The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 21, 1925, Page 4

“y a i C.E.C. Report to HE special convention of the -Russian section of the Workers (Communist) Party’ of America ‘held last week In New York as au- thorized by the Central Executive Committee to settle important prob- lems directly. connected with the life of Novy Mir, daily organ of the Russian section, adopted the report of the C. E. C. made by Comrade Bittelman by a vote of 11 to 2. Great improvements have been made in both the Communist liter ary character and financial condi- tion of Novy Mir and the report of Comrade Bittelman details the methods outlined by the C. E. C. to accomplish this result. e 8 * OMRADES: This is a special con- vention. The Central Dxecutive Committee authorized the calling of this convention mainly for one rea- son. We felt that only by means of a special convention of your section can we have our Russian daily and thereby enable the Russian Section to develop and grow. ‘We were convinced so sirongly of the necessity of such a convention that we felt justified in overruling your bureau on this point.- Your bu- reau—this must be stated—was op- posed to the calling ofthis convention because the comrades did not believe that the convention would help in this situation. The Central Executive Committee thought otherwise and al- tho the convention must yet prove whether it will really and definitely save and establish Novy Mir, we have no doubt that this will be the case. We are convinced that the responsible leadership of our Russian Section gathered now in convention will be able to solve the difficulties of the situation and insure our party a daily Communist organ in the Rus- sian language; that is, a fighting mili- tant Novy Mir and a living, function- ing organization of the Russian Com- munists in the Workers Party of America. Where Are We At? N approaching the problem of our party and of its Russian Section it might be well to throw just a glance at the present situation, You will notice that one of the char- acteristic features of the present mo- ment is the almost complete absence of any organized political opposition in congress against the Coolidge ad- ministration. Neither the democratic party, which is supposed to be the sworn official opposition, nor the so- called progressive bloc led by Sena- tor LaFollette which is supposed to be the genuine “honest” opposition— neither of them are in any way op- posing the rule of big capital as ex- emplified in the Coolidge. struggles in congress over pork-bar- rels and similar matters of “state” cannot be considered real political op- position against the rule of big capi- tal. It would seem as if the electoral victory of the republican party com- pletely crushed the opponents or would-be opponents of the capitalist parties. who are supposed to be on the extreme left of our bourgeois parties, even they have shut their mouths as far as political struggle is concerned. ‘HE only organized political opposi- tion to the rule of big (and small) capital in the United States comes from the Workers (Communist) Party. It will do us no good to un- derestimate, or, for that matter, to overestimate the significance of this fact. It is becoming clearly appar- ent that the only real opposition that will ever be developed in the United States against the rule even of big capital, in distinction from opposition to capitalism as a whole, will come only from the movement that the Workers Party will be able to create. Of course, as the class antagonisms in the United States become sharper and the position of capitalism less se- cure, we will find ranked against big capital also the petty bourgeoisie. But this will only happen inasmuch as the Communist movement of America will begin developing real strength to ex- - ert pressure upon the non-proletarian clagses and to drive them into strug: gle against big capital. In other words the Workers (Communist) Party of America, small as it is, is the only force capable of developing the} the} movement against capitalism in United States. IE victory of the republican party ‘in the last election resulted, as ‘we have foreseen and foretold, in in- creased capitalist exploitation all along the line. Wage cuts are on the order of the day. Persecution of mili- tants in the labor movement has just begun. The proposed child labor amendment to the constitution of the United States, a miserable and insig- hificant ‘measure in itself, has been brazenly defeated. The republican ad- big businéss. A Lara eee novel read after you have enjoyed it. administration of | Surely the miserable little | 100% THE DAILY WORKER, Literature De 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, III, ministration is openly..assuming re- sponsibilities for the Dawes plan (something that they didn’t dare to do till now) and is proceeding in a confident manner to impose the will of American finance