuardelle, Grifuel) the characterization which differentiates the trade unions is that they not only are the basi¢ stronghold of the work- ing class in its struggle to overthrow capitalism, it also organizations around which the new society will be built. Ac ling to the belief of the anarcho-syndicalists, the trade unions will not only make the revolution but will also create the new society. The trade unions will organize production, regulate prodhiction within the indus. tries, will govern the public econ. omy. This is the social philosophy of anarcho-syndicalism. But this is not all. i Anti-State and Non-State. There is on@ more characterization of anarcho-syndicalism which~ is, in full, inherited from the anarchist theory concerning the state: The state, independently of its form or contents, is an enemy. The structure of ‘the state in itself—the anarchists always write the state with a capital “S"-—is an organ of exploitation, of one part of the people by the others, and that exploitation is always used workers, Therefore, be- ,jthe question of the dic: tatorship of the proletariat was a very vague and theeretical one. The anarchovsyndicalists were al- ways out-spoltan against the dictator pealeg ood =o dela They are ae Philadelphia A. C. W. Joint Board Voting Is One Steady Job PHILADELPHIA, Pa.,— According to the constitution of the Amalga- mated Clothing Workers of America, only one election is necessary for the election of officers, But according to the joint board of this city, if those elected are left wingers, before they can be installed they must have been elected twice. Two weeks ago Local 140 had their election arid the right wing was badly defeated, so they appealed for a new, election, which was conveniently granted them, and a special joint board committee elected to take charge. We have always had open elections, but this time, at the request of the right wing, the joint board decided to have a secret ballot. Despite all man- euvering, however, it was a complete victory for the lift wing. The T. U. E. L, candidates were elected by an overwhelming majority. The chairman, vice-chairman, se- cretary, treasurer, six out of seven delegates to the joint board, six out of seven local executive board members, of the T. U. E. L. slate were elected. It is hardly expected after this crush- ing defeat that the right wing will de- mand still another election. anti-state, claiming that the state should be destroyed. They thot of the new society which will arise from the social revolution as one in which the trade union will play the leading role. They imagined it as a non-state s0- ciety, which would be regulated only by the trade unions and which would be oceupied only by the problems of productions, distribution, ete. Individualinsm Versus the Masses However, this is only in the future; | but what differentiates the anarcho- syndicalists from the other trade un- fonists? Anarcho-syndicalism in its direct struggle uses some methods which differentiate it from other movements, First of all, it believed in the initiative of the minority, and according to its ideas that minority with initiativee could in many cases take the place of the mass. The an- archo-syndicalists in general shared the anarchist distrust of the masses. The individual plays the more impor- tant role. This minority with initia- tive can not only start something, drag the masses along, but also build for the masses, instead of them. This role of the “. militant, minor- ity” is one of the main characteristics of the anarcho-syndicalist point oi view. And, from this angle, they brot into the everyday struggle things that we do not see in other move- ments. They brot into the struggle an element of adventure which coul¢ always be seen in their custom of ex- aggeration of the role of the strike. Organizing strikes as often as .pos- sible, they even created a_ special terminology— “revolutionary _exercis. es,” figuring that every strike is a good thing. They claim that a strike is always for the benefit of the work- ing class and it drags t™ a certain amount of workers into the movement and sharpens the social relations and the struggle between the classes. Utopian and’ Romantic THeory. A careful and long preparation, the study of the objective conditions of strikes, the realistic calculation of the relation of forces and the calculation of the role of the masses and the re- lation between the masses and the militant minority, all this has been en- tirely ignored by the anarcho-syndi- calists and considered as of no impor- tance at all. + They imagined the social revolution as beginning suddenly, without the necessary organizational, political and other historical surroundings. At last they present the idea of sabotage, or what we call the “economic terror,” as a means of compulsion against em- ployers. They have been out-spoken against large, strong trade union treasuries, looking at it from the point of view that the trade unions are, as a matter of fact, like