The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 13, 1925, Page 4

[ow Page Four et FIGHT AGAINST DEPORTATION OF SCHEDEL NOW ON Case Before ‘D.of J.’ and Department of Labor Petitions from all over the land have been pouring in to the depart- ment of justice, asking that the crim- inal case against John C. Schedel, who was deported during the height of the red raids, and who later came back, be dropped Petitions have been sent one coast to the other, among them names well all in this country. Men from all walks of life have} appealed to the government of the! United States to forego prosecution in from containing known to} of John C. Schedel on account of re-entering the United States after deportation, and to set aside the original order of deportation against Schedel so that he may remain in this country with his American-born wife and four American-born children Petitions Carry Many Names Among the individuals who have signed petitions or have written let- ters to the department of labor and department of justice are such well known authors as Robert Herrick, Sherwod Anderson, Upton Sinclair, and David Starr Jordan, Dean James Parker Hall, Professor Ernest Freund and practically the whole faculty of the University of Chicago law school. One of the recent petitions sent in contains the names of many teachers and students in Clark University. There are H. P. Little, Dean of Col- lege, Clark University, Chancellor Capen of University of Buffalo, Char- les B. Randolph of Clark University and other many prominent indivi- duals of Worchester, Buffalo, etc. Publications Take Stand Among the publications which have also expressed themselves definitely in this case and pointed out the in- justice which would be done to Sche- del and his family were he deported, are the New Republic and the Christ- ian Work. Thru the Labor Defense Council and the American Civil Liberties Union, thousands of signatures on petitions have been forwarded on be- half of this defendant. In addition many unions and working-class or- ganizations passed resolutions call- ing for the dismissal against Schedel. (Continued from last issue) Troteky on Himself and Leninism Trotsky, in his book, “1905” (pp. 4-5) writes as follows: “In the period between January 9, and the strike in October, 1905, I formed those views of the character of the revolutionary development in Russia which have received the desig- nation of ‘permanent revolution’ . . .| Despite the interval of twelve years, | this estimate has been fully con- firmed.” (This was written in the| year 1922! L. K.) But during the whole of these years this theory was opposed by an- other theory, Lenin’s theory, express- ed in the formula: “Revolutionary, democratic dictatorship of the prole- tariat and peasantry.” “This idea,” so wrote Comrade Trot- sky in 1918, and wrote it again in 1922 without the slightest reservation, “this idea has been repeated unwear- ingly by Lenin since 1904. But that does not make it correct.” In this book (“1905”), Trotsky de- scribes Lenin's fundamental idea as an empty abstraction, and writes that the Bolsheviki “arrive at the idea of a bourgeois-democratic self-limitation of the proletariat possessing state power.” He continues: ‘Whilst the anti- revolutionary features of menshevism are already visible to their full ex- tent, the anti-revolutionary features of Bolshevism (I underline these words on account of their importance. L, K.) threaten to appear as mighty danger 64-PAGE PAMPHLET ON LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM NOW IN PREPARATION This instaliment is part of a pam- phiet“Leninism or Trotzkyism” now in preparation. It includes articles by three outstanding figures in the Russian Communist Party: G. Zinoviev, |. Stalin and ©. Kamen- ev, to form ya most timely and im- portant contribution to a discussion of world interest. The pamphlet will be of 64 pages, selling at 20 cents and will be ready at the con- clusion of this serial publication, mental questions of the revolution, with the mutual relations of the dif- ferent classes during the revolution, with the question of “permanent revo- lution,” or Comrade Lenin’s theory, and this is the question of the role played by the peasantry in the revolu- tion, the question of the paths lead- ing to socialism in an agrarian coun- try, the question of the methods and conditions for the realization of the proletarian dictatorship in a country in which the peasant population pre- ponderates. This is no contention