capital on every colonial and senif-colonial country in the world. HE mood of the working class in the United States shows a dis- tinct spirit of depression. The work- ers do not readily enter into struggle. They are trying to avoid conflicts with the capitalists even at ‘the expense of great sacrifices. Needless to say that the reactionary trade anion bureau- cracy is cultivating this spirit‘of pass- ivity with all means at their disposal. | We must not overlook, however, the fact that it isn’t so quiet and peaceful in the labor movement as it may seem on the surface. The recent so- |called outlaw strikes in the anthra- cite regon, the strike movement in a | number of textile centers in New Eng- land, the tremendous victory of the left wing candidates in the United Mine Workers of America in which |John L. Lewis received 136,209% votes and the progressive candidate, George Voyzey received 62,843 votes, or about 53 per cent of the number of votes cast for Lewis. The continued growth of the left wing in the arch- reactionary Carpenters’ Union as evi- denced by the splendid fight of the left wing in the Detroit locals, the suc- cessful fight of the Communists and the left wing generally in the Minne- sota labor movement; all these are signs of life and struggle in the Am- erican labor movement, signs which portend great possibilities for the near future. 'HE prosperity talk of the capital- ist press undoubtedly had a dis- tinct psychological effect upon the American masses. However, you can- not cure the ills of capitalism. by psychological effects alone. These ef- fects which have allayed for a mo- ment restlessness and dissatisfaction are already beginning to pass away. The hard realities of life and struggle resulting from the gradual disintegra- tion of capitalism, the unworkability, for instance, of the Dawes plan, the sharpening imperialist conflicts. ,be- tween the so-called great powers—all this is forcing upon the American workers a period of new awakening which our party must not overlook in the planning of its policies and tac- tics. We must equip ourselves for coming big struggles in which we not only participate but will attempt, 'to assume a leading role. Our Present and Immediate Objective. T the present time our party, is carrying on a number of impor- tant agitational campaigns. We are attempting to initiate a strike move- ment against wage-cuts. This attempt has already produced results. In spite of the apathetic mood of the working masses generally and in spite of the absence of a unified economic center. strike movements are developing. We are also carrying on a cam| against child labor exploitation. Even the farmer-laborites |are undoubtedly familiar with the icy of the party in this campaign. — Executive Committee that the 4| ent parliamentary defeat of the ehha labor amendment should serve as a new impetus to a revived struggle against child labor exploitation. We must utilize the defeat of this meas- ure to explain to the American work- ing masses the real nature of the state legislatures and of the federal government as organs of capitalist rule. We must emphasize that organ- ized direct struggle of the masses themselves, in addition to parliament- ary means, is the only assurance that any concessions at all could be wrest- ed from capitalism. Attention must be drawn to our campaign against the criminal syndi- calist laws for the defense of our Michigan prisoners. This campaign we must carry on with redoubled en- ergy because it offers our party great opportunities for arousing compara- tively large sections of workers against the political machinery of eapitalism. And now I must mention, if only in passing, our campaign against Abramovich, the emmissary jof the Russian counter-revolution and of the Second International. - N developing our campaigh “against his activities we must concen- trate on exposing the Second Interna- tional and bringing to the forefront of the American class struggle the leadership of the Communist Interna tional, We must revive our agitation for the recognition of Soviet Rus: keeping in mind, however, that at the present stage of development a fight for Soviet Russia is a fight for the so- cial revolution and for the Communist International. And last, but not least, we must extend and intensify ~ dur propaganda for world trade union THE STORY OF A PATRIOT By Upton Sinclair. A most interesting story by & master-propagandist, built a- round a red-blooded “he-man,” a hundred-per cent American who turns out ito. be a spy of you can hand to your shop-mate to Paper, 25 Cents rtment in the textile’ mills of New England, It is the opinion of the Centtat unity and in the first instance to arouse support. for the Anglo-Russian Unity Committee. LL of thse-campaigns are natur- ally carried on along the lines of our united front tactics. However, and this must be emphasized, the ques- tion of what organizational forms