The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 31, 1925, Page 11

(Continued from last Saturday) Vv. Whither ts the Present Development of Trotsky Leading? Comrade Trotsky, as an obvious in- dividualist,. has of course many fea- tures of character which are only characteristic for him personally. Comrade Trotsky. often sets up such @ political platform that only one per- son can stand on it: Comrade Troi- sky himself, as upon this platform there is no room for anybody else. It would be a mistake, however, to see in this standpoint of Trotsky only the individual. There is no doubt that he represents a fairly broad section of the factor of our situation. Since 1922, but even more since 1923, there has been an indisputable increase in the prosperity of the coun- try, an indisputable improvement in the material situation and the mood of the workers. . At the same time we see from all the expressions of Com rade Trotsky that precisely during these years his political mood has be- come worse. The curve of the polit- ical mood of the broad masses of the «workers of our country is in an up- ward direction, the political mood of Comrade Trotsky is in a downward di- rection. Comrade Trotsky is beginning to see things in ever darker colors. He prophesies the decline of the country on the eve of an indisputable improve- ment in the economic situation, he makes false diagnoses and proposes wrong remedies, he loses more and more of his followers, etc. Let us call to mind that Comrade Trotsky, at the time of his first encounter with Comrads Lenin and the Teninst C.C., at the time of the dispute over the Brest peace, still had a considerable portion of the party on his side. At the time of the second encounter with Lenin, in 1924 (trade union discus- sion), Comrade Trotsky still had about a fifth of the delegates to the party conference on his side, and this in the presence of Lenin. During last year’s discussion Trotsky’s following was already much smaller, but never- theless there were still hundreds of comrades who were prepared consis- tently to defend his platform. In the present attack of Comrade Trotsky against the C. C. the comrades defend- ing the platform of Comrade Trotsky can be counted on the fingers. And this is not a mera chance. This fact alone shows that Comrade Trotsky in recent years, of course without wishing it himself, has given expression, not to the mood of the proletarian masses, but often involu- tarily to the mood of other sections of the population. If we pursue the line of develop- ment of Comrade_Trotsky, if we test his latest political evolution in al! its details during the last two or three years, it is not difficult to encounter apparent contradictions; and some- times_it may seem as if Comrade Trotsky were criticising the C. C., not from the right but from the left. Was it not Comrade Trotsky who accused the C. C. and its representatives in the Comintern that they had “missed” | the German revolution? Is that then not a “left” criticism? But when w« bear in mind that along with the ‘‘left” phrases of Comrade Trotsky there stands the fact that Trotsky, during the whole of 1923, supported the right wing of the C. P. of Germany, and on the other hand the fact that the right elements of all sections of the Com- intern during last year’s discussion supported the standpoint of Trotsky then the question is seen in quite another light. When we remember that even in January, 1924, the draft resolution of Comrade Trotsky, Radek and Piatakov contained passages, ac- cording to which if the C. P. of Ger- many in October, 1923 had entered upon a revolt it would today be a heap of ruins, then it becomes clear that Comrade Trotsky here, as in all the other questions which he deals with in the “Lessons of October”, has not been in any way consistent. In the activity of Comrade Trotsky there is much that is individual, much that is the mere reflection of passing moods, much that is brilliant. His platform is not yet finally settled. His political standpoint shimmers in all the colors of the rainbow. Our task consists in understanding what sub- stance there is in all this, what is the basis of all this; and we maintain that the basis consists of something which is not. Bolshevist and not Leninist. From whencescomes this variety of form? It has its basis in the fact Bolshevism or that Comrade Trotsky’s political de- velopment is not yet ended, and that it is taking place in a time of transi- tion, in the period of the new Eco- nomle Policy. Through all the variety, through all the improvisations of Comrade Trot- sky there comes to light one definite tendency, Let us imagine for a moment what would be the state of our country if our party, instead of energetically re- sisting the proposals of Comrade Trot- sky, had accepted his most important proposals since 1921. This would have meant: 1 The trade unions would have be- come state institutions, there would have taken place the notorious “fu- sion” of the trade unions with official state and economic organs. The trade unions, which today constitute our broadest basis and embrace 6 mil- lion workers and employees, would have been converted into a bureau- eratic appendage of the official ma- chine. In other words, we would oave created a basis for menshevism and undermined with our Own hands the dictatorship of the proletariat. 