The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 14, 1925, Page 12

In the auditorium of the Rand school . . . Morris Hiilquit is to give a lecture on “Labor, Socialism and the Progressive Movement.” He was supposed to have ‘been here at 1:30 p. m. It is 1:40 and he has not arrived yet. The auditorium is not even half full; and more than a third of the audience is made up of young boys and girls, who belong to the young socialists (due to the very large gymnasium and dance rooms at the Rand school). A girl just back of me remarks to her neighbor: “You know, Mr. Goldstein spoke yesterday for the socialists.” “Who is Mr. Gold- stein?” asks the other. “He is a demo- crat, but he is a friend of mine, and so he spoke for us.” That’s the en- vironment. Where is the old spirit, old enthusi- asm, old crowds of inspired soctial- ists, who would pack the same audi- toriam full? The place truly re- sembles a graveyard: much more than an assemblage of class. conscious workers, the vanguard of the prole- ‘tariat. The atmosphere chills and one:feels estranged in this void space Ske Here comes in a bunch ef four trade union bureaucrats; fat, faces, shapeless bodies indicating long service to the machine and sure jobs for the present. Enters the chairman and Mr. Hill- quit. Hillquit takes a seat. His face visibly expresses disappointment—a sad grimace covers it as he looks thru the crowd. As the chairman intro- duces him the grimace is replaced by a typical Hillquit smile. He begins his lecture by admitting that “Such a merger is somewhat new in the history of the socialist movement” and that “this campaign is a very unusual experience for a so- cialist movement in any country.” The reasons for this adventure he states are “unusual conditions confronting us at this time.” He states that the VIA BERNSTEIN - objective of socialism is “the aboll- tion of private ownership in funda- mental industries and the gradual .es- tablishment of socialism based on popular labor.” “Whatever is going to be ultimately is not of great para- mount importance.” The immediate objectives are of paramount import- ance. In an. apologetic tone he says that socialists were previously . pro- ceeding on the formula of Marxian philosophy. However, “In the last several years in the formula certain changes took place due to changing world conditions.” He throws in a couple of sentences in explanation of the “classical Marxian theory of so- cialism,” class antagonism, profits and wages, class struggle, as if to remind the audience that he is well versed in Marxian terminology. He assures his audience that the difference between economics and politics is that of degree and not kind and then proceeds to the most im- portant part of his address. “The entire political conception of, the socialist movement was based-on the economic and political interests of wage earn- ers. The main two contending class- es are capitalists and wage earners; economics was based entirely on fac- tory relations. Marxian theory and Marxian practice simply neglected the Jagricultural population.” At that time this formulation was all-sufficient; only when the working class elements reached the height of organization the problem arose: “How are we, social- ists, to ever gain a majority in the coun- try in order to gain control of the gov- ernment?” Then'it became clear that intense cultivation of the farmers’ sympathies were to be made. “That is one modification to the strict Marx- ian theory of socialism: its extention to include agricultural elements.” He had to offer a second modification, which “took place partly by natural progress and was accelerated by the war.” “At the time of the formula- bY bie 2 sertor GERMANY Communist Reichstag Campaign BERLIN—In spite of the fact that parliamentary immunity is a dead let- ter in Germany today, the Commun- ist deputies in the Reichstag are mak- ing consistent use of their position to bring the facts of the class struggle and the message of revolution before the German masses, During the recent reichstag discus- sion of Luther’s ministerial statement, Comrade Ruth Fischer made a merci- less expose of the new Luther cabinet and of the shameful role played by the social democrats. Social Traitors Get Theirs. “The social democrats,” she began, “are complaining about the mon- archist character of the new cabinet, but they themselves are above all re- sponsible.” Recalling the policy of collaboration and support followed by the social democrats in connection with the reactionary ministry of Cuno and Stressemann, she went over the long list of social democratic betray- als, and showed the stupidity of the pacifism extolled by Hilferding and Dr. Breitscheid, with his eternal quest for a portfolio. Ruth Warms Up. Ripping up the program of the