these campaigns must take would be determined by actual conditions of the struggle. As long as any or all of these campaigns are in their agitation and propaganda stage, these cam- paigns are to. be conducted by the Workers Party in its own name. It is only when the agitation process is far enough, that is, when it succeeds in créating a mass movement of any proportions involving large numbers of non-party organizations, that we shall resort to organizational means on a united front basis such as, call conferences, organize committees, etc. Strengthen the Party. AND in hand with these cam- paigns must go on the work of building and strengthening our party internally. I need not spend much time on the proposition to shop nuc- lei. It is a decision of the Communist International. It is a decision also of our own party. What is necessary is to get the party membership to accept the decision not only in words but in deeds. We must see to it that the re- organization on the basis of shop nuc- lei is transferred as soon as possible from the sphere of mere discussion and propaganda to the sphere of ac- tual organization. Evéry party unit has a duty to perform in this case. I am sure that the Russian Federation will fulfill its duty. N concluding the general part of my report I wish to say that now more than ever the problem of developing a militant left wing in the trade unions and of establishing our leadership within that left wing is of supreme importance to our party. Now and for some time to come the main field of class struggle, tho by no means the only field, are the trade unions. Aside from the general Communist principle that we must win the trade unions in order.to achieve our historic mission, the present situation in the United States makes it doubly important that we strengthen ourselves in the trade inion movement. These are our front- line trenches and it is there that we Must concentrate to establish our- selves in the labor movement of the United States. We must look upon this work as upon the Work of estab- lishing our first base from which we shall be able to extend our activities into the wider fields of class strug- gle. We consider it the duty of every ‘unit of the party and particularly of ‘our language sections to make every member of the party a member of a trade union, an active participant in the left wing, a Communist leader in the daily struggles of the workers in the shop and in the, union. The Russian Section. OU will permit me, comrades, to speak a few words on the situation i the Russian Section. In approach- ig this subject I cafinot abstain from ' making a comparison between the con- dition of the Russian Federation of to- day and that of six and seven years ago. There was a time, and most of you comrades remember that time, when the Russian Federation was the leading section of the Communist movement in America. It was leading not only by virtue of its numbers but also by the fact that it was the most active and intellectually alive section of our movement. Since that time great changes have taken place. Large numbers of Rus- sian Communists and Communist sym- pathizers migrated from the United States to Russia. The center of grav- ity has been moved from the lan- guage sections to the center of the party with the result that the Russian Federation no longer plays the part in our movement that it played years ago. However, we shall all remember that the Russian Federation was prac- tically the pioneer in the building of our movement, that without its efforts and sacrifices it would have been im- possible to bring about the formation of a Communist Party in America at the time when it was actually formed. The Russian comrades may well take pride in this fact and derive from it additional faith and enthusiasm for the future work in our party. E must not, however, close our eyes to the fact that Communist influence among the Russian speak ing workers of the United States did not grow as fast as it should have grown. Nor has the Russian Section succeeded in increasing its member. ship, which, during the years 1923 and 1924 has remained practically station. ary. I might cite a few figures: The average monthly dues payments for the i First six months of 1923 was 955 Last six months of 1923 was 963 First six months of 1924 was 898 Last five months of 1924 was 957 Thus we can see that during the last two years the Russian Mederation failed to increase its membership which, by itself, would be a sign of a certain stagnation fn the life of the Russian Section.. /Furthermore it is an established fact, phat during this same period the counter-revolutionary elements have considerably strength ened their influenceyupon the working class Russiat ” soaking colony. 