The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 14, 1925, Page 6

\e M ¥ & { ieee eateries Page Six = THE DAILY WORKER. Publishod by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, IL (Phone: Munroe 4712) . SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $6.00 per year .6 months $2.00...8 months Chicago only): $8.00 per year months $2.50...8 months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. hy J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE oe AILS MORITZ J. LOBB.......ciMeeemBusiness Manager Chicago, Illinois ——_ wntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. S20 Advertising rates op application They Cannot Ignore Russia Whenever the name of Russia was mentioned within the hearing of the late Secretary of State Hughes (late as secretary of state), it is reported by Washington correspondents, that the be- whiskered gentleman got very angry. He hynotized himself into a mental condition which fixed the status of Soviet Russia as that of an outlaw na- tion with which the angelic capitalist class of America could not officially deal. But economic facts have a funny habit of knock- ing the best thought-out plans into a cocked hat and it now seems that Hughes’ anti-Russian bias has knocked him for a row of penniless grand dukes. Unless all signs fail, and they usually do not, canny Calvin Coolidge, the business-like political spiritualist from New England, who would roast a heretic today and negotiate a loan with him tomorrow, is going to talk dollars and rubles to the hated Bolshevik leaders of Russia before many moons. It is rumored in Washington that the pres- ent head of the American Federation of Labor does not feel called upon to persist in the political line adopted by his predecessor Gompers towards Soviet Russia. The unqualified approval given by the visiting British trade union leaders to the Soviet regime cannot fail to make a profound impression on the American labor movement. If Calvin Coolidge, the chosen leader (for the moment) of American capitalism, decides the time is ripe for this country to drop the policy of ignor- ing the existence of a powerful nation covering one-sixth of the earth’s surface, it will not be. be- cause of any love for the Soviet regime. It will mean that the capitalists of the United States no longer intend to be isolated from the opportunity to make profit out of the development of Russia’s natural wealth and of trade with the people of that country. There is ahother factor. The United States looks with anxious eyes on the diplomatic strategy of Soviet Russia in the Orient. Russia’s diplomatic yictory'in China and the humilating defeat suf- fered by Hughes’ foreign policy in that quarter | may have more to do with the Standard Oil at- torney’s resignation than appears now on the sur- face. It looks now as if the most formidable world capitalist power is preparing to recognize its arch enemy, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Hillquit Sees Classes In a lecture delivered recently by Morris Hill- quit, millionaire leader of what is left of the so- cialist party of America, before a New York audience, he declared that America has ceased to be a classless nation, such as it was a generation or two ago. This is rather enlightening. In our Communist ignorance we suspected that classes existed in America for many, many generations and if only Hillquit read a little history of the American working class movement by one of his co-workers in the field of yellow socialism, he would find much evidence in the form of bloody battles between the workers and the capitalists to show that’ there were classes in this country. Hillquit is interested in proving that we are developing the sinister phenomenon of a class so- ciety in America in order to lay the basis for his fake labor party, the foundation for which he de- clared was laid in the last election. But Hill- quit’s proposed labor party would not be founded on a recognition of the class struggle, but would shave as its guiding aim the theory of class éollabor- ation to which the yellow socialists all the world over are committed. There are classes in America today. There were always classes in America. The history of the human e is a history of class struggles. There will be classes until capitalism is abolished and thru that act mankind once and for all freed from exploitation and class rule, The only movement that is effectively working toward this end is the Communist movement under the leadership of. the Communist International. The Workers (Communist) Party of America is the party of the workers who recognize the class struggle and who want to organize for the over- throw of the only class that stands between the workers and their emancipation, i, e, the capitalist class. The champions of the democratie-pacifist era in Europe have a hard time of it. Both Premier Herriot, of France, and Premier Branting, of Sweden, are sick abed, and the late premier, MacDonald, of Great Britain, is touring in the West Indies for his health, It sure is a sickening job trying to uphold the left wing of fascism, Roosevelt’s Revelations “As for Mr, Roosevelt’s war on corporations,” Mr. Depew continued, “that was more fiction than fact.” The quotation is taken from an article by George E. Briggs in the Chicago Daily News, ac- companying the first installment of the late Theodore Roosevelt’s letters to Henry Cabot Lodge, his lifelong political friend and advisor. The letters are nothing short of sensational and are as severe an indictment of the capitalist system as one could desire to see published. The news- paper syndicate which purchased them is making a good thing of it under the unwritten law of capi- talism, “everyone for himself and the devil take the hindmost.” Roosevelt, the alleged foe of the big corporations, is characterized as their best friend by Chauncey Depew, chairman of the board of directors of the New York Central railroad. Depew knew what he was talking aout. But the big corporations did not like Teddy at first. They had to be shown. They refused to sup- port his campaign