The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 22, 1925, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. isan eeepc Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, ML. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months , ‘rious months By mail (in Chicago only): sf $4.50....6 months $2.50...38 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 9113 W. Washington Bivd. 3. LOUIS ENGDAHL Editors WILLIAM F. DUNNE per MORITZ J. LOEB......0vermnennee- Business Manager Chicago, tlinele — $$ $$$ @ntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates op application Japan Recognizes Soviet One more world capitalist power has thrown in the sponge ‘after refusing for seven years to recog- nize the Soviet government. The latest nation to sign a treaty of peace and recognition with the workers and peasants’ government of Russia is Japan, the most formidable military and naval power in the Orient. The United States, alone of all the great capitalist powers now stands out- side the circle of those who have decided that they can no longer ignore a government that governs one-sixth of the earth’s surface and whose stability is not now even a subject for discussion. News of the signing of the treaty appeared in the American press on the first anniversary of the death of Lenin. It is a happy coincidence that the * day on which the working masses thruout the world honor the memory of history’s greatest revolu- tionist, should bring new evidence of the per- manency and power of the proletarian government which Lenin’s genius guided thru its critical days. The power that humbled the czar’s government in the dust when it forced the Portsmouth treaty on a defeated bourgeoisie, today bows before the mighty power of the workers and peasants who in the year 1905 were crushed under the iron heel of the ezar’s tyranny. The Red Army of 1925 is not the ezar’s army of 1905. One by one the bourgeois powers that would fain join hands to crush the living embodiment of prole- tarian rule, are compelled to face facts. They know that by recognizing Soviet Russia, they are in- creasing the prestige of the workers’ republic and giving the Soviet government involuntary aid in reconstructing its economy along Communist lines. But if they do not recognize Russia an equally un- desirable fate will befall them. Like the proverbial sinner, they’ll be damned if they do and they’ll be damned if they don’t. Japan knows that she will have to fight the United States one of those days. She needs oil. The treaty gives her valuable oil concessions on Saghalien island. This will not look any too good to the United States, but Secretary of State Hughes holds that Soviet Russia is a myth and simply does not exist. Japan does not think so and gets the oil. The treaty will not pour oil on the troubled political waters in whith Hughes is sail- ing, tho he is now headed for the dark ocean of po- litical oblivion. A There are many reasons why“the United States is liable to follow in the footsteps of Japan and recognize Russia. Not the least are the diplomatic reasons which are closely related to gunpowder. It would not be surprising to hear pithy comment on the Japanese-Russian pact on the floor of the , senate in the near future. Lenin is dead, but the Soviet power grows, and the red banner of international Communism which now flies over Soviet embassies, set like oases in the deserts of capitalism, will soon wave over the capitols of the world, when capitalism has been given its death blow by the revolutionary workers under the leadership of the organization that Lenin founded, the Communist International. Graft and Capitalism The latest prominent figure in capitalist polities to burst into the headlines with a graft scandal added to his list of accomplishments is U. S: Senator Edward I. Edwards of New Jersey. The senator is known as a “wet,” but there is consider- able difference between a man who is partial to an “eyeopener” or a “nightcap” (as alcoholic libations are tenderly termed by worshippers at the shrine of Bacchus), and one who is prepared to com- promise himself in an effort to bring relief to other thirsty souls. Senator Edwards may or may not have accepted money from two stoolpigeons of the prohibition enforcement department of the treasury, as the testimony showed. He may not have directed the operations of ten policemen and a police commis- sioner in unloading booze off a ship. But consider- ing the number of prominent capitalist politicians being haled into court nowadays on charge of graft, the senator starts out to clear himself under a tremendous handicap. The fact is, that under capitalism “getting the dough” is the main object in life. “Getting away with it” brings honor, but getting caught some- ‘mes brings jail, provided the grafter makes a poor haul. The whole social fabric under capital- ism is rotten. Honesty is as much out