new cabinet, Comrade Fischer showed how Germany was being reduced to the status of a colony by the Dawes plan, described the “sanitation” process in Austria, Czecho-Slovakia and the Bal- kans, and showed that France was soon due for the same _ treatment. Touching next upon the Anti-Soviet united front organized by England and America, she declared that this united front of capitalism would be met by the red front of the world pro- letariat. After exposing the treachery of the social democrats who were support- ing the reichstag, Ruth Fischer laid bare the hypocrisy.of the Luther pro- gram, a program of pretended social peace, which would translate itself tion of the Communist Manifesto, Eu- rope was under autocratic rule. There was practically no democracy. When general suffrage was extended it was for years very limited. The political activities of the working class were not those of today. Therefore the phraseology: the capture of political power of government. It did not mean an evolution it meant a war, a revo- lution. In the 75 years that passed a revolutionary change took place— gradually the countries of Europe be- came democratic. Women are en- franchised in all countries, all mon have suffrage, and so the entire prob- lem of socialist political work was changed very radically.” “To conquer democratic control of political insti- tutions (for liberatlization of govern- ment( was the duty of the old social- ists; the only thing left to socialists in Europe now is the economic pro- gram.” Such is the second modification of Marxian teachings as practiced by so- cialists,; according to their mouthpiece, Mr. Morris Hillquit. (“He'll quit” ir- resistibly presses itself against one’s consciousness, altho it is as clear as the day that he has already quit the road of Marxism.) From these general considerations he goes over to an analysis of. con- ditions in Europe and America. He finds that we in America never had @ political autocracy; we never had here any feudal class, no peasant class in the sense of Europe and antagonistic class interests between labor and cap- ital; therefore, “Our whole popula- tion is. practically homogeneous.” “The definite mark of demarkation be- tween industrial worker and farmer of Durope does not and never did exist here.” “The species, the fixed class of workers in America is a very recent class, without heredity—a very con- servative type in politics.” The pro- gressives in America are specifically By J.C. Oblan an American type; something very in- definite but distinctly American. There is a different class constella tion, different classes, different types, and therefore, different parties. “The new alignment is based on the above.” “This movement means a workers’ and farmers’ movement, altho not a socialist movement.” “It does not mean yet a definite political align- ment,” however, “a labor party is bound to come into existence.” “It will be partly unlike any that before existed. It will be even not entirely analogous to the labor party of Eng- land (where the homogenous expres- sion of wage earners is the important nucleus), because this party will in- clude the farmer element and pro- gressive groups.” The program of such a party is unimportant. For those who do ‘not care so much for slogans, symbols, but for substance, the present experience will appeal as promising. : In answer to questions’ Mr. Hill- , quit asserted that the platform. of LaFollette is “a working class” plat- form because many planks are in tho interests of the workers and because it is composed of 75 per cent workers. So Mr. Hillquit is definitely on the road to Bernsteinism. Still accepts Marxism, altho he has two modifica- tions of the Marxian “formula” for the present. The ultimate is not of great paramount importance due to the “re- volutionary change” which took place in the various countries in Europe in the last 75 years (they became “demo- cratic”) “the capture of political pow- er of government” in the sense of “a war, a revolution” is a dead phrase. “The only thing left to socialism in Eu- rope is the economic program.” In our country the whole population is “practically homogeneous.” The plat- form of LaFollette is a “working class platform.” , into new taxes, still worse conditions for the working class, and more sav- age persecution of the workers and the Communist Party. Recalling the duplicity of the social democrats in Saxony, in Thuringia, and at the Ebert trial, she declared that their recent electoral victories were ob- tained by means of lying promises, and would never be repeated. Shows Communist Method. In conclusion, calling attention to the parliamentary and ministerial eri- sis, already of three months’ dura- tion, and the insecurity of German in- dustry, Comrade Fischer declared that the new cabinet would not be able to solve existing economic and social contradictions; that Germany could be freed only by the revolution, and that it would not be long before the German proletariat would demon- strate that the reichstag parliamen- tarians’ way of doing things was not their way. Demonstrate Against Dawes Plan BERLIN.