on abstract formulas. The theory of per- manent revolution is based upon a complete underestimation of the role only in case of a revolutionary vic- tory.” Comrade Trotsky, who caused this phrase on the dangers of the anti-rev- olutionary features of Bolshevism to be republished and confirmed in the year 1922, adds the following: “As is already well known, this did not happen, for Bolshevism, under Comrade Lenin’s leadership, changed its ideological equipment in this most important question in the spring of 1917, that, before the conquest of power.” (Trotsky, “1905,” Russian edition, p. 285.) Trotsky’s idea is now clear. The standpoint held by Lenin and by the Bolshevist Party on the character of the revolution, as developed between 1904 and the spring of 1917, had not only been wrong, but even counter- revolutionary with respect to the so- cialist revolution. Lenin and the Bol- sheviki were thus obliged to “change their equipment” in the spring of 1917, before the conquest of power, for the purpose of accomplishing the conquest of power. That is, they found them- selves obliged to substitute the coun- ter-revolutionary equipment of Bolshe- vism by the really revolutionary of charges! equipment which Trotsky had kept ready on hand for twelve years. It is In the following words to the de-| Trotsky’s conviction that, Lenin came partment of labor, Attorney I. E. Fer-| over to Trotsky after first building guson has completed the presentation+'P the party for fifteen ‘years on “anti- -of the case before the departments which can effect the complete freeing of Schedel from all charges: “In view of the fact that if Schedel were convicted and imprisoned on charge stated, his deportation would automatically follow such impriagn.| ment, we have proceeded first by ap- plying to the department of justice for dismissal of the criminal proceed- ing. It is my understanding that the department of justice has now sub- mitted for your consideration the pe- tition on behalf of the alien for dis- missal of the criminal complaint.” POPOEO PEELE EEE EE HeE Detroit, Attention! SECOND Annual Dance Given by the Detroit Greek Branch, W. P. for the benefit of the only Greek workingmen’s newspaper “Empros” ’ Saturday, Feb. 14, 8 p.m. at the HOUSE OF THE MASSES, 2101 Gratiot. Admission: Men 75c; Ladies free. Partners assured for all. Se Ln td Geet PITTSBURGH, PA. To those who work hard for their money, | will save 50 per cent on all their dental work. DR. RASNICK DENTIST 645 Smithfield Street. ———— E, W. RIECK LUNCH ROOMS Seven Places 62 W. Van Buren ( 42 W. Harrison 169 N. Clark | 118 S. Clark 66 W. Washington | 167 N. State 234 S. Halsted PHONES, HARRISON 8616-7 E. W. Rieck Boston Baked s and Brown Bread and Fresh Made Coffe Commiceary and Bakery: 1612 Fulton &t. Phone West 2549 Relieve Coughs, Colds, *Headache, Rheumatism and All Aches and Pains with | druggiots— 350 and 650 jars and tubes, Ghidarea's Moorole(elldee fora) Se revolutionary” ideas.” Trotsky has proved to be in the right during the whole course of his intellectual conflicts, with Bolshevism and with Lenin up to the. year 1917— that is the import of all Trotsky’s latest books (“1905" and “1917.”) But if this is so, then-we must state it openly. If Bolshevism contains an- ti-revolutionary features, if we have to change our equipment before a de- cisive battle, then what right have we to teach uncorrected Bolshevism to our proletariat and to the proletariats of ajl countires? Why do we not say anywhere, not in one single textbook read by the proletariat of our country and of the whole world: Comrades, we teach you Bolshevism, but do not forget that Bolshevism contains anti- revolutionary features, and as soon as the fight begins, then you will not be able to manage with the equipment of Bolshevism, but will have to re- place it by, another, the equipment of Trotskyism, We mpst either teach Bolshevism, Leninism, as it is, Without correction, as the real theory of proletarian revo- lution, or, if there is anyone who be- lieves that this theory is not the true theory of proletarian revolution, but that it has to be supplemented by Trotskyism in order to become such, then he must state openly and straightforwardly what alterations he thinks should be made. Is there real- ly something anti-revolutionary in the teachings of Bolshevism on the revo- lution? Then the works issued by Lenin before the spring of 1917 must not be made the scientific authority om proletarian struggle and proletar- an strategy against