The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 3, 1925, Page 6

¥ q i é ‘ DB Sit a } : Page Six ‘ THE DAILYWORKER : The Admin THE DAILY WORKER. NN ice eer ee Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, DL (Phone; Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.51 $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Adress all mail and make out checks to . THE DAILY WORKER 11138 W. Washington Bivd. 3. LOUIS ENGDAHL t WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOE Chicago, tilineis sonmmmeseerrsseers EG COPS even Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. <= 20 The C. P. P. A. Is Dead-—Long Live the Workers (Communist) Party of America! Advertising rates op application Statement on the Conference for Progressive olitical Action and the role of the socialist party by the Central Executive Committee of Workers (Communist) Party of America.) The Conference for, Progressive Political Action (C. P, P. A.) is dead. It was conceived by its leaders’ treachery, It carried on its existence as a servile tool in the hands of middle-class politicians and reactionary labor bureaucrats. It therefore died in disgrace, and no one, except the socialist party, will shed a tear over its death. The class- conscious workers and poor farmers of America will sigh a breath of relief,and will say: The C. P. P. A. is dead—Long live the Workers (Communist) Party of America. The C. P. P. A. came into existence some three years ago because of pressure from below. It was the urge and the demand of the rank and file in the labor movement that compelled the reactionary bureaucracy of the railroad and other unions to form an organization for joint political action. The workers demanded effective political action against the growing power of oppression of the capitalist government, and the reactionary labor bureaucrats pretended to be in agreement with this demand of the workers. Hence the formation of the C. P. P. A. But this demand of the workers for real political struggle against the capitalists was never satis- fied. From its very inception, the C. P. P. A. was nothing else than a new, camouflaged edition of the old Gompers. policy of non-partisan politics. The Cc. P. P. A. having inscribed on its yellow banner the discredited Gompers motto of rewarding friends and punishing your enemies, soon became the tail end of a group of petty bourgeois poli- ticians led by Senator LaFollette. Instead of lead- ing the workers to struggle and achievement, the C. P. P. A. became an instrument in the hands of these middle-class politicians and reactionary labor | ‘ bureaucrats for hampering and obstructing every ‘ gennine move on the part of the rank and file for independent political action. The American work- ing class will forget the fact that it was with the help of the C. P. P. A. that LaFollette and Gom- pers succeeded in destroying the farmer-labor move- ment in the months preceding the last presidential elections. The net results of the activities of the C. P. P. A. are merely these: It enabled LaFollette and thé reactionary labor bureaucrats to play middle-class politics at the expense of the workers and poor farmers. It prevented in a large measure the crystallization of a genuine movement of workers and poor farmers for independent political action against the capitalists. Thus the C. P. P. A. has performed a great service to the capitalists of the United States. Now the C. P. P, A. is no longer in existence. It came to an end on February 22, 1925, because neither LaFollette nor the reactionary labor bureaucracy had any further use for it. The reac- tionary chiefs of the railroad unions decided to keep aloof from the third party movement and to resume the old game of playing politics with any capitalist politician that might be serviceable for the moment. Hence their withdrawal from the C. P. P. A. and its subsequent death. The second meeting of these so-called progres- sives, held after the sine die adjournment of the ©. P. P. A., went on record in favor of a new party based not on organizations but on individuals. The LaFollette crowd and the second-rate bureaucrats of the railroad unions have proven by this decision that they are mortally afraid of organized labor’s influence within the third party movement. In other words, these middle-class politicians and labor reactionaries are perfectly willing to be supported by labor, but not directed or controlled. Ow the eve of this last meeting of the C, P. P. A. the Workers (Communist) Party of America again spoke to the workers and poor farmers of the United States on the nature and prospects of the C. P. P. A. and the LaFollette movement, We said: Nothing that is of any benefit to the toiling _ Masses can result out of this combination. We maintained during the last three years that the C. P. P. A, is serving the interests of the capitalists —big and small—and not the interests of the work- ers. We strenuously opposed the false contention of the socialist party that out of the C. P. P. A, there will rise a political party of workers, a labor party. We branded the alliance of the’ socialist party with the C. P. P. A. and LaFollette+in the last elections as black betrayal of the working