of place in this dog-eat-dog society as flannel underwear in the torrid zone. If the senator accepted graft, what of it? Did he not fall in a worthy cause? A scandal in capitalist political circles is no longer news, Only recently a former governor of Indiana went to jail. He was a fool. He rebbed the bankers. The governor of Illinois was never so popular in his life, He got away with a million tolla eddling pardons. He was kicked out of office. H« vas also weak in the head. Fancy dealing in thousands when others were getting away with millions. A, B. Fall of Mexico appears to be in good health. If he feels hungry he can take his knife and cut a steak off one of the fat cattle de- livered to him by Harry Sinclair in return for the Teapot’ Dome. Senator Edwards has no reason to worry unless he proves go be a piker. This is the era of big edpitalism when things are done on a large scale. The Jobless Miners Tales of prosperity sent. out by the rotund Sec- retary of Commerce Herbert Hoover, make pleasant reading for the smug and comfortable elements who feel that they are living in the best of all pos- sible worlds. But while the workers in some in- dustries are kept busy- creating surplus values for the master class, there are other industries shut down by the bosses because they cannot see their way clear to operate them when the prospécts for profits are not sufficiently alluring. The miners in southern Illinois report extremely bad conditions in some mining sections. Several mines have been shut down for over one year and the coal diggers are reduced to desperate straits, there being no other industry except coal mining in those parts of the state. Last Sunday a conference of miners was-held in Belleville to consider unemployment. There were delegates present from eighteen locals. Delegates from one local reported that their officers tried to enforce the clause in the district contract providing for the sharing of work between the miners unem- ployed and those working. The bosses attempted to take advantage of this situation to interpret the clause to their advantage. The miners refused to sign a “yellow dog” contract submitted by the bosses and Farrington as usual took the side of the coal operators when the local appealed to him for aid. The Belleville conference decided to organize the unemployed in the entire sub-district, and to link its efforts with those of other conferences organ- ized thryout the country. While the reactionary officials of District 12 of the U. M.-W. of A. are cashing in on their support to Small during the election, the rank and file.are taking action to solve their problems in an organized manner. Besides aiding their unemployed comrades, the organizers of these conferences will gain experience which will prove invaluable in the work of wresting con trol of the union from the fakers who now use it The governor of Kansas is charged wit! | ana QA THE DAILY WORKER ‘HE method of settling internal or- ganizational affairs by a free dis- cussion of the membership seems to be contagious, or a least provocative. There is now a movement on foot to open a discussion on the internal affairs of the I. W. W., but limiting it to one paper off in the corner, the Industrial Worker of Seattle. The Red International Affiliation Committee of the I. W. W. has issued the following statement concerning this phenome- non: ‘ In the Industrial Worker of Jan. 10, the committee which has control over the paper submits to the record vote of the northwest branches the ques tion of rescifiding the rule against “printing controversial matter in the Industrial Worker.” The “warning” is apparently unofficially added that “abuse, -personalities or insinuations will not be printed.” The Red International. Affiliation Committee will greet with joy any real opening of the I. W. W. papers of general circulation to discussion of the affairs of the organization, and if the Industrial Worker is thus opened the adherents of the Red International will take a major part in the discus- sion and endeavor to-bring before the workers who read that paper the caus® of the admitted disintegration of the I, W. W. and the revolutionary pro- gram of action which will make the I, W. W. an organization bigger and better than it ever was before. The First to Demand Discussion. From its very first statement to the I. W. W. membership, the Red Inter- national Affiliation Committee has strongly advocated open discussion. And in the headquarters controversy. on Oct. 11, two days before the six- teenth general convention met, we said: “The fact admitted by both sides that 90 per cent of the membership is uninformed is a symptom of disease, However plausible the argument which led to the 1921 convention bar- ring controversies from tke papers of general circulation, it is a remedy worse than the disease. Every mem- ber needs and expects to find all vitai news and