the bourgeoisie. Jr we must at least say: But the art f realizing proletarian revolution is 1ot to be learned from Lenin's works ip to 1917, but from Trotsky’s works / since 1905, The October revolution was either accomplished beneath the banner of uncorrected Leninism, or it was ac- complished beneath the banner of Trotskyism and its correction of Len- inism. Here we are at a parting of the ways. It was to be expected that Comrade Trotsky, in order to grant a certain amount of satisfaction to the party which he has thus benefitted, should willingly admit that he has cqmmitted certain organizatory errors in the past. What does such an acknowl- edgment cost, when it serves as a cloak for the unpunished assertion that Bolshevism, Leninism, contains anti-revolutionary features? Paris is worth a mass! If one can appropriate the role of intellectual and theoretical leader of Bolshevism and the October revolution, it is worth while to admit to even considerable errors in the past. Trotsky, in his “Lessons of Octo- ber,” actually does make such a con- fession to the party. “I have acknowl- edged my real and great organizatory mistakes,” he writes. But was the fifteen years’ conflict between Lenin and the Bolsheviki on the one side, and Trotskyism on the other, concern- ed with organizatory questions? This Better than a Mustard Plaster EH is nonsense, an endeavor to distract from the point. The conflict was directly concerned with the funda played by the peasantry; it replies to one question only; it tells how power cannot be seized or maintained under these conditions. Trotsky’s viewpoint, summed up from a study of the “Lessons of Octo- ber,” may be expressed as follows: “On the eve of the events of 1905, Len- in imparted a peculiar character to the Russian revolution by the form- ula: Democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. But, as later developments showed, this form- ula had only: significance. for one stage on the way.” This is followed by a literary dissertation to the effect that this stage was a stage on the way to Trotsky’s formula. And this is the actual intellectual kernel of all Trot- sky's latest writings. Trotsky shuffles his Trotskyism beneath Leninism with the whole of the literary art and talent peculiar to him. This last book of his ‘s not written for the whole party, but ‘or the younger generation now grow- ing up, for the youth who within a year or two will have to determine the destiny of the party. The aim of Trotsky’s latest book, “1917,” is to take revenge for the twelve years in which Lenin exposed Trotsky’s wretched policy, to prove that the revolution confirms his (Trot- sky’s) theory, and to poison the minds of the future leaders of the party, now studying in the Communist universi- jties, workers’ faculties, colleges, etc., by this shuffling of Trotskyism into Leninism. We cannot permit this aim to be realized. In this book (“1917), Trotsky in- veighs against Zinoviev, Kamenev, Ry- kov and others: I shall deal further with this, and with my own errors, but am of the opinion that the re- proaches made in this book are not intended for us only. The names of Kamenev and Zinoviev are given, but Lenin is meant. The question of the fate of Bolshevism may be put in the following form: Lenin had an excel- lent theory, but the disciples of Lenin did not know how to apply it, they did not recognize the needs of the concrete situation. The formula was right, but it has been badly carried out by this or that Bolshevik. It is possible to put the question in this manner, but it can also be stated as follows: If we draw all the logical conclusions from the Leninist form- ula, we are bound to land in a bog. The formula itself is wrong, and this wrong formula has been employed logically, correctly. In the first case we have a justification of the Bolshe- vist theory and an indication of the errors of individual Bolsheviki, but in the second case, if we are told that) Lenin's nearest disciples accepted his formula and landed in a bog thru ap- plying it literally, then .we see—en- lightened as we already are by Trot- sky’s assertion as to the anti-revolu- tionary features of Leninism, and by his statement that Trotsky’s theory, and not Lenin’s has been “completely confirmed”—then we see that the blows struck are not directed against Kameney and Zinoviev alone, but thru them at Lenin’s main formula. Lenin in April, 1917. Is it true that Bolshevism, in order to solve the problems of the revolu- tion, was obliged to