1 realize of course: tHa¥ one of’ the rea- sons for this fact is the migration inte THE THE DAILY WORKER Russian the United States of Ifrgp numbers of Russian counter-rev@luffonists, _ but this would only explain their numbers but not their intuenog it is safe to assume that had the Russian Section been more active among the Russian speaking masses these counter-revolu- tionists would have been much less successful than they really were. T must also be remembered that dur- ing this same period the party as a whole has been making great strides in its development, it increased its membership (every federation shows that increase) it increased its influ- ence, while the Russidn Section prac- tically remained stationary and to re- main stationary in soct&l life as a rule means going back, and*tltat is what is actually happening in the Russian Sec- tion. We must sound a abt of warning that unless some radial “measures are taken by our Russian Section to come into closer contact withthe Russian speaking masses, the’ situation may yet become worse. I ain sure the con- vention will.take all hetessary steps to improve the situation. : HE fate of our 'Rtissian organ, Novy Mir, reflects'very clearly the general situation in the Russian Fed- eration, Why is it that our Russian organ, up to a month ago, failed to evoke sympathetic respotise from any considerable number of Russian speak- ing workers? This is a fact, to which we must not close our eyes. All credit to the members of our Russian Sec- tion for their sacrifices and hardships in maintaining Novy Mir. We know quite well what a terrific burden it was for our Russian membership to maintain their paper, but then we must ask ourselves the following question: How is it that so few non- partisan Russian workers were won over to the support of Novy Mir? The answer is, the Novy Mir, until its re- organization by the Central Executive Committee, suffered from the same de- fects that the whole Russian Section did. Together with ‘the federation, Novy Mir was living ina world far removed fromthe actual. living world of the Russian masses‘in' America. Neither the federatién nor Novy Mir reflected to any considerable extent the needs, grievances,’ suffering, and joys of the Russian masses in, Amer- ica. This must be uri@erstood in or- der to improve the ‘sitifation. Novy Mir was not sufficiently interesting or sufficiently attractive fot alone be- cause of editorial defects but because of the wrong policy ‘ahd the wrong point of view that pevineated the en- tire organization. si HAT was this wrdtg policy? Its most characteristic feature, as far as I can see, wasitoo much gen- eralization and not enotigh concrete- ness in our agitation an@ propaganda. We seemed to be working on the theory that to agitate for Soviet Rus- sia and the Communist’ International is: by itself sufficient \'to win the masses to our leadership. This atti- tude can be proven wrong theoretic- ally. It has been proven wrong in Bractice. It didn’t work. What the leadership of our Russian Section failed to realize was that in order to make Soviet Russia and’the Commun- ist International real winning issues among the Russian masses , in the United States it was neeessary to link these issues up with the things that are more immediate in the life of the Russian masses. This our comrades failed to understand and because of that our federation did not grow and our daily organ had reached some time ago a point- where the leading comrades of the organization decided to close the daily, Novy Mir. We Maintained Novy Mir as a Daily. T this point it might be well to re- late a few incidents of how we succeeded in maintaining Novy Mir as \a’daily ‘in New York. A’ you probably know, the leading organs of the Rus- sjan Federation, the bureau of Chica- go and the managemen{ jcommittee in New York, had already decided to close Novy Mir and torbegin the pub- lication of a weekly Whicago. In the minutes of the bureau of Dec. 13, 1924, we find the following decision: “The bureau approves. the decision of the management committee to begin the publication of a yekly in Chi- cago. In connection with this it is de- cided to send immediat@ly a represen- ative to visit Districts,6, 7 and 8. A sommittee is elected | consisting of Comrades Borisoff, and, Omelianovich io outline the necessi 'y practical measures to put into et this decis- ion and also to recommend an editor. Comrade Striz is appointed to visit Districts 6 and 7.” i the minutes of the ‘pureau of Dec. 22, under point 3, we find the fol- jowing: “The bureau confirms its former decision to close Novy Mir and to begin the, publication of a weekly in Chicago. It is decided to notify New York by wire of this decision, also that all collected funds in the last campaign for Novy Mir should be em- ployed for the publicatjon of a week- ly in Chicago. It is décided to send Comrade Deviatkin to,New York to clear up the question the closing of Novy Mir and of the publication of a weekly in Chicago. rades Bor- isoff, Deviatkin and are author- ized to prepare a de ation in the name of the bureau Novy