class because we know that this combination is just as hostile to the interests of the workers and poor farmers as are the parties of big capital, the re- publican and democratic parties. Now when the socialist party, thru no fault or virtue of its own, finds itself outside of the third party movement, it is again raising its voice in i of working class independent political action. a) Hillquit and his friends, having been kicked out of the renovated LaFollette-Fohnston combination, are again talking about labor parties. But the workers will not believe them. ‘The class-conscious worke: id poor farmers havé not forgotten yet that it the socialist party in alliance with the C. P. P. A. that assisted LaFollette and Gompers to fight and destroy the young farmer-labor move- | ment that was struggling towards national crystal- Nipetion during the years of 1922-1924. The social- ist party cannot be trusted. It has betrayed the | toiling masses many times in the past. It will be- | tray them also in the future. | The Workers (Communist) Party of America |calls upon the workers and poor farmers to learn | their lesson from the long list of betrayals of the ©, P. P. A. which culminated in its disgraceful death. The lesson to be learned is the following: Do not entrust your interests to the middle-class politicians and reactionary labor bureaucrats. Rely upon your own organized struggles on the economic and political field against the capitalists and their government. Join the ranks and follow the lead of a real working class political party that fights un- compromisingly for the overthrow of the rule of capital and for the establishment in the United States of a workers’ and farmers’ government. The C. P. P. A, is dead. Long live the class struggle! Long live the united front of labor against the united front of capital! Long live the Workers (Communist) Party of America! Workers (Communist) Party of America. William Z. Foster, Chairman. OC. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary. Sacco and Vanzetfi The Sacco-Vanzetti case is uppermost today in the minds of hundreds of thousands of workers. The state of Massachusetts and the capitalists that own it, their judges, prosecutors and perjured witnesses, have not abated their efforts to railroad these militant workers to the electric chair for a crime they did not commit. If Sacco and Vanzetti escape death at the hands of the state’s hired murderers, they face the living ;death of life imprisonment. Tom Mooney is buried in San Quentin altho the world knows that he is innocent and Massachusetts capitalism may pre- fer to intern Sacco and Vanzetti in its dungeons and hope that the working will forget them. They must not be allowed,to wear a mask of mercy while carrying out this devilish scheme. To the millions of workers who already know what American capitalist justice means for our class must be added more millions until not one worker is able to say that he does not know that in the United States two members of his class are being tortured to death for loyalty to the workers. Capitalism does not want the working class to know the full measure of its hatred of those work- ers who challenge it. Let the workers know what vengeance capital- ism exacts for opposition to its rule and organize for freedom from persecutions of individual work- ers and the overthrow of a system that lives by oppression of the whole working class. The Street Cleaners’ Settlement The street cleaners’ strike is “settled.” The streets of Chicago’will be cleaned again and as for the rank and file of the union they have al- ready been given the vacuum treatment. The mass of the union membership will receive the huge increase of 15 cents per day while fore- men will get four times this amount. The settlement has most of the earmarks of the dealing with city hall officials and general neglect of the interest of the union membership that has many times disgraced the Chicago labor movement. Many Chicago business agents simply use their unions as a basis of power in corrupt political cireles. Whatever the membership gets as a result of a strike like that of the street cleaners is usually only a percentage of the loot extracted by the busi- ness agent. There have been revolts against these crooked practices from time to time, but the graft in Chi- cago is so rich that so far the only changes that have been made are the personnel of the clique that gets the boodle. The dozens of unions into which the Chicago labor movement is divided, the huge sums dispensed by the capitalist political machines, make is pos- sible for each business agent to have a little satrapy of his own by which he forces payment of tribute and on which he also levies tribute. There will be no real progress in the Chicago labor movement until the left wing, composed of sincere and honestly militant workers, cleans out this Augean stable and sends the filthy crew of Chicago labor fakers down the river with the rest of the garbage. Communism again broke into the fight for child labor in New York the other day.. When one of the speakers ardently advocated the abolition of child labor before the woman’s civic club, one of the flashily dressed women jumped to