withdraw from its past? Is it true that the theory of the revolutionary democratic dictator- ship of the proletariat and peasantry proved inadequate? What were the actual facts, and how were these re- garded by Lenin? What really happened—as seen by Lenin as well as by us—was that the Bolshevist idea of the “revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the prole- tariat and peasantry” was fully and completely realized in the Russian rev- olution, and, after its realization, be- gan to develop into the Bolshevist idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat. I here take the opportunity of refer- ring to one of the works in which Len- in laid down his principles at that time: “Letters on Tactics,” in which he comments on and explains to the party his famous theses of April 4. Lenin writes: “The revolutionary democratic dic- tatorship of the proletariat and peas- antry has already been realized in the Russian revolution. The workers’ and soldiers’ Soviets are the revolu- tionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry as realized in actual life. We are still in the minorityy we recognize the necessity of gaining the majority (in these or- gans of the dictatorship).” (Compl. works, Rusian edition, vol. XIV-1, p, 49.) ——~, T Leninism or Trotskyism If our theory has ‘geen realized, we nust stride forward.} Mow? In such manner that we gather together the proletarian elements of town and country against the. petty-bourgeois elements, on the basis of the realized dictatorship ofthe proletariat and peas- antry. This means the mustering and organization of the proletarian ele- ments on the basis of this dictator- ship, in order to proceed from the rey- olutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry to the purely socialist ‘revolution. ‘or this reason, Lenin invariably. adapted his tactics to the development of the mass movement in the Debate, and he studied the “peculiarity” of the realiz- ation of the dictatorship of the prole- tarlat and the peasahtry, which con- sisted of the fact that’ the latter, at the given stage of theré¥olution (April 1917), retained their @onfidence in the bourgeois government in the form of “defensé of native country.” After describing the views,of the Bolsheviki contending against him (I was one of these), and after a sha®p attack upon us, Lenin writes: “A Marxist must never quit the firm ground of analysis of élass relations. The bourgeoisie is in power. And is the mass of the peasantry not another bourgeoisie belonging to another strat- um, of another description and char- acter? Does it follow that this strat- um may not seize power by the ‘con- summation of bourgeois democratic revolution? Why should this not be possible? Old Bolsheviki frequently judge in this manner.” I replied, “This is perfectly possible < it is quite possible that the peasantry seizes the whole of the land and at the same time the whole pow- er... Lenin continues: “If the peasantry ceases to support the government in the social revolutionary and menshe- vist Soviets, if the peasantry, having deserted the bourgeoisie, seize the land and power in spite of the bour- eoisie, then we shall have a new stage in the bourgeois democratic revolution and one which will oecupy us greatly.” This is much more complicated than Trotsky’s theory, straight as the line in which the crow flies. For Trotsky, with his slogan of: “Off with the ezar and on with the jabor govern- ment,” the matter was much simple. He simply ignored the whole peas- |antry and the conditions prerequisite to the realization of the dictatorship |of the proletariat in a capitalistically backward agrarian country. The greatness of Lenin lies in the fact that he began to carry out the dictatorship of the proletariat under the given conditions of a given agrar- ian country, and actually did carry this out by means of constantly keep- ing in sight thosé real elements upon whose foundation this fictatorship can not only be proclaimed, but built up. As a matter of fact, even in April it was not possible to judge whether there might not be a moment in the Russian revolution in which the peas- antry would leave the social revolu- } tionary and menshevist Soviets in the lurch and turn against the provisional government, before it-could attain to the dictatorship of the’ proletariat. Lenin, as real politician and mass leader, knowing that we pursued the policy of the proletariat under the peculiar conditions of an agrarian country, arranged his tactics