The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 17, 1925, Page 10

(Continued from page 3) tral committee of the R. C, P. in the struggle against Trotskyism. In a recent article in the Inprecerr, Comrade Varski says: “We now know quite well that with- out the Bolshevist organizatory con- ceptions regarding the role of the leading circles in the party (central committee, district committee, localj committee, or of the so-called party apparatus in general) and in the revo- lution, there can be no revolution of the proletariat whatever, and no dic- tatorship of the proletariat,” The leading group of the C. E. C, is a group of the proletarian class struggle, that grew out of the strug- gle, and whose whole aim and con- ception is to build and develop the party, according to the teachings of Lenin, in the process of struggle. Nevertheless, during the discussion, the minority was constantly reproach- ing us with the charge that we had “done nothing” during the past year, that there were no new “grand man- euvers” undertaken, that there was no “action.” If one is familiar with the conception of the minority, such an attitude is understandable. Their ‘con- ception of politics is “high politics.” It is noisy spectacular undertakings. It is bluff and exaggeration, and bombast. The day-by-day work and struggle which builds the party firmly and solidly and drives its roots into the labor movement, appears to them to be mere “sectarianism.” They do not understand the admonition of Lenin to build the party by “quiet, patient, persistent, not noisy, but deep work.” The real and solid achieve- ments of the past year have escaped their attention. They had no answer whatever to our statement on “A year of Progress,” in which these sol- id achievements were set forth in de- tail. They did not answer because they could not answer in any way, ex- cept with stereotyped sneers at the Communist “trade unionists” and oth- er proletarian elements in the party, who have borne the brunt of this work, The policy which. guided all our work for the past year was wholly the policy of the majority of the C. E. C. The minority have not made a single important contribution to the solution of our problems and the development of our work. The minority have had such little connection with this basic work, that they are hardly aware of what has been done. They do not know about the “quiet, patient, per- sistent, not noisy, but deep work” which has been done during the past year by the most active and dynamic elements of the party under the lead- ership of the C. BE. C. It is apparent- ly a matter of small moment to theo- rists of “politics on a grand scale,” that the beginnings of a hard and firm left wing movement have been crys- tallized in a number of important un- ions, under the leadership of the Com- munists; that we have made at least a beginning with systematic party educational work; that our party, for the first time, has made an election campaign under its own banner, and that we are learning how to develop concrete struggles and agitation on the basis of the united front. The appearance of a revolutionary left wing—altho a small and weak one—in such a reactionary union as the gigantic Brotherhood, of Carpen- ters, for example, and the strong movement we are leading in the Unit- ed Mine Workers, represent nothing to the minority; and the tremendous energy, sacrifice and courage em- bodied in these achievements of our party, brings no commendation from them. For them it is merely another example of “syndicalism.” It is time to say frankly to the party and to the Communist International that we are losing all patience with this superfi- cial and condescending attitude to- wards our work in the trade unions and towards the comrades who do this work, ; The year behind us has been a year of basic work and struggle and steady, if slow, achievement, accomplished in spite of all difficulties. Our party work was less spectacular than the year before, but all the more substan- tial; and the work for the coming year must proceed along the same line. Without in the least giving way to sectarianism, without making one single concession to rdéutine concep- tions of party work, the party must learn how to build and strengthen it- self by struggle and in the process of struggle, according to the teachings of Lenin, “brick by brick.” The C. E. C. will exert all its energy to lead the party along this path. The C. will help us in this determination and strengthen and equip us for this task. For two whole months the party dis- cussion has absorbed almost the en- tire attention of the party. We must now turn our energies toward the con- structive external task of broadening its scope and drawing ever wider masses of workers into united front actions. The whole party, down to its last member, must rally to the. sup- port of our comrades in the Michigan case. The party must become a dyna- mo of activity over this burning question and must rouse the labor movement into action..Our party must come to the front in the fight against wage reductions. It must put life and power into the child labor cam- paign. It must take the lead in the “Sticks and Stones, a Study of Am- erican Literature and Civilization.” Lefis Mumford. Boni and Liveright. $2.50. ss . 8 RROBABLY the best history of the Americal labor movement is Her- man Schlutter’s “History of the Brew- {ng Industry and the Brewery Work- ers’ Union of North America.” That history is a fine piece of work be- cause it traces the working of certain factors and tendencies on a particular industry and organization. “Sticks and Stones” is an excellent piece of work for the same reason. Every one of the factors which conditioned the development of the designing and making of buildings in this country were at work on all the other phases of American life and culture. Tracing those forces as they affected architec. ture serves as a fine example of their workings in every other field. Mumford sets as the ideal of so ciety and civilization the establishing of conditions that will make possible the living of “the good life.” The early New England villages came nearer to doing that than any other social organization since that time. Religion was the expression of the “good life.’ The villages of early New England were built around the church. When a community threat- ened to become too big to permit the members to attend their religious and civil duties the old settlement threw off a new shoot. The buildings of this period were bare, almost barren, but they were honest in execution and workmanship. In these communities farming was the basis of economic life when along the sea coast and in some trading posts the economic life shifted to shipping, trade and the building of vesselg for sale in foreign ports the life of the people began to change. The center of “civilization” shifted from the vil- lages to the towns which grew into cities. Up to this time the designer of a house or building was also the man who did the actual work. He was still a craftsman who had fine pride in doing a good job well. From then on the worker was not in any way an artist expressing himself but war also the man whe did the actual work. From then on the worker was not in any way an artist expressing himself but was merely a servant carrying out orders given by a superior. After the revolution America was seized with a new fad, a return tothe classic styles of Greece and Rome. The politicians and orators and those gents who took themselves to be statesmen needed a background. The opening of the 19th century marked the introduction of machin- ery and the new industrialism, Build. Results and Lessons of the Party Ae ORR LIN LPL LLL ELL LLL I fight over unemployment, It muat prepare to launch a wide united front movement to defend the foreign born workers against new persecutions. The party must go deeper and ever deeper into the trade unions, and draw them into the political struggle. Every struggle of the working class must find the Workers Party in the vanguard, for it is only by active par- ticipation in the struggle that our I. | party can live and grow. The giant tasks confronting the rty make it mandatory that we call rth all our constructive energies for the speedy liquidation of faction- alism. The C. E. C. has already taken the first step to this end by appoint- ing a special committee to work out special and detailed methods of facili- tating it.. The C. E. C. calls upon all the party comrades to assist in the endeavor. The basis for comradely co- operation of all party members must be established without delay. The ground for unity and _ co-operation must be laid so securely that the par- ty, as one man, will be prepared to accept the final decisions of the Com- munist International on the problems of our party and to carry them out. American capitalism, the most pow- erful and relentless in the world, is life itself became That is the ings of all sorts; crude beyond belief. homes and lives of the workers and the poor were crude and ugly. The homes of the new industrial barons and public buildings, since the indus- trialists controlled public affairs, “be- came capricious and absurd, and re. turned to a past which had never ex- isted.” This was the period of “romanticism.” Then the machine idea made inroads into romanticism. Central heating, water closets, the oil lamp were introduced. Into the plan- ning of cities the gridiron idea made its way as a labor saving device. This device was a great boon to the land speculator whose hold-has never been ioosened from the cities of America. After the close of the civil war Am- erica was settling down. Classes were beginning to assume a stability. The rich were safe, the poor were losing the hope of riches;to be attained thru a stroke of luck.or the exercise of brains. { The period from 1890 to 1910 saw the shift from industrial to financial capital and the growth of imperialism. After the imperial age came the at- tempt to machinize everything, cities schools, ideas and buildings. The machine hounds were in their glory, or rather are, for the process of turning out civilization from the machine mould continues. What's the remedy? Mumford talks sense in outlining it. Remember that in speaking of buildings alone Mum- ford’s mind includes the whole of Am- erican civilization in the following suggested remedy. “Before the whole mass of contemporary building will be Teady to receive the imprint of the architect and before the handicraftc re-enter the modern building there will have. been a pretty thoro reorien- tation in our economic life. Whilst buildings are erected to increase site values, whilst houses are produced in blocks to be sold to the first wretch who must put a roof over his family’s head, it is useless to dwell upon the ministrations of art. . .” The method of achieving that rem- edy suggested is: “Once the neces- Sn eae planning new and more terrible op- pressions for the American workers and poor farmers and for the people of the colonies and smaller countries of Central and South America which it has brought within its sphere. His- tory has set for our party the collossal task of leading the workers and ex- ploited peoples into the struggle which can only end in the destruction of this imperialist monster and the liberation of the masses who suffer beneath its rule. We must go forward with full consciousness of our great responsibility, and with the firm and unshakable conviction that only a united, disciplined Bolshevik party will be equal to this task. We are on the way to becoming such a party. Let us hasten the process by all means. Let us put the stamp of our ? party on every struggle of the work- ers and show to the workers, in actual practice, that it is the only party that fights for and with the working class. In the struggle and by the struggle, our party will grow and become hard- ened, and will develop into a mass Communist Party capable of leading the exploited masses to the final vic- tory. Central Executive Committee, WORKERS PARTY OF AMERIC Sary conversion in faith and morals has taken place the other things will come easily.” This merely proves with another example that the liberal can be depended on to make a good job of an indictment but he falls flat on the question of how to do the job of changing the conditions he indites, MUSIC. By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN i The repertoire for the final week of the Chicago civic opera season of 1924-1925 begins with the Sunday mat- inee at 2 o’clock of a special perform- ance of Romeo and Juliet, with Ma- son, Hackett, Formichi, Cotreuil in the leading roles and Polacco conduct- ing. Monday night the third performance of Mefistofele will be sung with Mu- zio, Claessens, Cortis, Chaliapin; Miles. Elisius, Milar, Nemeroff, Sher- mont and Corps de Ballet. Moranzo- ni conducting. Tuesday night the second perform- ance of von Flotow’s Martha will be sung with Mason, Pertini, Schipa, Lazzari and Moranzoni conducting. Wednesday night the first and only performance of Pelleas and Melisande will be given with Garden, Freund, Claessens, Mojica, Baklanoff, Kipnis, and Polacco conducting. On Thursday a special matinee will be given at popular prices of $1 to $4, of The Barber of Seville with Hidalgo, Claessens, Schipa, Rimini, Lazzari, Trevisan. Cimini conducting. Thursday night the third perform- ance of Faust -will be given with Ma- son, Claessens, Hackett, Chaliapin, and St. Leger conducting. Saturday matinee will be the sec- ond presentation of Boris Godunoff with Lenska, Cortis, Chaliapin, Co- treuil and Lazzari in the leading roles and Polacco conducting. The final performance of the season will be The Tales of Hoffman, at pop- ular prices, with Macbeth, Forrai, Ansseau, Schwarz and Kipnis, with Lauwers conducting. acl ddindndiadidditatnd at tote ini ne ie he ee ee en LOS ANGELES! LOS ANGELES! RED MEMORIAL DAY for NICOLA! LENIN, KARL eon al ROSA LUXEMBURG Leaders of the Working : KL LSEN, District We AMES tg aeeen yy ‘orkers Party —— APPROPRIATE MUSIC—— SUNDAY AFTERNOON, JANUARY 25, 2:00 o’cLock Music Arts Hall, 233 South Broadway ADMISSION FREE