discussion in the paper he subscribes to with that understanding. as an auxiliary to the crook Small and the repub- lican party machine. Abramovich, Here’s Your Hat! Raphael Abramovich, Russian czarist socialis and counter-revolutionist, arrived in the Unite: States recently, probably to fill the vacancy created in the forces fighting Soviet recognition, by the death of Samuel Gompers. Abramovich is only one of a liberal supply of Russian parasites who have recently been competing with bootleg liquor in getting on the inside of the statute of liberty. This fellow Abramovich is one of the criminals responsible for the recent uprising in the Soviet Republic of Georgia. It took the Red Army onty a few hours to crush it because it was the work of a collection ‘of bandits paid by the French and British governments thru this dog Abramovich and others from the yellow socialist kennel. Abramo- vich and his co-conspirators against the workers’ and peasants’ government wanted to turn oyer the vast oil resources of Georgia to the French and British imperialists. ‘ His coming to the United States coincides with a renewal of the agitatiotr for the recognition of Soviet Russia. No doubt the capitalist and yellow socialist press will publish his yomit in generous portions. He is welcome to the space. It does not appear, however, that the workers are so very pleased with Abramovich’s presence, if we are to judge from the reception given to him at a meeting called by the socialist party in his honor in the Star Casino, New York. No sooner had a bureaucrat of the Workmen’s Circle indicated that he fas going to introduce Abramovich than the audience cheered for Soviet Russia. By the time Abramovith got thru, he wished he ‘was back in his favorite haunts in Paris. Four hundred police, and a goodly number of sluggers failed to preserve “order” and Abramovich left by a side door. Where can a poor white guard yellow socialist go nowa- days without running into a lot of Bolsheviks? We suggest that he try hell. Perhaps Abramovich will pay us a visit here in Chicago! Our New York Edition Only a little more than a year since The Stop treating the membership or even che unorganized as children unable ‘o read and discuss every policy, prin- ciple and tactic. The press must be free and open. Personal censorshiy +8 now practiced must be ended.” Then, on Oct, 24, after the conven- ‘on was in session ten days, the R. I. \. C, issue a statement of principles ‘or the convention in: which the fol- oe was set forth as point Number Six: “That the I. W. W. press of general circulation shall be open to any and all members upon matters of policy. That no person or officer shall have power to deny publication, and that when a responsible committee, which should be given the decision\on ali questionable cases, réfuses publica- tion, it shall furnish the contributos a statement of the reasons of refusal and publish such statement in the same publication to which the article was sent.” Where Was the Industrial Worker Committee? At that time, when the R. I. A. C, was thus advocating a free press within the I, W. W. and a discussion of the headquarters and all other con- troversies, ‘both the Rowan and the Doyle groups were opposed to any such free press and both the Indus- trial Solidarity and the Industrial Worker gad an iron-bound gag against free expression of anything. Often some chesty official would start an attack on Soviet Russia, the R. I. L. U. or the Communists. and that was all right to go into the fapers, but if members of the I. W. W. wrote replies to these ignoramuses, the replies were “controversial,” or “personal” or “would add nothing to the discussion,” etc., and either were declined outright or left until they were six months old and then buried in the graveyard called the “General Office Bulletin.”. Where was the In- dustrial Worker committee then? Let it clearly be understood, then, that the.R. I. A. C. has been the first to advocate the opening of the I.’ W. W. press to the I. W. W. membership to discuss anything they please. It was the first and only one, both before and after the controversy arose over head- quarters, to demand and propagate free expression and an ungagged press. Lost, Strayed or Stolen—One G. E. B, This being the case, and as the gen- eral executive board seems to be too Pralayzed with . anarcho-syndicalism and incompetence either to know what is behind this sudden passion for free speech of the Rowanite group controll- ing the Industrial Worker, or too lack- ing in frankness or too busy playing the races to explain what it means to the membership and force a real open discussion instead of a fake open dis- cussion, therefore, the Red Interna- tional Affiliation Committee must again point the way to a real open dis- cussion and expose the game of the hypocrite gang of friends of the Rowan-Bowerman and Grady injunc- tionites. This