for both possibilities. Lenin would not have been Lenin, that is, he would not have been the practical leader of millions in class war, if he had really taken over Trot- sky’s equipment, for Trotsky’s theory would have inevitably led to the breakdown of the proletariat and of the peasantry as well. In its pure form, the line taken by Trotsky is sim- ply the ignoring of the peasantry, the ignoring of that transition stage dur- ing which the peasantry still places its confidence in the ruling bourgeoisie at first, is disappointed and turns against the bourgeoisie, but still does not join the proletariat; this transitional stage which ends by theproletariat taking over the leadership of the peasantry in the form of peasant’s risings, real- izing the dictatorship, and endeavor- fnig to bring about an alliance between workers and peasan’ in various changing forms. Lenin, in the same pamphlet in which he wrote aginst’the old Bolshe- viki, states: “In my theses I_ have secured my- self against any leaps over agrarian or petty bourgeois movements which have not yet been overcome, against any playing with ‘ ure of power’ by the labor govern: S & y, “Trot skyism’ ‘down with czar,’ ‘up with the labor government’—is wrong. The petty bourgeoisie (t! is, the peas- antry. L. K.), exists\"and cannot be ignored.” Is this not the literal repetition, in the heat of revolution, of all thit Len- in had long warned the party against? In 1910, Lenin had already said that: “Trotsky’s fundamentill error. . . ‘is the lack of the smallest thought about the question of the transition from this (the bourgeois) revolution to a socialist revolution."7 Trotsky's “original” theory takes from the Bolsheviki the demand for decisive revolutionary struggle on the part of the proletariat and the demand tor the seizure of political power, from the mensheviki it takes the “denial” of the role played by thhe peasant- ry. ... Trotsky did not, however, re- flect that when the proletariat induces the non-proletarian masses of the peasantry to confiscate the land of the landowners and to overthrow the mon- archy, the national bourgeois revolu- tion” in Russia is achieved and that this becomes a revdlutionary demo- cratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. (To be continued.) Red Revel Masquerade Ball, 37 South Corner of Monroe and Ashland Bivd., Fobruaryg@ dictatorship of the proletariat, to the | HE DAILY WORKER DON'T NEGLECT THE JUNIORS’ PARTY FEB, 14 Comrade, come with us, Pause in the fight, Be a child with us, Just for one night. This is the invitation extended to the older comrades by, the fighting Junior Section of Chicago for the eve- ning of the fourteenth of February, at the Soviet School, 1902 West Division st. The Junior Section of Chicago, that large group of Communist children who are successfully bringing the working class struggle into the school- rooms of Chicago, are. preparing a Communist entertainment planned by Juniors. They are busy now making up their program of half-hourly mass games, into which everyone will join between dancing. Contests will vie with other deep Red novelties thought up by our wide awake young comrades. Comrades! They need your support in the flesh. Come and spend a joy- ous evening with the future commis- sars of the Chicago Soviet. | Los Angeles Notes | LOS ANGELES, Cal., Feb. 11—The Freiheit Costume Ball is always a great event in Los Angeles. This year a $250 phonograph and radiola presented by the American Music Co. will be given as the first prize for the most interesting costume. Many other valuable prizes will be given fororiginality and peauty of costumes. The ball will be held on Feb. 28. ee 6 Let’s make the DAILY WORKER powerful on the Pacific Coast. Talk to your friends about the DAILY WORKER. Get them to subscribe! ee & The opening of the new left wing radical center, the Co-operative Cen- ter Building, will be celebrated with a grand bazaar on Feb. 13, 14 and 15. ‘The building has a large dance and meeting hall, capacity 800 seats, and a number of smaller meeting rooms. Already a co-operative union bakery equipped with the finest modern ma- chinery has been installed. Union Carpenters and .Painters have given up their holidays_to work onthe building entirely without pay. Archi- tect Evans and Contractor Forman gave their services free. The cost of the building is $50,000. _ At the last shareholders’ meeting the following officers were elected: President, Comrade Feinberg; finan- cial secretary, Rosenstein; recording