Mir.” the closing of HE Central ec Committee, as soon as it lea! of these de- sisions, immediately a strong and om bcemtenninad —anaine ing up Novy Mir. We said that it is never too late to close the daily, that it would be a crime to give up Novy Mir as long as there is a single penny in the pocket of a single member of the federation. On Dec, 24, two days subsequent to the last decision on the matter by the Russian bureau, we called a meeting of the political com- mittee of the party to which we in- vited representatives of the bureau, Comrades Borisoff and Striz. After a long discussion in which the comrades from the bureau argued very strongly in favor of closing the daily and be- ginning the publication of a weekly in Chicago, the political committee of the party passed the following decis- fon: “Motions by Bittelman: 1. That we continue the Novy Mir as a daily. 2. To reorganize the editorial board of the Novy Mir. 3. That we outline a campaign for new subscrip- tions. 4. That we call a conference in every city of nonpartisan organiza- tions to secure suppoft for the paper.” E realized that by deciding to continue Novy Mir we haven't really solved the problem of Novy Mir. We felt that. one of the immediate problems was a radical change of pol- icy in the paper, a change that would make Novy Mir a real living organ of the struggling masses in the United States. We also realized that in or- der to make this change of policy some reorganization in the editorial staff had to be carried out. Further- more, it was at the same time that we came to the conclusion, due in part to the insistence of the New York members, that a special convention of the Russian Federation must be held in order to definitely improve the situ- ation in the Russian Federation and in Novy Mir. Consequently, the political commit- tee of the party at,its meeting of Dec, 30 passed the following additional de- cisions: “Motions by Comrade Bittel- man: 1. That the Central Execu- tive Committee appoint Comrades Bourgin, Olgin and Brailovsky as the responsible editors of the Novy Mir. 2. In order to save the Novy Mir mo- bilize the Russian Section for the Novy Mir, we authorize a special con- vention of the Russian Section.” In passing these decisions we felt that we were doing what was necessary in the interests of the Russian Federa- tion and the party. Bureau Opposes Special Convention. ‘OR the sake of submitting to the convention all the facts in this matter, I must relate that the bureau of the Russian Section did not agree with the Central Executive Committee in the matter of continuing Novy Mir. At its meeting of Dec. 25, after the secretary of the- bureau reported the decisions of the Central Executive Committee, the bureau adopted a mo- tion that it retains its former opinion that it is impossible to continue the daily, but it submits to the decisions of the Central Executive Committee and will carry them out. On Dec. 29 the bureau passed an additional de- cision that it is opposed to the calling of a special convention. You will see, comrades, that in the last two months the Central Executive Committee of the party overruled the bureau of the Russian Federation on a number of very important points. First, on the question of continuing Novy Mir; the bureau was in favor of closing it up, the Central Executive Committee wished to continue the daily. Second, on the question of a special convention; the bureau was opposed to it, the Central Executive Committee was in favor of it. Third, on the question of the reorganization of the editorial board; the Central Ex- ecutive Committee decided to appoint an editorial board of three consisting of Comrades Olgin, Brailovsky and Bourgin, the bureau was opposed to this editorial board, favoring a board consisting of Olgin and Bourgin. In overruling the bureau on all these matters, the Central Executive Com- mittee was perfectly aware of the fact that it is adopting a rather determined and energetic course in solving the problems of the Russian Federation and the only reason why the Central Executive Committee adopted this course was because it was firmly con- vinced that only by these actions could we save the Novy Mir and bring new life into the Russian Section. It is our opinion that the events of the last month have proven conclusively the correctness of the Central Execu- tive Committee position. Opposition of Old Management Committee. MUST report to the convention that the carrying out of the aboye de- cisions of the Central Executive Com- mittee met with some determined op- position and disagreement on the part of some responsible comrades in the Russian Federation. You are probab- ly familiar with the fact that at the very first meeting of the new editor- ial board (Olgin, Brailovsky, Bourgin) Comrade Brailovsky on a motion by: Comrade Olgin was appointed’ secre- tary of the editorial board. This de- cision was greatly resented by