her feet and yelled: “Forty-five minutes for Communism and one minute for Americanism.” The discussion of poetry and the arrival of refreshments restored order. Coolidge will kiss his father’s bible as part of the inauguration ceremonies on Wednesday. That means the beginning of four’ more years during which he will obediently kiss the feet of the Wall Street rulers of America. Join in the distribution ‘of' a bundle of that Speeial Edition, out Thursday, celebrating the sixth anniversary of the Communist International. Send in that new “sub” today; \ By EARL.R. BROWDER. F the group of officials of the Amal- gamated Clothing Workers (or any other union) who make up what we call “the administration party” stand for the class struggle, fight for the interests of the ‘working class and against the employers at all times, and always conduct the struggle with- out surrender or compromise—then there is no need for a tert wing. Then the administration party is identical with the best interests of the union. UT if the inistration adopts a line of surrénder, of class col- laboration, of repfession against the rank and file coupled with close rela- tions with employers—then the ad- ministration party has interests that are opposed to the interests of the union. . Then in order to fight for the best interests of the union it is neces- sary to fight against the class col- laboration policies of the officials. HY is it necessary to repeat such a simple, ABC proposition? Be- cause there are still some confused comrades, who really believe that a left wing is necessary, but who yet think they believe.at the same time that loyalty to the union means obedi- ence’ to the dictates.of the admin- istration party. They think that when Samuel Levin or Sidney Hillman calls upon them to sign a_state- ment against the left wing or any section of it that Levin or Hillman is the union and they must obey. This is a silly proposition; in some cases it is used to cover up a sur- render to the reaction, while in oth- ers it is merely lack of understand- ing. OYALTY to the union is a great principle. It is the very basis of the left wing. But loyalty to the un- ion must be understood as loyalty to the class struggle, not to the men in office. Meee ee \ HEN an election is on, and the administration “patty; standing for class collaboration, wants to break up the left wing, which stands for class struggle, and therefore com- mands members of the left wing to issue a statement against the left wing—to obey such a command un- der such a circumstances is not loy- alty to the union. If the left wing is really a left wing, fighting for the principles of the class struggle against class collaboration, then a blow against the left wing is a blow against the union, and obedience to the administration is treason to the union? E have a case in point in the Local § situation in New York. The executive board of that local de- manded the reinstatement of two members fired from a shop. | When this was refused the executive board of the local itself’ went on the picket line to force the reinstatement. They won. But the higher officials, altho they did not dare come out against the reinstatement and even claimed that it was they who got the men back to work, suspended and expelled the men who fought for the protec- tion of the members of the union. In order to be loyal to the union, the members of Local 5 had to struggle against the higher officials,-who de- manded submission. ERE are times when loyalty to the union demands obedience to orders from whoever is in office. Such times are when the union is acting against the employing class, when a strike is called, when a big wage movement is under way, whenever the working class is engaged in strug- gle against the exploiters. Solidarity for the struggle is a first principle of every true left wing group. But that principle cannot be carried over to de- mand solidarity of treason, solidarity of surrender, solidarity in support of RED BAITERS COMPELLED TO RETRACT LIE Hibben Drops Libel Suit for Apology NEW YORK, March 1—Following Captain Paxten Hibbéh’s re-commis- sioning in the reserve corps of the army and the implie@ vindication of him from charges of ‘holding beliets favorable to enemies! of the United States government” thé Boston Trans- cript has printed a retraction of its savage attacks upon Hibben. One Lie Among Many In R. M. Whitney’s!infamous series entitled: “Reds in America,” publish- ed by the Transcript in October 1922, Hibben was pigtured as an arch-con- spirator, secret rept tative of the Communist Interna’ in the U. 8. and an international’s) Hibben actually ve lief work for starving Russian chil- consistently dren and because he. Hah favored recognition of/Russia by this country has been sub; to abuse and persecution, including an army in- quisition into his fitness to hold his commission. Swaps $100,000 Suit For Pedigree Hibben now withdraws his $100,000 libel suit against the Transcript. Hib- ben accepts the Transcript statement that he is a fine fellow against whose personal character nothing can be said and who is “always shown as having been exceedingly loyal.” John Haynes Holmes forced im- mediate retraction from the Trans- cript by threat of libel action in 1922 but Hibben’s case was delayed until Sec’y. of War Weeks, a close friend 6f the Transcript owners, could start military proceedings designed to in- jure Hibben’s chances. arigaged in re- Dockmen Injured by Acid. NEW YORK, N. ¥., March 1.