gang is trying to put over a fake “discussion” in which they will solemnly argue with themselves and shut out the opposition, particularly the only revolutionary opposition which will advance a logical and prac- tical program of organization affairs —the adherents of the Red Interna- tional. Then they will “decide” that Jim Rowan is an angel of Irish edseen who was badly abused by Pop Eda- wards and should be given the general secretaryship by the unanimous ¢on- sent of himself and company. Why Not an Injunction for Free Speech? Rowan’s little game is as follows: He thinks the referendum is going to see him counted out as expelled. Not ee osizrnitene raw anya because he may not have the votes. There ‘is a chance that a majority of the-votes which come into the head- quarters may be votes not to expel Rowan. But ‘because tRese members have been sd fond of Rowan that they have paid dues to him and not to the proper officials, such a’ Broman, their little ballots may all be haywire and be disqualified, ; : So the alternative way Rowan can keep up the fight is by opening the controversy again and, by making it a fake ‘free discussion,” control. it so that it goes in his favor and regain his lost. prestige. ' The evidences of this tricky schem- ing is quite apparent. The censors who have bitterly opposed~ allowing such a vital subject as international affiliation to be discyssed, are all of a sudden becoming raging wild for a}. “free press.” Beware of the Industrial Worker committee ‘when it comes bearing gifts of “free speech” to the membership. There is an ulterior mo- tive in it, but the Red Internationalists and the Communists’ in the I. W. W. know how to force this trick into the open and demand.a real free press and a fair fight ‘on policies, © Is the “Worker” an J. W. W. Paper? The R. I. A: C. calls attention to the fact that both the Industrial Worker committee and the editor of that paper in his one-lung editorials completely ignored the genéral organization and the géneral organization’s press The I, W. W. as a whole may as well be on another planet for all that is said about them in relation to this grave situation and important matter. The R. I. A. C, challenges the inference that the Industrial Worker is not sub- ordinate to the getieral organization of the I. W. W. 1 The R. I. A.C., and’ every adherent of the Red International, demands and must make their demands known by resolution’ in the Branches and letters to the G. E. B., the following program for a genuine discussion and 4 prevention of fake discussions: Proposed Rules for Fair Discussion. 1. A discussion on affairs which concern the I. W. W. must be opened at once, ne 2. .Since it concerns the whole I. W. W. it shall be under the. direct control of the G: E.°B, and shall be printed in the official English-organ of the I W. W.—Industrial Solidarity. 3, No member who was in good standing on July 1, 1924, shall be de- barred from contributing to the dis: cussion by. any. action limiting or cancelling his membership since that time. This is to give the entire Roman-Bowerman:G. E. B. group and every honest rank and file: member who has supported them, full and free right to meet the. arguments of the so-called’ “Doyle-Fisher-No. 110 group” in fair and square debate on the issues of the controversy. 4. No manuscript of the discussion shall be refused publication except by a majority vote - against it in the G. E. B., each vote recorded and pub- lished toget! Thursday, January 22, 1925 For a Free Press in the I. W. W. to the reason for refusal in the Indus- trial Solidarity. Such statement to be aiso sent. by registered letter together with the refused manuscript to the contributor, 5. The subjects and the duration of the discussion shall be as follows: During February, March and April, the controversy oyer the headquar- ters; during May, June and July, the proletarian reyrtution apd the method of realizing it, and during August, ‘September and October. the question of international affiliation. 6. No vote shall be taken on any question until after the next conven- tion, which shall be held in November, 1925, and during the interim the ae tions of the 16th general convention shall be binding upon all parts of the wow, 7. The referendum sent out by the 16th convention shall be recognized as valid and the officers elected By it installed and recognized as the gen- eral officers of the I. W. W. Unity—All the Time. 8 The injunction against the headquarters shall be withdrawn by the signers to the petition for it, and Rowan and his group must withdraw by notice in Solidarity the so-called “Emergency Program.” Every moye- ment to split the I. W. W. either from the left or from the right must be stopped. Unity must prevail, both during and after discussion. 