2. The party would have become ex- cluded from the fmmediate leadership of the economic and state organs. The Soviet apparatus would have become more independent. “The emancipa 64-PAGE PAMPHLET.ON LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM NOW IN PREPARATION This Installment is part of a pam- phiet“Leninism or Trotzkyism” now ‘in preparation. It includes articles by three outstanding figures in the Russian Communist Party: G. Zinoviev, 1. Stalin and C. Kamen- ev, to form a most timely and im- portant contribution to a discussion of world interest. The pamphiet will be of 64 pages, selling at 20 cents and will be ready at the con- clusion of this serial publication. tion of the Soviets from the party” would not merely have remained on paper, in the writings of the emi- grants, but would have been partly realized, It is hardly necessary to point out to a Bolshevik that such a tendency would have had innumefable fatal consequences. 3. The bourgeois specialists would have won a far greater influence in all branches of our work, and not only on the military field. It is almost su- perfluous to point out that that was one of the most important features of the political platform of Comrade Trotsky, and one of the most impor- tant points of his differences with our party. Of course it is absolutely necessary that we attract honest specialists into our work, and that we create such an atmosphere as will enable them to ‘ender useful service for our cause. f, however, the question of special- sts had been solved, not according to Lenin but according to Trotsky, it rovld have meant the greatest polit- ical concession to the new bourgeoisie 4. in the questions of the inner life of the party we would have had to recognize that, not the workers at the benches but the youths in the high schools constitute the barometer of the party; the youths in the high schools, among whom there are ex- cellent proletarian elements, but among whom there are not a few peo- ple who are connected by a thousand social ties to the petty bourgeoisie and, through them, to the Nep and the new bourgeoisie. 5. We should not have carried out the currency reform because, accord- ing to Trotsky, “first” industry had to be restored, and then the currency reform was to be taken in hand. It is not neeessary to mention that if we had accepted this “tngenious” pro- posal, the weight of the socialist ele- ment upon the economy of our coun- try would only have been reduced and the new bourgeoisie would have there- by become stronger. 6, As regards the question of our relation to the peasantry, we should have committed the greatest errors. Instead of the beginning of an alliance with the peasantry, we should be al- ‘ogether estranged from them. The veasantry, alienated by our errors, would have sought another political ‘eader, and of course. would have found it in the new bourgeoisie. ene ne a nT STS CI en een SY Trotskyism? No comrade will be able to say that we have invented the above six points. Every serious Bolshevik will have to admit that the siruggle between the Leninist C. CO, and Comrade Tretsky tarns precisely upon these points, and not upon the question of “personal prestige”, as the philistines think. What would be the state of affairs in our country if, in these six ques- iiens, we had followed the road urged by Trotsky? It would have become a Russia of the Nep, in the sense and to the extent which the ideology of the new bourgeoisie reckoned upon. And thg prospects of the transformation of Russia of the new economic policy into a socialist Russia would have been very remote, and would' even have entirely vanished. If we add to all this the opportunist errors of Comrade Trotsky in the questions of international politics, (over-estimation of the democratic pacifist era, over-éstimation of the miraculous peace-making quality of American super-imperialism, under- estimation of the counter-revolution- ary nature of social democracy, under- estimation of the duration of fascism) and the fact that he supported all right, semi-social democratic elements in the various sections of the Comin- tern, then it is clear in what direction Comrade Trotsky is drawing our party. In this heaping up of one error upon another Comrade Trotsky has nis own “system”, As a whole that system is: right deviation. The new bourgeoisie of our country # precisely a new and not the old sourgeoisie. It has seen a variety of things and has also learned something trom the “Lessons of October”. It saw the masses in action. It saw the ruthless handling of the bourgeoisie by the Bolsheviki in the first period of the October revolution, and the con- cessions of the Bolsheviki to the bour- geoisie in 1921, when these same ruthless Bolsheviki were compelled to introduce the new economic policy. It now knows the vdlue of the real re- lation of forces which, among others consists in the international bour geois environment of the first Soviet country. It has its new intelligenzia, educated for the most part in our edu- cational establishments. It has learned to penetrate into the struggle of tendencies within our own party, it has learned to take advantage of Soviet, legality. It is a bourgeoisie which has passed through the fire of the greatest revo- lution; a bourgeoisie which under- stands how to bring about its alliance with the leaders of the international bourgeoisie. In one word, it is a bour- geoisie with a keen class-conscious- ness; an adaptable bourgeoisie, which has become more clever through the experiences of the revolution and bet- ter understands the importance of the workers’ party and the currents with- in