plain people, the one that has much money is not very active in the strugge; and therefore, the trade union that has much money in its treasury, wil be afraid of losing it and will not be as militant and ready for strikes as necessary. This is, in short, the characteriza- tion of anarcho-syndicalism within the trade union movement of the world, and which is especially characteristic of the Latin countries, France, Spain, Portugal, Argentina, Mexico, etc. In Italy, notwithstanding the fact that it is a Latin country, the trade union movement took another form, ope The above article is an excerpt from Losovsky’s valuable book, “The World's Trade Union Move- ment,” obtainable from the T. U. E. L., 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill, for 50 cents. No worker should be without it. Drums Up Wars Spirit NEW YORK, March 23,—Rear Ad- miral Fiske, in a public address here, glorified war, and spoke for a larger navy and army. He said that “force is necessary for the United States to take part in trade.” Fiske’s speech was a for aid to the fin- WHAT THE MINERS” INTERNATIONAL |S AND OUGHT TO BE Dawes Plan is Slave Plan For World By ALEX REID. As a miner who is following the pick, when the boss permits, which is becoming more seldom, and notic- ing that the condition of the miners thruout the world is becoming more deplorable, the same situation pre- vailing everywhere, it might not be amiss at this time to inquire into the cause from well-informed sources. The cause of the bad situation in Europe, which is reflected in America, is neither more nor less than the mon. umental disgrace—the prostitute child of the international chamber of com- merce, better known as the despicable and infamous “Dawes’ plan.” The effect of this plan is seen in the German mining industry, which has speeded up to a terrifying degree. Approximately 20 per cent of the miners have been discharged from the industry since 1922, and yet produc- tion has been increased approximately 18 per cent. Wages have been de- creased until the miners receive barely enuf to subsist upon. The average wage of the German miners is $1.25 per day, and their work day has been extended from seven to 10 and 12 hours per day. The cost of living has increased to the point where wages cannot touch the bare necessities, which is reducing the miners to abject slaves exerting themselves to the limit of endurance, as is seen in the. enormous increase in accidents. On top of this, the threat is made to cut further into their wages, and the importation of men from the sur- rounding countries is steadily going on for use as scabs if necessary. Similar conditions prevail in Poland and other countries in Europe, In Great Britain, France, Holland, and Belgium, the miners are practically starving. Hundreds of thousands of miners are unemployed. being cut on every hand. The hours of labor are lengthening, and condi- tions, the result of years of struggle, are being lost with every break. The conditions forced upon German labor and the workers in like coun- tries of Europe, thru’ the Dawes’ plan, is the standard being set for the whole world. French, . Belgian, and British miners are unemployed be- cause cheap German reparations coal has taken their market. British and American coal is being undersold in Spain and Italy at $1.25 per ton. Competition is the slogan—and the mine. owners are stressing every means to break the miners’ union so that no organized opposition may pre- vail against them. On this side of the ditch, the Dawes’ plan is getting in its work just as it is in Germany and the rest of Europe. The mining districts of West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Alabama are mostly “open shop,” and the con- ditions of the miners there are hor- rible, working 10 hours per day on starvation wages, with no provisions for safeguarding the life and health of the miners. The companies owning the mines there, also own the stores, so if a miner chances to make anything at the mine he is relieved of it at the store. The houses the miners live in, mostly like barns, are also owned by the companies, as likewise the town, the doctor, the judge, the police thugs—literally everything in and around the mines. Hundreds of miners with their fam- ilies are living on the hillsides, in tents, all thru the long hard winter, with scarcely anything to eat—the lit. tle children without shoes or proper clothing, and no school to go to. The miners in this pitiful condition are being threatened with further wage cuts and longer hours. And the coal coming from these dis- tricts in competition with that from the organized fields, has resulted in unemployment and starvation thru- out Ilinois and the union-produced coal all over America. Nova Scotia is on strike against an- other reduction, and conditions there are heartrending. The beasts of BESCO, the mine owners of the proy- ince, are organized for a crushing on- slaught against the miners, and the miners have met them by stripping the mines