9. Representation to the next con: vention to be from the branches, par- ticularly from job branches, and not from the industrial union conventions. one delegate for every 200 members to come from the branches at the ‘ex- pense of the. general organization, which shall authorize and collect a special 50 cent compulsory assess- ment ' 10. Articles in I. W. W. papers other than the Industrial Solidarity shall be similarly under the control of the G. E. B. with the same rules. And no article concerning this discussion shall be printed in either the Indus- trial Solidarity or any other paper until it has been pagsed by the G B. B. No Fake Discussion! The above rules show how a real discussion of organization tasks must be conducted. Anything short of it will not be a fair deal but a fake. By the above rules the I. W. W. will save its umity and clarify its purpose by reaching some intelligent decision. By the methods proposed and ‘the limitations imposed-by the Industrial Worker, no real discussion can bé had; the split in the I. W. W. will’ take on new life, the organization will become more confused and no intelli- gent decision can be obtained. How- ever, if any discussion is opened, how ever limited and censored it may be the adherents of the Red International of Labor Unions will endeavor to fight the split, unify the workers and point the road to revolution. RED INTERNATIONAL AFFILIATION COMMITTEE, 1514 W. Madison St., Chicago, IN. In the Villages When Lenin Died By ISRAEL AMTER. | 'HE whole country knew that Lenin was mortally ill. It knew that he was away from his desk, from con ‘tact with the active workers of the Soviet government and of the Russiar Communist Party.. It-knew that his hand no longer guided the Communist lInternational. But there was hope— he might recover and return to the |work from which he had ben’so rudely torn away. But the fell blow came—and Lenin was stricken low. The friend and comrade of the peasants, the man ‘whom they loved tho they had neve) seen him—the man who exemplified ‘everything that the revolution had brot forth and meant—was gone. Chil. dren knew his name. They knew hit picture. The stories of their fathers and brothers told them of the great ness of the man. In their imagina- tive minds, still filled with the ideas of the giants and supernatural heroes, of the fairy tales, many of them re- garded him as some being not of this earth, Puc, But the peasants knew him—althe he was only a name, They knew what he had dong‘for the poor peas ants. How he had given them the laud and furnish them the full Sup port of the Soviet government, that DAILY WORKER was launched and we are get-|at last they, the poorest of the poo ting out a special New York edition! The first|peasants, might begin to live. number will be on the streets of the metropolis on Saturday, January 24. From themuntil a DAILY WORKER is printed in New York City, the special edition, containing news about the labor movement in the world’s biggest city will appear on the news- stands of New York on the day on which it is dated. Comrade J. O. Bentall and a corps of assistants They knew life under the czars, under the savage nobility and landowners. They knew the cossacks and the denial 0} the most ordinary demands, Th¢ great imperialist war, which had taken ten million of their sturdiest sons, had devastated their land anc robbed them of their little patches o ground—this great imperialist wai opened their eyes to the teachings 0; will have charge of the editorial work, while Com-|the Bolsheviki. For a short time mis rade L, E. Katterfeld has charge of the circulatioh end. A general membership meeting of Local New York will be held next Friday evening. Every member of the party in New York City should at- tend this meeting and co-operate in making the special edition a tremendous success, and prepar- ng for the day when a Communist daily in the ‘nglish langiage will come humming off the presses in New York. guided by the social revolutionaries they awoke and followed the leader: ship of the fighting proletariat of the clty—under the banner of Lenin. They” knew Lenin. Many of thet sons were in the Red Army whom Lenin had addressed. These son went back to the villages to tell the folks the wise words that Lenin im parted to them, These sons in the Red Army were—and are—the best connecting links between the Soviet government and the villages. But best of all the poor peasants knew that they together with the workers in the city now held power They elected their village Soviets; they sent their delegates to the higher Soviets and finally to the All-Russian Soviet Congress, the supreme body of the Soviet State. And, Lenin often addressed the congress, telling in simple words which each delegate could understand the facts of the situ- ation within the state, the needs o the state, the situation of the peas ants and the position of the workers. Telling them, above all, the facts o! the international situation, so that for the first time, the peasants real- ized