—Six- teen men were overcome by fumes from a broken drum of acid in the hold of the Clyde Line steamer Lenape being loaded at a North river pier. The men were taken to a hospital, where two are reported in a critical! condition. i on h f 4 . / 1-State and Revolution 2-Imperialism, the Final Stage of Capitalism . . 3-The Infantile Sickness of “Leftism” in Communism. . . 4-Shoud Wommpunists Participate in }ivettionary ‘Trade Uniéns? Le sehetesesece etesece: (Continued from page 1.) Communists they defend their own interests. He pointed out the hypo- crisy, falsehoods that are being per- petrated upon the workers and their children. Schneidermann Speaks for Y. W. L. Comrade Schneidermann, secretary of the Labor Defense Council, also spoke on behalf of the Young Worl ers’ League, among other things)*he said, “The youth fears no wars,'po uprisings, nor prisons. Ow x2 “No force can resist the trend of the times, and at ‘the present. the youth is patriotic for revolution in- stead of war. We are tired of fight- ing for ‘the human race,’ we are‘ready to fight for our class—the working class, persecution cannot suppress those who dare to stand by the truth.” How Police Celebrated. ~~ Reverend Robert Whitaker then spoke. He started out “Today, Wash- ington’s birthday, in Los Angeles was celebrated by the police by draggin Leo Gallagher by force from a plat form. s “The meeting was being conducted by Rev. Whitaker and Rev. C. J. Tatty (both prominent figures of the Civil Liberties, Union) at the Public Plaza: Gallagher was speaking to a crowd of unemployed and homeless workers when an officer of the law grabbed him charging him with inciting a riot. “The real reason why Gallagher was arrested was because he dared to defend the I. W. W. on different occasions. At the same time ten oth- ers were arrested. This is the way Los Angéles police celebrated George Washington’s birthday.” Mother Bloor’s Speech. The last speaker was Mother Bloor. Her speech was loudly cheered. “When I came here,” she said, “I was told that the chamber of commerce and other capitalist organizations, such as the American legion, etc. are boasting that Los Angeles is the white spot of America. I came to help to make the white spot ‘red.’ Comrades,” she continued, “I am call- ing your attention to the fact that in the state of California there are more political prisoners than in all the states combined. . “Some of you say that you are tired already, and you feel like retiring, 4 Booklets by NICOLA! LENIN No workers’ library can be complete without these four inexpensive but important booklets by the great workingclass leader: ee ele ete eee ee reer 4 ec eke tawae lene re es . selelelesele, policies which mean death and dis- aster to the union. HOSE very men in the A. C. W. who today demand ‘from the left wing submission to class collaboration in the name of loyalty to the union, themselves gained what standing they have in the clothing industry in the struggle against “loyalty” to the trait- orous unionism of Rickert and the United Garment Workers. Under pressure from the fighting rank and file they went so far in loyalty to the garment workers that they split away from Rickert and the A. F. of L. And every union man who values real un- ionism more than fed» tape applauds the glorious days which saw the birth of the A. C. W. of A At that time Noyalty to the union meant struggle against the administration party. ‘HOSE were th®days when there was born what has been called “the Amalgamated spirit.” It was a spirit of struggle<against capitalism and against treachery:and class col- laboration: within .the. union. If it meant: anything -at all it meant the spirit of the revolutionary proletariat. UT .the -officiildom that rose to power out of ‘the herorc days of the foundation of the A. C. W. of A have themselves surrendered to the policies. of class collaboration. They are making every possible effort to wipe'-out the differences between themselves: and Rickert. It is no ac+ cident that during the election cam- paign Sidney Hillman sat upon the same LaFollette upon which sat Rickert himself. - Today the principal differ- ence between them is that Rickert is still a stupid and open reactionary, while Hillman is a clever and camou- flaged one. E have an illuminating bit of evidence of the length to which the A. .C. W. administration party committee for the support of | istration Party Is Not the Union has travelled the road to reaction, in an editorial in Justice, official organ of Sigman, Perlstein, Yanofsky & Co., issue of Feb, 20. It says: “We are rejoicing, indeed, to see that the Amalgamated had chosen and is now marching In p with the entire labor movement.” “The entire labor movement” means Sigman, Gompers, Rickert. And it is true that the Hillman administration is exerting every effort to get in step with Rickert, with the Gompers’ by- reaucracy, with the class’ collabora- tionists of the entire labor