this party. . We must not disguise the fact: the social composition of our state appar- atus is such, that an important part of the personnel of this apparatus must be considered as an agency of this new bourgeoisie. said regarding a certain section of the students and of the intelligenzia in general. _ To demand from the _ Bolshevist Party in the years 1921 to 1924, in the period of transition, the before men- tioned six points, means nothing less than to help, even if unwillingly, the new bourgeoisie. © Comrade Trotsky has taken a wrong turning. He wants to fight against the exaggerated “sectarianism” of the old Bolsheviki, which appears to him as “narrow-mindedness”, and in re- ality he is fighting against the bases of Bolshevism. As a matter of fact, of course without wishing it, he is ren- dering the class enemy an invaluable service. We ask the former and present fol- lowers of Comrade Trotsky, whether they are aware that every attack of Comrade Trotsky against the Bol- shevik C. C. since 1921 has been hailed throughout the whole of the non- bol- shevik camp with ever-increasing joy? Marx has already said that one can express the feeling of the petty bour- geoisie without oneself being a small shop-keeper. Of course, Comrade Trot- sky has the best intentions. But the way to hell is paved with good inten- tions. Comrade Trotsky must once and for all give up “saving” our party from alleged errors. He must under- stand and admit his own political errors, which for the greater part arise from the remants of his political ideology of the time from 1903 to 1917, The same must be | j By G. Zinovieo when Comrade Trotsky was an oper opponent of Bolshevism. He must cease from stirring up periodical “crises”, with the regularity and the punctuality of a calendar, every year, and recently every six months. He must understand that nobody will suc- ceed in crushing Leninism by force under Trotskyésm. In one word, it must be understood that Bolshevism remains Boishevism. What is to be d@ne? Split? Non- sense! There can be no talk of such a thing! Our party is more united than it ever was. Disciplinary measures? That is alse absurd! Nobody needs this; some- thing else is necessary at present. It is necessary that the party secure itseif against a repetition of the “at- tacks” upon Leninism. Serious party guarantees are necessary that the de- cisions of the party shall be binding for Comrade Trotsky. The party is not a debating society, but a party, which moreover is in & very compli- cated situation. The slogan of the present day ts: Bolshevizing of all strata of the party! Ideological struggle against Trotskytsm! And before all: enlightenment, en- lightenment and again enlightenment! Our party consists for the greater part of relatively new members. It is necessary that the party study the question of Leninism and Trotskyism. It is necessary that the party clearly see that here it is a question of two fundamentally different systems of tactics: It is not merely a question of the past history of the party. It is here a question of two methods of dealing with present-day politics, which are closely connected with such cardinal questions as the question of the re- lation between the working class and the peasantry. And we cannot avoid thanking Comrade Trotsky that he has at any rate provided the party with a good opportunity of analysing a devia- tion from Leninism and thinking more deeply into the fundamentals of Leninism. Of course, the party must insist that party discipline is also binding for Comrade Trotsky; and we are con- vinced that the party will be able to insist on this. The more clearness there is in the party regarding the question of Leninism and of Trotsky- ism, the less ground there will be for such an attempt as Comrade Trotsky has undertaken. The less response there is in the party to this attempt, the less desire he will have to re- peat it. And the response this time is very small. Comrade Trotsky has so changed the form of his “platform” that there is only room for one man upon it—Comrade Trotsky himself. During the last discussion Comrade Trotsky declared the student youth to be the reliable “barometer”. We did not agree with him then and we do not agree with him now. But it must be stated that even this, not entirely ideal, barometer has not responded this time as in recent years, which proves that the student youth do not wish to replace Leninism by Trotsky- sm. ‘ The best means to hold Comrade Trotsky back from further errors, which will estrange him sfill further from Bolshevism, is for the whole party as one man to repudiate his dev- iation, and then we hope he will soon retrieve his errors. It is to be hoped that Comrade Trot- sky, when he perceives the harmful- ness of this tendency and the unhnim- ity of the party against his enormous = will turn back from his wrong path. Comrade Lenin more than once formulated the “law’cuf’ the political evolution of Comrade Trotsky. If things are going well, Comrade Trot- sky approaches the Bolshevist line; when things are going bad, then Com- rade Trotsky inclines to the right. In order to keep him back from turning to the right, the ideological defense of the whole party is necessary. The party will say its final word, and once again the premature hopes of the enemy will be disappointed. The Bolshevist party will receive a new and more powerful steeling, and true Leninism will become the ideological equipment of the whole party down to the last member. pa a —