that they were part of a great world. And the delegates reported back tc the peasants in the village; told then how the Soviet government was mak ing the greatest endeavor fo lighten the burden of the peasants; how it. was trying to provide them with al) the accessories of modern cultivation: how it had plans under way to elec trify the whole country, to introduc: uniform taxes, ete. ° These were the cold, hard facts that the peasants relish—-the peasant being a practical man, unused to“and uninterested in theory. And these facts were working out well—and th peasants were able to. calculate it. in improved conditions, in a raised stand ard of living, in a new outlook upon life. So Lenin was no myth to them, He was the author of these new facts the fighter for them against the in- credulous, He was not merely the friend of the poor peasants—-he war their leader—one of the first to recog: nize that especially in Russia revolution could not succeed, ‘nor could it be maintained without the ac- tive support of the peasants. Thir was @ revolution not of the prole- tariat alone, who needed the - peas antry in order to hold power. Thie was a revolution of the workers and. peasants, who tho having partly di vergent interests, had one great in terest in common—the fight against exploitation. . pe : ae 6 se a one Lessee bees gt And now he-was gone. Soviet Rus- sia shook when the news flashed acposs the country. Lenin was gone —and the rest of the battle must be fought. without him. The peasants gathered at the Soviet House to discuss ‘Lenin and what was to become-of the country. without him. The workers in the factories neglect ed their work, leaning on their ma- chines to talk of the great old man Each one, once a. soldier. in. the wai or the fight against the counter-revo- lution knew an anecdote, had heard 2 speech by Lenin, of a story about him. And the time was never too long, t repeat the- stories, weaving fanciful details about them. ; In the evenings they gathered at the clubs to hear lectures and speches. This was the great time to determine whether Lenin had builded well or not. Had he awakened the consclousness of ‘the workers and peasants, so that they knew what the revolution meant and ‘how the power of the Soviet government must be maintained? Had he builded in such fashion that when he. was. gone— when his work was finished—it would go on? , The Russian’ Communist Party sent out its corps of speakers to the re- to pay homage to Lenin. mote towns and’ villages. ‘The whole| populace gathered at the clubs—men omen‘ and children, even babes in arm. They all came—not alone tc pay tribute to the dead leader, but tc her once more the familiar tale of the revolution. and of Lenin’s undying groatness in leading it. Opening with the funeral hymn played by the vil- lage’ band—which lett no eye dry— peasants and workers whothad seen their whole family torn assunder by ti war and murdered by the counter- lutionists, — and workers themselves, in their sim ple way told of Lenin, the Soviet gov: ernment, the Russian Communist Party. Then the speaker of the party or the Communist International spoke about the meaning of Lenin to the Communist movement ofthe world, of his leadership in the fight of the peo. ples of India, China, Egypt, Java Then the peasante/vealed his There were the hard; cruel facts of the proletarian revolution that Soviet Russia was the first to solve, Out of the sorrow grew the spirit of militancy. Out of militancy grew the determination to continue the fight. And the Internationale resound- ing thru the village and workers’ club, fa the Red Army barracks, in the uni- versity halls, showed clearly that Lenin has builded WELL—and Soviet Russia was a granite block. On the train, when the news came that Lenin died, the train stopped ane the workers alighted in the night, out in, the snow and bitter cold, to sing the funeral hymn. They could not sing the mournful song—their throate choked. At the windows sat the N. E. P., who would not, who dared not participate in this funeral offering tc the dead leader. They sat at the win- dows, being apart from the mass and the revolution, The workers, them, were filled with hatred—bu‘ good revolutionists that they were, they knew that they must tolerate these leeches till the day when they may trample them under foot. A And yet, in the city of Moscow, the traders’ organization asked permis. sion to march across the Red Square. Lenin builded well. The village, the peasant and the worker there, are the best heritage of his great work. The collective and Communal work of the poor peasants, forming the basis of Communism among the peasants in Soviet Russia is the greatest tribute to his genius. The cultural work . taken to the village is another of his , great deeds, Z The village knew Lenin. The small factory, town knew him well. Lenin builded well—his death re wonderful genius, ! ? i i : H