the old management committee,. altho even now I would find it difficult to explain why, for instance, the management committee and the manager were called upon to pass ,judgmént upon matters of an editorial nitafe. How- ever, these comrades are party mem- bers atd they seem to have'félt Justi- fied in protesting to the Cénttal Exe- cutive Committee against this ‘decis- iam oor NR eral gy a ee ee ee rer LOM elaae es ‘ Section Convention sent to the Central Executive Com- secretary of the managing board, say- mitee on Jan. 14 by the old managing board, signed by its secretary, M. B. Svetlow. It reads: “Due to the fact that Braflovsky has been appointed editor stop I as secretary and Ashk- enudse as manager and also the man- aging board in its entirity cannot take upon ourselves the responsibility for the further existence of the paper es- pecially at the present moment when We are putting up a strenuous strug- gle to save the paper from death until the federation convention stop We therefore ask the Central Executive Committee which at present took over all matters pertaining to the Russian Section into its own hands to appoint a new managing board and manager of the paper. Unanimously Menaging Board, M. B, Svetlow secretary.” WILL draw the attention of the comrades to the closing sentence of this telegram which reads, “We therefore ask the Central Executive Committee which at present took over all matters pertaining to the Russian Section into its own hands to appoint a new managing board and manager of the paper.” In other words, the com- rades of the managing board handed in their resignation to the Central Executive Committee because they did not agree with some particular change made in the editorial board. I wish to asy you, comrades, the fol- lowing ‘question; Is this the way in which Communists should behave? Is this your conception of Communist discipline? Do you believe that, when @ group of comrades, singly or collec tively, happen to disagree with the Central Executive Committee on cer- tain matters, they have a right to pre- sent a pistol to the head of the Cen- tral Executive Committee demanding either submission or else they resign? And this is precisely what this first telegram meant. In passing, I wish to remark that it isn’t true, of course, as the telegram maintains, that the Central. Executive Committee has taken oyer into its own hands all mat- ters pertaining to the Russian Sec- tion. The truth is, as you comrades will readily admit, that the Central Executive Committee stepped into the proposition of the Novy Mir only in order to save it and nothing else, and that we did save Novy Mir, at least for the present, nob dy, I hope, will deny. S we later learned, the protest and threat of resignation of the old managing, board moved the editorial board to, change its decision regarding. Comrade. Brailovsky and to appoint Comrade,,Olgin as the editor-in-chief. This was; clearly a concession to the old managing board, but a concession made merely in the interests of Novy Mir and surely not because the old managing. board was right in its pro- test. The,Central Executive Commit- tee adopted the same point of view ing the following: ‘Therefore we de- mand that you either immediately re- move Comrade Ashkenudse as manag- er of the paper or we refuse to sup- port the Novy Mir.” I haven't the least doubt that Comrade Svetlow would im- mediately demand resignation or ex- pulsion of the branch from the party. OW, comrades, the Central Execu- tive Committee felt that it shouldn’t needlessly sharpen the con- flict, even if it were necessary to over- look certain breaches of party discfp- line. Confronted with this second ul timatum of the old managing board, the Central Executive Committee de- cided that it will accept one of the al- ternatives of the ultimatum; viz., the resignation of the old managing board. On Jan. 20, in reply ‘to the above tele- gram, the Central Executive Commit- tee sent to Comrade Svetlow the fol- lowing telegram: “Central Dxecutive Committee accepted resignation man- ager and managing board. Appoints Comrade Oblon acting business man- ager until aftér convention with two comrades to be named acting with him as managing board. - You will see that Comrade Oblon has business affairs Novy Mir turned over to him in best possible shape.” Having taken this action, which we are certain was the only possible ac- tion to be taken undér the circum- stances, we felt that this closes the incident, at least until the convention of the Russian Federation. But it didn’t. The comrades of the old man- aging board and some members of the old editorial board found it necessary to appeal to the Comintern, I will read to you later their appeal. At this point I wish to state that it is of course the right of every member of the party to appeal to the Communist International. I hope, however, that this convention will express very defi- nitely its