—At the time of the Reich- stag discussion of Luther’s minister- ial statement, the Berlin proletariat held a great demonstration against the Luther cabinet and the social democrats. Hundreds of thousands of workers coming from all parts of Berlin and its suburbs marched thru the streets with flags and placards bearing the inscriptions: Down with the Luther Cabinet! Lenin is dead; Leninism lives! Free the political prisoners! Proletarians, when will you avenge Karl and Rosa? ete. . . All the big factories and shops of the capital were represented. Communist Speakers’ Message. At noon, many speakers addressed the masses, recounting the crimes. of the bourgeoisie and social democracy, and openly attacking the Luther cabi- net. Ruth Fischer, Communist leader and member of the reichstag, spoke, reminding the workers that six years ago Berlin and Germany were in the hands of the workers, “Now the mon- archists are again governing the country,” she said, “and social democ- racy is responsible. . . This dem- onstration shows that we are begin- ning to understand that we must work in the shops and in the trade unions. Our Russian brothers worked there from 1905 to 1917—and then they con- quered. We too shall work there, and we shall conquer. ‘Today we are holding a demonstration, in Berlin and Berlin itself is not yet ours, not yet Communist. “We must conquer Berlin!” _ GREAT BRITAIN Glasgow Tenants’ Struggle GLASGOW— The Clyde workers have a well-earned reputation for be- ing hard fighters, and the police con- tingents who are making repeated at- tempts to evict the families of unem- ployed workers in this region are not finding it an easy job. At Clydebank the resistance was so strong and well organized that special detachments were sent from Glasgow and Dumbar- ton to aid the local police, Battle with Police. When the reserves arrived at dawn, the families threatened with eviction were warned according to plan by the beating of drums, and the work- ers’ defense guard gathered. A violent clash between workers and police followed, the police inci- dentally, charging groups of women gathered in the streets, and a number of workers were arrested. Despite the resistance, the police smashed in the doors of a number of houses and carried out the evictions, but the mo- ment that they had left the crowd broke the seals and reinstated the evicted workers, British Communist Army Program ~ LONDON—The executive commit- tee of the British Communist Party has issued a program of demands for soldiers, to be distributed in the Eng- lish army. The.program demands the right for soldiers to form trade un- fons of soldiers and aviators, to par- ticipate in trade union activities, to belong to political parties, to organize sections of these parties in the army, and to attend political meetings and demonstrations. Further demands are the abolition of court-martial, and the establish- ment of military tribunals on the basis of juries consisting of three sol- diers, a petty.officer and an officer, . the right of appeal to civil tribunals, the abolition of the death . penalty. and the abolition of military interven- tion in strikes. SOVIET RUSSIA Health in Soviet Russia MOSCOW. — The central commis- sion on epidemics attached to the health commissariat has isued sta- tistics on disease of the U. S. S. R. during nine months of 1924. As compared with the same period in 1923, cases of spotted fever showed a decrease of more than half (109,000 and 230,000), recurrent fever—a de- crease of one-sixth (41,000 and 230,- 000). Cases of typhoid were about the same s in the previous year (89,- 000 and 90,000). There has been a very great decrease of cases of small pox. Malaria was about the same in 1924 and in 1923. : Food Supply in Bad Harvest Areas MOSCOW. — According to informa- tion sent to Comrade Rykov’s commis- sion the food situation in the bad har- vest districts in the Samara and Sara- tov gubernias, im the Nemrespublika (German Republic) on the Volga and in the Tzaritsin, Astrakhan, and Vor- onezh gubernias is as follows: By November 1, 5,504,000 poods of various sorts of grain were sent to the bad harvest districts. This is one and a half times more than was orig- inally planned. Moreover, local stores of various kinds of grain were accu- mulated in the bad harvest districts, which gave 3,669,000 poods of grain. All this stabilized the food situation in these districts guaranteeing them a sufficient supply of grain.