secretary, Airoff; manager, Simons. All are members of the Workers Party. This shows the confidence the left wing radical movement has in the leadership of the Workers Party. The proceeds from the bazaar will go to finance this gigantic co-operat- ive enterprise. se On Feb. 21 the Needle Trades Coun- cil will have a ball at the Co-operat- ive Center. A week later the Frei- heit Costume Ball will take place at the Co-operative Center. VICTOR ZOKAITIS, A LDERMANIC CANDIDATE, ENDORSED BY THE COMMUNISTS IN ELEVENTH WARD Victor A. Zokaitis, atho only 22 years old, has to his credit many achieve- ments as an active participant in the He was born Oct. 17, 1902, at attending high school, his views on Suspended several times. class struggle. South Manchester, Conn. While still the class struggle caused him to be In the summer of 1917. when he was fifteen years old; he led a strike of young tobacco workers on Hartman’s Plantation, Buck- land, Conn. This tobacco plantation Was owned by the American Tobacco Co., part of the American Tobacco Trust. Thru this strike the young workers won an increase in wages and a reduction of hours from ten to nine per day. Upon leaving high school in his sophomore year, at the age of sixteen, Comrade Zokaitis was employed by Cheny Bros., silk manufacturers, working in their broadsilk weave- room, carpenter shop, and paper box shop. He was fired and blacklisted for attempting to organize his fellow- workers into a union. In 1918 he joined the socialist party |’ and became educational director of the young people’s socialist league of Connecticut in 1919. He participated in the left wing movement within that organization and has been in the Com- munist movement since its inception. At present he is district secretary of the Lithuanian Section of the Work- ers Party for the state of Illinois and president of the Chicago Lithuanian Workers’ Educational Society. Comrade Zokaitis has ben a mem- ber 6f the Chicago Typographical Un- ion No. 16 since his arrival in Chi- cago in September, 1922, and is an ac- tive militant worker in that union. Loewe Tee Date enka as Party Activities Of Local Chicago THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 12 Czecho-Slovak North Berwyn, So- kols Oak Park, Roosevelt and Scoville. Lithuanian No. 2, 1900 S. Union Ave., Savicke’s Hail. Mid-City English, 722 Blue Island Ave. llth Ward Italian, 2439 S. Oakley. Boulevard. Scandinavian Lake View, 3206 N. Wilton St. _ vibe Scandinavian West Side, Zeich’s Hall, Cicero and Superior. Scandinavian Karl Marx, Hirsch Blvd. Russian, 1902 W.Division St. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13 Scandinavian So. Chicago, 641 E. 61st St. - Lettish Branch, 4359 Thomas St. 2733 Patronize our advertisers. VICTOR ZOKAITIS. Philadelphia Italian Branch to Hold Ball, Study Class Proceeds PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 11.—Italian branch No. 4 has arranged a ball for Saturday, Feb. 14, at the Croatian Singing Society Hall, at 2523 East Thompson St. This is a new branch of the Workers Party just organized everal week ago and promises to be one of the most active branches. The Italian comrades of Philadelphia always attend the party affairs and furnish with their songs and spirit a true revolutionary atmosphere. This dance will be a truly proletarian affair, being situated in the heart of this great industrial center. The tow- erIng structures of the great Cramp shipyards will cast their shawdows on this happy assembly of revolu- tionists. > ois The party class in Trade Union History and Tactics meets every Sunday morning at 11 o’clock sharp, at 521 York Ave. The class is reach- ing the most interesting stage of the course. “The Structure of the A. F. of L.” will be the subject for Sunday, Feb. 15. All members of the Workers Party. and the Trade. Union Education- al League are invited. Chicago, Please Help NOW! Fifty thousand letters to Lincoln St. (phone Seeley 3: Council. Help us fight the reactio Volunteer! Contribute your services, be mailed out from 19 South 563) for the Labor Defense nin Michigan! at least. a PRIZES witt be Saturday Night—Grand Finale GRAND COSTUME BALL International Workers’ Aid * i 208 Bast 12th Street. New York City » GIVE at the JOINT BAZAAR LYCEUM, 86th and 3rd Avenue All New York will be there, You too! You -musn’t miss this event of the season! Saturday Afternoon, 2 P. M.—Junior Day Children's Orchestra — Young Dancers — Revolutionary Tableaux — Child Actors Labor Defense Council