movement. OYALTY to the union, loyalty to the “spirit of the Amalgamated,” loyalty to the class struggle, today. means what it did in 1914 and 1916. It means a relentless struggle against surrender to the employers; it means the crystallization of the healthy pro- letarian ‘forces’ Within the union in- to a left wing with a real program of class struggle; it means to fight against the policies of Rickert, of Gompers, which are rapidly becoming the policies of the Hillman adminis. tration. HE revolutionary traditions of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers must be rescued and carried on by the organized left’ wing forces within the union. For the struggle against the employers, for higher wages, for a fighting union, for working class political action, for amalgamation of the divided unions into one great tn- dustrial union, for support of Soviet Russia, for the class struggle, for in- ternational solidarity with the revo- lutionary workers of the world— these are the things that demand loy- alty from the awakening rank and file of the garment workers. It is loyalty to these principles, and carrying them into action, that con- stitutes the only true loyalty to the union and the only true “Amalgam- ated spirit.” FIGHT CRIMINAL SYNDICALISM LAWS | but I say to those, don’t say you are tired, we have just started our work. “Tam not tiréd, I would go tomor- row to prison to take the place of our comrades, Foster and Ruthenberg, for they are not tired, they fight ear- nestly, and sincerely, not only the capitalist reactionary class, but all the black forces of capitalism, and that is the reason why the capitalists raise the cry of the ‘Red menace.’” At. the .conclusion of the speech, Mother. Bloor called upon the work- ers to unite to build effective organ- izations so that when the hour of the revolution strikes the workers of America, will be able to fulfill their great historic mission in destroying capitalism and establish Communism. Junior Young Workers ‘Hold City Convention at the Soviet School The city convention of the Junior Young Workers League of Chicago wis held yesterday at the Soviet School, 1902 W. Division Street. It was opened at 3 P. M. The roll call has shown 22 delegates present, one delegate of the National Executive Committee of the Y. W. L., one fra- ternal delegate from the Workers Par- ty and one from the Young Workers League of Chicago. Albert Glatzky, age 13, was elected chairman, Philip Boyer, age 12, assist- ant chairman, Jessie Harris, age 14, secretary and Babe Cohn, age 11, as- sistant secretary. Comrade Sam Hammersmark greet- ed the convention in the name of the Workers Party. Comrade Sydney Borgeson of the N. E. C. im his report stated that accord- ing to information from the Young Communist International the Juniors of the United States have the second place in the movement of the Commun- ist children, with the Russian com- rades holding the first position. This statement was ‘greeted with an out- burst of applause from the delegates and the many visitors, children and adults that crowded the Soviet School. A detailed report about the con- vention wil be given in the next issue ag.the report came in about closing time. alte Be .25 Cents v.14 .15 Cents “eae wy Ledecdistevey 5 Cents. . THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. International Workers’ Aid Active in Germany BERLIN, (By Mail)—At a meeting of the enlarged German central com: mittee of the International Workers’ Aid recently held in Berlin, the work of organization was gone into in de. tail. The chairman reported that specia help had been extended to 36,000 lock ed-out workers and their children over the Christmas holidays. He com- mented enthusiastically on the con- stant growth of membership of the I. W. A,, the only non-party organ- ization in Germany, where members of differing political views are work- ing together for a common end. This proves, he said, that such an organ. ization is not only a necessity, but that it is a possibility as well. To Create German Children’s Homes One of the first tasks to which the committee devoted itself was the raising of funds for the establishment of a children’s home in Grossenhayn, Saxony. The district committees of Berlin-Brandenburg, Saxony, Turin- gia, and Laustiz, were obligated to collect money needed in their “dis- tricts. The committees for the Rhine- land and Ruhr were put in charge of the home to be opened at Romscheid. A motion to name this new home the “Clara Zetkin Home” was carried unanimously. Work within the factories and trade unions, whence most of the German I. W. A. membership is drawn was taken up in detail. .A resolution greet- ing the efforts of the Anglo-Russian unity committee was carried, The agitation for the realization of rights confered by the social-welfare legisla- tion was supported and efforts will be made to get direct representation of the I. W, A. of these committee of action. During the month of March every I. W. A. member in Germany 4s expected to enlist a new fellow mem- ber. The meeting closed with three cheers for international solidarity of the working class. ae Help Insure - THE tile DAILY WORKER for. 1925! Literature Department CHICAGO, ILL. | *