opinion on the merits: of the appeal. ‘HE Central Executive Committee has nothing to retract and noth ing to apologize for in what it did in the Novy Mir matter. It comes before you with the clear understanding that we have done all in our power to help you save your daily paper and to en- able you to contfnue effectively Com- munist work among the Russian speaking workers in America. The Immediate Tasks of the Rus- sian Section. T will be your . duty,. comrades to carefully examine your past experi- ences and present conditions of your work. in order to. formulate concrete steps for the best possible manner, of carrying out the general party tasks among the Russian working masses. Our message to you could be express- ed in the following words:. Don’t per- mit yourselves to. become isolated from the Russian masses. Let your organization and your press reflect to and thereupon wired to Comrade Svet- low the following: “Central Execu- tive Committee confirms Olgin editor- in-chief. and instructs entire staff to give loyal cooperation stop Obstruc- tion endangers life of paper stop Con- vention can. settle. all differences soon.” N sending this telegram we thought that we conciliated the managing board but that was not the case. The comrades of the old managing board, as you will see from their latest tele- gram, seemed to have made up their minds that they will either have their own way or else not work. | Here is their telegram of Jan. 17, in reply to our telegram as quoted above: “We emphatically protest against your insinuations of obstruc- tion. It is our opinion that the Cen- tral Executive Committee is misled and therefore creating obstruction. For all differences were created by re- moval of editorial board and by ap- pointment of trio. If Central Execu- tive Committee was anxious for changes it could as it advises put them into effect at convention which is only in four weeks. The-appointment of Olgin instead of Brailovsky as edtior- in-chief does not change situation as Olgin is busy and unable to devote all time to ed! hip which makes Brail+ ovsky practically chief editor. Olgin failed already to appear today in edi- torial room. We object to removal of Bourgin from editorship. Were your de sire to better paper sincere you would have instructed the two additional men to help Bourgin who was appealing constantly for it. Svetlow and Ashke- nudse as well as the managing board tho loyally on the job they take off responsibility, Henceforth all respon- sibflity rests with Central Executive Committee. Therefore we demand you either to restore formal normal condi- tions or appoint new manager and managing board.” I draw your atten tion again that you carefully read the closing sentence of the telegram which is signed for the managing board by Comrade M. B. Syetlow. It reads “Therefore we demand you either to restore formal normal condi- tions or appoint new manager and managing board.” ERY clear and distinct language, isn’t it? I just wonder what Com- rade Ashkenudse or Comrade Svetiow would’ say if they were addressed in this manner by a unit of the party under their jurisdiction; say, by a branch of the Russian Federation,|— Imagine, for example, the Russian branch of Trenton, N. J., sending in a the fullest possible extent the . daily life and struggles. of the Russian workers in the United States. OU must win the sympathies of the non-partisan masses by organ- izing them and by leading them in the solution of their daily needs. You must under all circumstances “break the influence over these masses of the Russian counter-revolutionists, wheth- er they masquerade under the name of monarchists, liberals, anarchists, or socialists. You must increase your membership. You must win your mem- bership to the idea of shop nuclei and you must mobilize your entire federa- tion to work with the party in carry- ing out the shop nuclei reorganization. You must also convince your member- ship of the necessity of joining the unions and actively participating in the building of a militant left wing. In other words, you must make your federation and your daily organ a real, living, militant section of the Workers Party of America. Long Live the Russian Section! Long Live the Novy Mir! Long Live the avachnes Party of Am- erica!” Long Live Soviet; Ruseta! Long Live the. Commynist Interna: tional! Amalgamated Strike in Stamford STAMFORD, Conn., Feb. 19.~-The Amalgamated Clothing Workers’ Un- ion is conducting-a strike at the Stam. ford Manufacturing company plant where boys’ shirts, are\ made,. The strike gained intensity since two girl members of a committee presenting demands were assaulted. Next Sunday Night and Every ‘Sun- day Night, the Open Forum, Soc Dr. S. ZIMMER} D MY NEW LOCATION ial X-Ray rices ~— to Gas. Workers Given — , ESTABLISHHD 12 YEARS. My Examination Is Free Prices Are Reasonable My Work Is Guaranteed - Extracting Specialist ‘DELAY ‘MEANS { DEGAY