completely. The miners have withdrawn even the engineers and pumpmen, in this fight which promises to be a fight to the finish and one of the hardest in their his- tory. Wherever international capitalism rules today, we have a similar condi- tion, Standing out prominently in contrast to such conditions in capi- talist countries, however, is that of the miners in Soviet Russia, the only country which has not been affected by the Dawes’ plan, and the only country in the world where the min, ers’ conditions of employment , _ are steadily growing better, Keep in mind the conditions we have just reviewed of the miners tn Wages are; all capitalist countries of the world today, and then take a look at the cohdition of the Russian miners as shown by the following conditions cited: They have the six-hour shift; steady employment the year round; a voice in the management of the mines and in the determination oi wages; extra pay for production above an established average, closest inspection and enforcement of all safety regulations; two weeks’ vaca tion on pay, or a month if the work is particularly dangerous or un- | healthy; splendidly equipped rest homes which were formerly the pal- aces of the Russian nobility; free medical service; etc. The Russian workers, thru their | government of workers and peasants, own their jobs. Why not own ours? The Dawes’ plan for international slavery must be met with militant op- | position. And that leads me to ask | what intelligent action our present la | bor leaders’ is: j First, the A. F. of L. proposes to | continue to support our “friends” on the enemy ticket and defeat our ene- mies on their own ticket. It is “Heads, I win; tails, you lose.” Frank Farrington, president of Dist. 12, U. M, W. of A, has a pet remedy, something like this, for the unemployed and starving miners: Load clean coal, co-operate with the boss, don’t antagonize the boss, and thus reduce the cost of production. John L. Lewis, to show his love for the miners and to do his bit ta meet the encroachments upon labor, joins hands with and becomes a mem- ber of the campaign eommittee for the election of “Cal” Coolidge, the Boston strikebreaker, the choice of Morgan, Wall Street, the international bankers, and Dawes—all of whom are enslaving the workers of the world. And then he resorts to expelling progressive and forward looking mem- bers of the U. M. W. of A. to further the aims of our enemies. Also, he Says there are 200,000 too many min- ers in the industry who must be forced out before these bad conditions can be remedied. What a travasty on “leadership”! propose. Well—here it | The American labor movement stands bereft of intelligent leader- ship. International capitalism must be met by international trade union un- ity, the welding into one organization of the world’s workers with their in- comparable economic and political Dower. To achieve the realization its historic mission, the overthrow f capitalism, and substitute therefor 2 system of collective ownership of the things collectively produced and used, with workers’ control of the same can only be done thru the establishmen’ | of a workers’ and farmers’ govern ment. STRIKERS WIN A RAISE AND UNION THRU THE T, U. E. Le League Brings Union to. Auto Workers PHILADELPHIA, Pa.—Thirty & mobile workers employed by the Wol- fington’s Sons, Inc., have won an in crease in wages after a two hour strike. The workers put in a demané for a 10 per cent increase in wages at noon and were notified that the company would go bankrupt if the increase was given. Several of the militant workers who have heard suc 4 stories before convinced the 30 work-— ers in the buss department to give the company a chance to think it over * and left the shop in a body. Two hours later a messenger brought the news that the company was willing to settle by granting a 5 per cent increase and again pointed out that a 10 per cent raise would force them into bankrupcy. The men’ accepted the 5 per cent increase and went back to work the next day. Immediately after deciding to go back to work a date was set for a meeting to organize a union in thg, automobile industry in Philadelphia, These workers fully realize t ah other and permanent gains can ont be made when they organize all thy departments in their shop into a milk tant industrial union that will includ all the workers in the trade. Severa of the men who participated in thi strike are members of the Automobile Workers’ Union organized here sev eral weeks ago. The strike is a splend id example of what a little bit of mil itancy and organization can do for th — workers in the automobile industr _ and will be a good argument for th. building of a strong organization Philadelphia, The first mass meeting of the mobile workers is called fO® Thi day March 26 at the Carpenters’ 1803 Spring Garden street at 8 p, All auto workers in Philadelphia invited to attend. Good speakers ff the Trade Union Educational will address the meeting. —

Other pages from this issue: