The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 11, 1925, Page 4

Page Four THE DAILY WORKER Leninism or Trotskyism (Continued from last issue) Comrade Lenin explained the mat- ter to Comrade Trotsky: “Martov defends the education of the peasantry (who are carrying on a revolutionary struggle against aristoo- racy) by the liberals (who betrayed the peasantry to the aristocracy). This is nothing else than the substi- tution of liberalism for Marxism, it is nothing more nor less than liberalism disguised in Marxist phrases, . The struggle between menshevism and Bolshevism is indissolubly bound up} with this actuality, for it is here the struggle between the support lent to the liberals (on the part of the men- sheviki) and the overthrowal of the hegemony of the liberals over the peasantry (by the Bolsheviki). Thus the attempt to explain away our dis-| sensions by the influence of the intel | ligenzia, the immaturity ofthe prole tariat, etc., is merely a naive and childish repetition of liberal fairy tales.” We see that “Trotsky came to Lenin” by means of telling the internationaj proletariat liberal fairy tales on Len inism. “A chasm lies between our stand- point and Martov’s standpoint, and this chasm between the views of vari- ous ‘intellectuals’ merely reflects, de- spite Trotsky’s opinions to the con- trary, the chasm which actually ex- isted in the year 1905, between two classes, that is, between the revolu- tionary fighting proletariat and the treacherous bourgeoisie.” This is what Comrade Trotsky, ac cording to Lenin, did not: comprehend about Bolshevism. But if he did nct comprehend this, did he comprehend * anything about it at all? |"Trotsky distorts Bolshevism, fo he has never been able to form any definite views on the role played by the proletariat in the Russian bour- geois revolution.” Comrade Lenin, after characterizin Trotsky’s whole representation of Bc shevism to the uninformed Germa workers as a refined breach of faith,” closed his characterization with the | following words: “In 1908, Trotsky was a menshevist, he left the mensheviki in 1904, return- ed to the mensheviki in 1905, brand- ishing ultra-revolutionary phrases the while, and again turned his back up- on the mensheviki in 1906; at the end of 1906 he defended the election al- Nance with the cadets (thus actually siding with the mensheviki again), and in the spring of 1907 he declared at the London congress that ‘the dif- ference between him and Rosa Lux- emburg was rather a difference of in- dividual shading than of political ten- dency.’ Trotsky plagarizes today from the ideas of one fraction, tomor- row from those of the other, and thus lie regards himself as a being super- ior to both fractions. Theoretically, Trotsky does not agree with the liquid- ators and Otsovists on any single question, but in actual practice he is entirely in agreement with the Golos and Vperjod group (that is, with the 64-PAGE PAMPHLET ON LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM NOW IN PREPARATION This installment is part of a pam- phlet“Leninism or Trotzkylsm” now in preparation. It includes articles by three outstanding figures in the Russian Communist Party: G. Zinoviev, I. Stalin and ©. Kamen- ev, to form a most timely and im- portant contribution to a discussion of world interest. The pamphlet will be of 64 pages, selling at 20 cents and will be ready at the con- clusion of this serial publication. See SEES EEEEEEEEEEEeeee Trotsky spread abroad even more slanders than before against the Bol- shevik leaders of the proletarian ad- vance then beginning. Comrade Len- in characterized Trotsky’s writings at that time as “deceiving and mislead- ing the whole working class.” With regard to an article written by Trot- sky for the German workers, Lenin wrote that it represented “such a copilation of unconsidered self-praise and sententious lies that there can be no dobut but that the liquidatory com- mission to write this article was placed in competent hands.” (Ibid. p. 93.) But perhaps Comrade Trotsky was only in agreement with the enemies of the Bolsheviki as far as the Bol- sheviki organization was concerned, perhaps there was still some differ- ence between him and the mensheviki, the servants of the liberals, in ques- tions referring to the tasks, the aims and the tactics of the rising proletar- ian movement, in questions referring to the tasks, aims and tactics of the new revolution? Let us ask Lenin again: “Trotsky abused the conference in every key, and assured the good peo- ple that ‘the struggle for the right of combination’ was the basis of the events on the Lena and their after- effects that ‘this demand stands and will continue to stand as central point of the revolutionary mobilization of the proletariat.’ Scarcely had a week passed away, and these miserable phrases, ground out of the same ma- chine which supplies the liquidators with their phrases, were blown away like dust.” “It is only the liberal chatterboxes and the liberal labor politicians,” con- tinues Lenin, “who are capable of placing the right of combination in ‘the center of the revolutionary mobil- ization.’” Lenin then compares the policy pur- sued by the liquidators and by Com- rade Trotsky with the revolutionary Bolshevist policy of the Petersburg proletariat: “The proletariat of Petersburg,” writes Lenin, “has grasped that the new revolutionary struggle is not to be carried’on for the sake of one sin- supporters of bourgeois influence over the proletariat. L. K.). I must de- clare that Trotsky represents his fraction only, and enjoys a. certain amount of faith exclusively on the part of the Otsovists and liquidators, (Compl. works XI-2, 292, 293, 296, 307 308.) 1912, The year 1912 was a year of chang- es. In January the Bolsheviki broke off the last remains of organizatory connections with the mensheviki, and formed their own purely Bolshevist Central Committee at their own Bol shevist conference (at Prague). Th: excluded the liquidators from the party and proclaimed a program oj revolutionary action. After the blo bath on the Lena, a stormy wave o, proletarian movement arose, for th: first time since 1905. This move- ment appropriated the program and tactics of the Bolsheviki in their en- tirety. The “Bolshevist epidemic” (to use the malicious term coined by the mensheviki at the time) began to spread, and presently gained the final victory. The awakening labor move- ment removed the liquidators system- atically from every position which they had contrived to gain during the previous sorrowful years of counter- revolution. This was the beginning of the revolutionary attack under th: slogans of the Bolsheviki, under the leadership of the Bolsheviki—an at- tack which led to barricade fighting in Leningrad as early as the middle of 1914. What was the attitude adopted by Comrade Trotsky with regard to these decisive events? Did this wave of revolutionary uplift, this strengthen- ing of the labor movement, perhaps induce Comrade Trotsky to abandon the standpoint of an agent of menshe vism, held by him during the precec ing years of disintegration and decay? Did his ultra-left theory of “permanent revolution” after lying unused for years in his drawer, perhaps aid him to break the bonds fettering him to counter-revolutionary menshevism? No. Comrade Trotsky remained true to himself and—to the menshe- ~‘gt, Uquidators. rfe replied to the organizatory de- velopment and establishment of the Bolshevist Party by a closer alliance, with the mensheviki in their struggle against Bolshevism. It was due to his endeavors that the so-called “Au- gust bloc” came into being; this bloc was the alliance and organizatory mustering of every non-Bolshevist and anti-Bolshevist group and sub-group. “This bloc,” writes Lenin, “is com- posed of lack of principle, hypocrisy, and empty phrases. The basis o. this bloc is evident. The liquidators receive full liberty to proceed as be fore and Comrade ‘Trotsky covers them by the revolutionary phrase, which costs him nothing and binds him to nothing.” (Compl. works, XII- 1, p. 94, April 1912.) On the orders of this bloc-Comrade gle right (the right of combination. L. K.), but for the liberty of the whole people. The proletariat of Peters- barg has grasped that the evil must be attacked at its center, at its source, that the whole system of czarist re- actionary Russia must be destroyed. The proletariat of Petersburg has grasped that it is a piece of ridicul- ous stupidity to make this demand for the right of combination. ‘There is no greater lie than the liberal in- vention, repeated by the liquidators and immediately afterwards by Trot- sky, that the ‘struggle for the right of combination’ lay at the root of the tragedy on the Lena, and of the mighty echoes awakened by this event all over the country.” (Compl. works, XII-1, pp. 183, 185.) The difference is very obvious be- tween the Bolshevist conception of fundamental tasks and that of the mensheviki and Comrade Trotsky. But Lenin explains again and again the counter-revolutionary trend of Com- rade Trotsky’s conception of these tasks. Trotsky followed Axelrod. He found himself superior to the “uncultured,” “barbaric,” “sectarian,” “Asiatic” Bol- sheviki in that he, Trotsky, is a “Eu- ropean,” and fights “beneath the tac- tical flag of European social demo- cracy.” But what is the meaning of this confrontation of “Europeanism” and “European tactics” with Bolshevism? It means one thing only: renunciation of the fulfillment of the immediate revolutionary tasks in the Russia of the czar and the great landowners, and all for the sake of the parliament- ary tactics of the European socialists. “This famous ‘Europeanization,’” writes Lenin, “is being talked about by Dan and Martov, Trotsky and Lev- Itsky, and by the other liquidators, in every possible key. It is one of the main rivets securing their opportun- ism. Their opportunism lies in the fact that the moment which they choose for imparting a ‘European,’ parliamentary propagandist character to the party is precisely the moment when the party is not faced by Europ- ean tasks, but by an immediate strug- gle on the spot. Their idea is thus to avoid the task of revolution, and to substitute revolutionary tactics by par- liamentary tactic: The little word “Europeanism,” on the lips of the liqiudators and Trotsky during the period between 1910 and 1914, further supplemented by the lit- tle word “barbarism” (of the Bolshe- viki), served to conceal the renun- ciation of the revolutionary tasks and revolutionary tactics of the proletar- fat of Russia, Let us read what Lenin wrote in reply to such a “European” article from Comrade Trotsky's pen: “This is the daydream of an oppor- tunist intellectual who, in the midst of the difficylt and non-European con- ditions facing the labor movement in Russia (Lenin wrote this article for the legal Svesda, and therefore em- ployed legal terms; here we should read: under the condtions imposed by the revolutionary tasks facing the la- bor movement in Russia, L, K.) has worked out an excellent European plan, and because he has done this, boasts of his ‘Europeanism’ to the whole world.” (Compl. works., XII-1, Pp. 222, 228, July 1924.) These tactics, actudlly implying ap- probation of the transition of the | party from the path of revolution to the path of the then peaceful Europ- ean socialists, were proclaimed at the time when the new wave of revolu- tion following the blood bath on the Lena demanded an expressly revolu- tionary leadership. It is possible that someone will submit the question: “How is it possible that the theory of ‘permanent revolution’ did not re- strain Comrade Trotsky from such unrevolutionary tactics? How could he, the representative of this ultra- left theory, lend his support to such anti-revolutionary tactics, side by side with the mensheviki, during the ob- viously revolutionary situation from 1912 to 19142” But anyone putting this question would only prove that he has not yet comprehended Lenin’s characteriza- tion of Trotskyism: “Right politics disguised in left phraseology.” “Examine the standpoint of the liquidators,” Lenin confinued to ex- plain to the naive in the year of 1913. “The essential character of their liquidatory standpoint is artifically disguised beneath Trotsky’s revolu- tionary phrases. The naive and en- tirely inexperienced are still often de- ceived by this disguise. But the slightest closer examination imme- diately disperses this self deception.” 1914, Then came the year 1914. The rev- olutionary movement in the proletar- iat made rapid stridés forward, the waves of the tempest of revolution rose higher and higher. Trotsky’s viewpoint remained unchanged in the questions of the principles of revolu- tion and the tactics of the proletarian movement. Let us read what Lenin wrote about him in the year 1914: Comrade Trotsky has never yet possessed a definite opinion‘on any single earnest Marxian question; he has always crept into the breach made by this or that difference, and has oscillated from one side to an- other.” (Compl. works, XII-2., pp. 536, 537.) “The liquidators. have their own viewpoint—a liberal and not a Marx- ian one. Everyone familiar with the writings of Dan, Martov, Potressov and Co. knows this viewpoint. But Trotsky has. no viewpoint, never has had one; he has merely transitions and flittings from the liberals to the Marxists and back again, fragments of words and sounding phrases, swing here and; there. In reality, Trot- sky’s resounding, confused and empty phrases, so misleading to the untrain- ed worker, serve solely for the defense of the liquidators; Trotsky accom- plishes this by preserving silence on the question of illegality (that is, of the revolutionary organization and policy of the working class. L. K.), by endeavoring to convince us that a labor policy does not exist amongst us at all (that is, no endeavor on the part of the mensheviki to subordinate the labor movement to the cadets, etc. L. K.) Comrade Trotsky addresses a special and lengthy sermon to the seven deputies, headed by Tscheidse, instructing them as to the cleverest methods of carrying out the policy of rejection of illegality and of the party.” (Lenin, XIL-2, pp. 410 to 413.) Then came the tempestuous months of the year of 1914. The labor move- ment advanced from political and eco- nomic strikes to armed demonstra- tions, only interrupted by the mobiliz- ation of the army. In July the work- ers of Petersburg were already at the barricades. It was necessary to strike a balance, it was necessary to show to the working class the political cur- rents and tendencies emerging from illegality and from the influence of the refugees from abroad, in order that they might carry on their mo®emen: further. Lenin wrote a comprehen- sive article and had it published in May, 1914, in the Bolshevist periodi- cal, Prosweschtschenje (Enlighten- ment). Here he drew the balance of the ten years of struggle between Bol- shevism and Trotskyism, the struggle which we have followed in its vari- ous stages: “The old participators in Russia's Marxist movement know Trotsky’s fig- ure very well; there is no need to say anything about him to them. But the younger generation of workers does not know him, for he represents a e@rtain type. At the time of the old Iskra (1901-1903), people of this typé oscillated between the economists and the Iskra group. . . “When we speak of the liquidators, we so designate a certain ideological tendency rooted in menshevism and economism, a tendency closely bound up with the policy and ideology of a certain class, the liberal bour- geoisie. “These people ‘explain’ that they are above the fractions, but the sole ertion is that they from one fraction to- , from another tomorrow. “Trotsky was an open adherent of the Iskra from 1901 till 1903, and Rjas- anov named the role played by Trot- sky at the Party Congress in 1903 that of a ‘Lenin's cudgel.’ By the end of 1903, Trotsky was an open menshe- vist, he had deserted from the Iskra to the economists. He proclaimed that ‘a deep chasm yawned between the old and the new Iskra.’ In the years 1904-05 he left the mensheviki and maintained an irresolute attitude; at one time he co-operated with Mar- tinow (an economist), at another time he dished up his left ‘permanent revo- lution’ again. In 1906-07 he approach- ed the Bolsheviki, and in the spring of 1907 he declared himself in full agreement with Rosa Luxemburg. “During the epoch of the decline he turned to the right again after length: ‘anti-fractional’ vacillations, and a DUBUQUE, IOWA, WILL SEE ‘SOME REAL BOLSHEVIKS Meeting in Town of 688 Foster Voters lanes (Continued from page 1) One kluxer told the writer that he subscribed for the kluzers paper through the masonic order, and that it was sold to him because it contain- ed news of the fraternity. The ma- sonic order here is fostering the klan under the pretense of, increasing cir- culation for papers with news of the masons, Taking advantage of this demorali- zation of the labor unions the Dubu- que chamber of commerce have im- ported a “union buster” by the name of Ramsay. He has already succeeded n smashing the teamster’s local which was fairly well organized: they were getting $5.00 for 9 hours and truck drivers $28 to $30 per.week. Non- union teamsters were hired for lower wages and union members blacklisted. Two Strikes On The bakers’ and sheet metal work- ers’ locals are now on strike, the first for a union agreement and the second for an increase from 85 cents to $1.00 per hour. The bakers have lost about 40 per cent of the shops and the metal workers have also lost out on much of the work. The carpenters are fairly well or- ganized and receive 97% cents per hour. The plumbers get $1.00 per hour. Ramsay, the “union buster,” has promised to reduce their wages to 80 cents per hour, The bricklayers, masons, carpenters, plasterers and plumbers have formed a conference board here, there is no building trades council, and Mr. Ramsay is promised a real scrap when he tackles the job of smashing any of these locals. “Open Shop” Employment Agency. Ramsay has opened up an employ- ment agency where the serfs are bought at from 21 to 35 cents per hour for work in the sash and door fac- tories. Mechanics on machines get up to 65 cents per hour. Girls are em- ployed to take finished works away !from the machines at $12.00 per week. \This work was formerly done by men. {Machinists are hired at from 40 to 45 cents. Tf a slave quits a job no other plant will hire him or her. The employment agency keeps their list up to date, so the serf must stay with one master. Shop Crafts Have Agreement. In the C, M. & St! Raul railroad jshops here they now employ about 600, their normal force is apout 1,000. The lear shop has about 100 instead of the normal 300 employed. Machinists re- ceive 72 cents, helpers 49 and sweep- ers did have 41 cents, but now are paid 36% cents per hour. Dubuque shop is the only plant working under the new agreement, with a direct schedule of rates with the company. This is not the infamous B. and O. plan, as all grievances are settled thru the local shop crafts feder- ation. The crafts are now almost 100 per cent’ organized and receive time ind one half for Sundays and over- time. ¢ ‘There are three large factories here producing mill work for houses and other wood work for trimmings. The Brunswick-Balke-Collender company, makers of pictures, pool tables, etc., also have a large plant here, all of them completely non-union. Workers Party Meeting Scheduled. The socialist local here has dis- banded. The LaFollette fiasco finished it, altho a few still get together to operate their hall which is rented to other organizations. The Workers Party received a large vote for Foster at the November elec- tion, 688 votes being credited to our candidates. jin an effort to lotate these sym- patizors a mass meeting will be held at Carpenters’ Hall, 9th and Main Sts., on Tuesday evening, February 17th. J, E, Snyder, district, organizer, and David Coutts will be the speakers. August 1912, he joined the bloc of the liquidators. Now he leaves them again, but in all essentials he repeats their ideas. “Such types are characteristic of the crumbling away of the historical formations of yesterday, when the mass labor movement in Russia was not fully awakened. “The younger generation of workers must learn to recognize this’ type of person, who, without concerning him- self about party decisions or . . about the experiences won in the pres- ent labor movement in Russia, simply step forward with the most unheard of claims.” (XII-2, p, 462.) Lenin deemed it necessary to say this to the younger generation of workers on the eve of a fresh advance of the revolutionary movement in the working class; he here drew the bi ance of the ten years’ struggle carried on by Bolshevism not only against menshevism, but also against Trot- skyism. It is comprehensible to everyone that when a characterization of this kind is repeated from year to year, and not merely with reference to this or that error, but with reference to the whole course purstied by Comrade Trotsky, it is not doné for any super ficial reason, Comrade Lenin saw in Trotsky the embodiment of a current, of a political tendeficy, harmful to Bolshevism. For this reason, and for this reason only, Lenin considered it necessary to warn the party against Trotskyism, a (To be con: ) * te Party Activities Of Local Chicago TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 10 Irving Park English, 4021 Drake Av. Northwest English, 2733 Hirsch Bly. Rumanian Branch, 2250 Clybourn Ave. Ukrainian No. 1, 1532 W. Chicago Ave. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 11 Enlarged Red Revel Committee. Delegates from all branches must be present. Meeting will be held in Room 307, 166 W. Washington St., at 8 P. M. Douglas Park Jewish, 3118 W. Roo- sevelt Road. : Englewood English, 638 Groveland Park, Czecho-Slovak No. 1, Spravedinost Hall, 1825 S. Loomis St. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 12 Czecho-Slovak North Berwyn, So- Kols Oak Park, Roosevelt and Scoville. Lithuanian No. 2, 1900 S. Union Ave., Savicke’s Hail. Mid-City Hnglish, 722 Blue~Island Ave. llth Ward Italian, 2439 8. Oakley Boulevard. Scandinavian Lake View, 3206 N. Wilton St. ‘ Scandinavian West Side, Zeich’s Hall, Cicero and Superior. Scandinavian Karl Marx, 273% Hirsch Blvd. Russian, 1902 W. Division St. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13 Scandinavian So, Chicago, 641 EB. 61st St. Lettish Branch, 4359 Thomas St. A COMMUNIST COMES— PRESTO! PRINTSHOP GIVEN SECOND WIND... A Communist walked into the DAILY WORKER office Monday. Obviously this in itself wasn’t so unusual. But can you imagine what this Communist brought with him? Something that’ most Communists, especially those usually walking in and out of offices (namely, the workers) don’t usually carry around loose or otherwise. it was nothing less than a twen- ty dollar bill! And this unusual Communist with the unusual twenty dollar bill parted company—right «in the DAILY WORKER office, a most appropriate place, too. The Communist left and twenty dollar bill remained. But, unfortunately, the bill won't stay for long—at least not intact. It will be divided into the following four parts: $8.00 for a year’s sub- scription to the DAILY WORKER; $2.00 for the next twelve Workers Monthly’s; $5.00 for the Labor De- fense fund; and $5.00 to insure the continuance of all three—to make the labor press safe for 1925, So Communists and Communist dollars come and go; but the print shop is kept operating! Joe Manley to Speak At English Branch Wednesday, Feb. 11 NEW YORK, Feb. 9.—The down- town English branch of the Workers Party, which meets at 208 East 12th street, will hold its regular educa- tional meeting this Wednesday, Feb. 11, The speaker of the evening will be Joseph Manley, Trade Union Edu- cational League organizer of the east- ern states. Comrade Manley has had wide experience in the trade union field and his talk should prove highly interesting. Visitors are permitted to attend educational meetings. So TUTTI TUTTI LLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLOL LLL Where Food Is Good And the service is fine. Meet your friends at the Zlotins & Plotkins Restaurant 100 Per Cent Union 29 South Halsted St. The best of food at a moderate price eT TTT LLL the ALL-NATION PROGRAM STAGED FOR N.Y. DEFENSE BAZAAR NEW YORK CITY, Feb. 4—Workers of all nationalities will participate in the joint bazaar of the International Workers’ Aid and the Labor Defen: Council at the Lyceum, 86th St. and 8rd-Ave., on February 11, 12, 13 and 14, The sale of tickets indicates that every nationality will be well represented. In the program, too, care has been taken that many nationalities will be represented, there in full force. The Hungarian orchestral and singing societies will be The singing society is another Hungarian organization and it is promised that they will make the bazaar a high light in the artistic evénts of the season. The Freiheit Singing Society is too well known to need any advertise- ment. The Freiheit Singing Society. will make Friday night, February 13, memorable in the annals of artistic life of New York. The Paterson Mandolin Orchestra is another group of workers who can- not be kept from giving expression to their musical feeling. It is known thruout New Jersey and will perform some of its best numbers on Thurs- day, February 12. The Finnish gymnastic and choral clubs hardly need an introduction. The Finnish comrades have taken over a whole evening for musical and ath- letic exhibitions, There will be a Fin- nish band, too. Not to mention that the Finnish Juniors will participate in the gymnastic exhibitions. Finnish night, the opening night of the bazaar, 8n Wednesday, February 11, will be one of the finest of the bazaar. The Ukrainian Workers’ Chorus will sing on Thursday night, February 12, and the workers of New York will be given an opportunity of en- joying the best that the Ukrainian workers are capable of. Have you ever heard mass decla- mation? Do you know that it sounds. like an orchestra, with its soloists and duets and quartets? The German Mass Declamation Society will render some poems in this form. This is a unique performance for New. York, and Thursday night, February 12, will be most enjoyable for this fact. The Workers’ Dramatic League will give a pantomime that not only will portray the class struggle, but also will show that the workers of New York are able collectively to reach a plane of art that only well-trained actors can attain. Thursday night, February 12, will demonstrate prole- tarian art in this form. The children will be there. Satur- day, February 14, is Junior day—and will haye a fitting program. The chil- fren of the Modern School, 60 in num- ber, will dance. The Junior groups of the Young Workers League will give a play, some ‘tableaux, etc, A- chil- dren’s orchestra of 30 pieces will ren- der some classical selections. A former concert master of the Leningrad orchestra, at present in this country, has consented to partic- ipate in the program. Russian violin- ists are famous the world over. This splendid violinist is not only a star, but a sympathizer with the cause for which the bazaar is being given. And a@ young pianist—a young girl—who is making her name in the musical world, will also play. And then the grand finale Saturday night, February 14. This will be a grand costume ball—and the prepara- tions that are now being made promise that February 14 will long be remem- bered in the annals of what workers have undertaken in New York City. Every class-conscious worker, every sympathizer with the moyement, every friend of the working cla: should devote the four evenings— February 11, 12, 13 and 14—to the joint bazaar, The victims of capitalist justi¢e will benefit, and you will, too, Four evenings of real‘ artistic enjoy- ment will make you a better fighter in the struggle. Movies for Workers “Beauty and the Bolshevik” and “Russia in Overalls” will be shown at the following places South Bend, Ind.—White Eagle Theater, 1125 W. Division St., Feb. 11. St. Paul, Minn.—444 Rice St., Feb. 20. All Nationalities Will Be There! JOINT BAZAAR Lyceum, 86th . St. & 3rd Ave. FEB. 11, 12, 13, 14 International Workers’ Aid It's Going to Be Entertaining—There's Goi of Fun—if You Miss It, You Will ‘Mise The Greatest Event of the Season! Come right after work—there is a fine cafeteria. Send Contributions to 208 E. 12th Street, New York City. BRONX JEWISH BRANCH MEETING IS INVESTIGATED Party Discussion Is Inter- rupted NEW YORK, Feb. 9.—“Leninis) Trotskyism,” was the subject for’ dis- cussion at a meeting of the Jewish Branch No. 1 of the Workers (Com- munist) Party in the Bronx. Comrade Castrell was in the chair. “Comrade chairman, I want the floor,” shouted a dozen comrades from different parts of the hall, all jumping excitedly to their feet at the same time. The chairman rapped wildly for order, An Interruption. Suddenly the doors were thrown open, and there in the doorway, pic- turesquely dressed in their Sunday best, with their night sticks majestic- ally poised at just the appropriate angie, stood three blue-coated, flush- faced policemen and a rather cor- pulent inspector. The noise and hudlum and hubbub suddenly ceased—and dread silence fell upon the hall. The house manager, a comrade, went quickly to the door to see what great canon of law had been broken and by whom, or what supreme order had been disobeyed to entitle us to be so honored by our illustrious guests. “What's the trouble?” asked the house manager. “We got orders to raid a billiard parlor,” spoke up the inspector, “and here we are.” “Evidently in the wrong church.” “Say, who’s that guy you got hang- ing up there?” threateningly ‘ asked ~ one of New York’s finest, brandishing his night stick in the direction of a poster advertising the Lenin memorial meeting, stuck up on the speakers’ stand. They Ask Questions. “That’s Lenin,” confidently spoke up the house manager. \ “Who’s he? The guy what just died?” asked another of New York’s finest. , "No, he’s been dead a year now.” “Well, the other fellow that was with him just died, didn’t he?” “You mean Trotsky,” said the house manager, attempting hard to smile pleasantly and be sociable. “No, he didn’t die, he is still alive. We were just discussing whether our party should stand by Lenin, who, tho dead, is yet very much alive, or adopt the principles and tactics of Trotsky, who, tho still alive, is yet dead as far as his political prestige and influence in world politics is concerned.” “Well, if he ain’t dead, he ought to be,” spoke up the brave inspector. “You all ought to be dead—a bunch of dirty Bolsheviks trying to upset the United States.government. Come, boys, I guess we can go now,” said he, addressing his puppets, and with that they marched majestically down and out, their night sicks still poised artistically at just the appropriate ngle above their shoulders, evidently coming to the conclusion that they were not in the land of bribery and booze and had undoubtedly stumbled into the wrong joint. And thus was the Jewish Branch Bronx investigated! m i to Be Lots Labor Defense Council