for the presidency. This made Teddy sore. Writing to Lodge he tells of Jim Sherman’s failure to get a campaign contribution from E. H. Harriman, the railroad king. Harriman said that he preferred the democrats to win in view of Roosevelt’s attacks on the corporations. Sherman insisted that Teddy was really a good friend of the corporations. To this Harriman re- plied in Teddy’s own words: “He was not in the least afraid, that whenever it was necessary he could buy a sufficient number of senators and con- gressmen or state legislators to protect his in- terests, and when necessary he could buy the judiciary.” That was plain language and Teddy informs us that the Standard Oil crowd and the Morgan in- terests gave expression to similar thoughts, but in more discreet language. The corporations, Roose- velt writes, preferred to have a Bryan or Hearst administration as they could make terms with them. To offset the bad impression his demagogy had created in the minds of the money barons, Roose- velt delivered a speech purposely prepared to set himself right with them. In this speech he swung on “labor” and made it quite clear that the work- ers would meet with the iron fist if they got restive. While Lodge did his. best to convince “our Wall Street friends” that Teddy was quite safe, he realized that Roosevelt’s speeches against the cor- porations would bring him strength at the polls. Roosevelt himself was one of the most accom- plished political mountebanks in American history. He also gives an inside view of capitalist polities which should prove of great educational value to the workers. Roosevelt’s letters to Lodge give one a strong sniff at the capitalist cesspool. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for the DAILY WORKER. Small and Labor Governor Len Small delivered his inaugural speech last Monday in Springfield before a large audience. It marks the beginning of his second term as governor of the state of Illinois. No gov- ernor in the history of this state has run the gauntlet of more charges of graft and corruption than Small. He is charged with having misap- propriated approximately one million dollars of state funds while he occupied the position of state treasurer. It appears that the charge sticks. But we are not immediately concerned with the governor’s illegitimate operations with the public treasury. We will leave the bourgeoisie to worry about that. What we are concerned with is Smail’s attitude toward labor, particularly in view of the fact that he had the support of the American Fed- eration of Labor political machine thruout the state. One would expect that in view of this support, the governor would give some indication in his speech that the interests of the workers occupied even a little niche in his mind. But we sean his inaugural speech in vain for any evidence that labor existed as far as he was concerned. The gov- ernor deals with taxes, revenues, pardons for criminals, hard roads, waterways and other issues ufecting the business elements, but he had nothing to say about the only class that produces all the wealth on which Small and his fellow parasites live, nothing about unemployment, wage cuts or injunctions. x Reward our friends; punish our enemies! That is the political slogan of the labor fakers. No doubt the fakers get rewarded. The masses who supply the votes on election day are left to the tender mercies of the capitalist exploiters until election time comes around again. So long as the workers depend on their capi- talist friends to help them, they will merit the kind of treatment meted out to them by \politicians of the Small type. There is only one party in America that represents the interests of the workers polit- ically and industrially, the Workers Party, which urges the workers to organize for their own salya- tion and not depend on slimy capitalist politicians whether masquerading ‘under the banner of pro- gressivism or not. ———__ Chiéago is pleading for an increased flow of water from the great lakes to fight the sewage peril. But it will take more than water to clean up this cesspool of capitalism. It will require a new kind of government at Washington—a Soviet eovernment, Every day get a “sub” for the DAILY WORKER and a member for the Workers Party. ae ‘ By M. A. SKROMNY ‘HE revolutionary workers of the United States are celebrating to- day the first birthday of their news- paper, the DAILY WORKER. Unlike any other newspaper in this country, it has been fearlessly fighting for the overthrow of the capitalist system of society and the establishment of a new Communist society. Looking back into the past, we will try to analyze how much we succeed- ed in getting ahead, in arousing the working masses to the struggle, in advancing the interests of the work- ing class. Since the daily was established we participated actively in a few more or Policemen chasing the .newsboys sell- ‘ing the Pravda in 1912, In 1924 they jwere chasing the “newsies” of the _DAILY WORKER from the gates of \the Western Electric. — less big strikes, as for instance, the International Ladies’ Garment Work- ers, the Pullman Car Builders’ strike, the Western Electric and International Harvester special campaigns, etc. The national presidential election cam- paign was the biggest one in which our Daily played the biggest role. Without the Daily -it would have been impossible to, reach even a half }of those workers that we reached during the campaign. We did much and good work during the first year, but is it all that could have been done? 160 Russian Communist Dailies The Moscow Pravda, with a mem- bership of less than 500,000 in the Russian Communist Party, has reach- ed a circulation of over 500,000. And there are 160 Communist dailies pub- lished in Russia besides the Pravda. Our DAILY WORKER is the only English Communist daily in the United States and in the world, but its cir- culation is far, very far from that of the Pravada. Of course, nobody ex- pected us to reach such a circulation within one year, but still, our circula- tion is far from what it should be. The reason for this we can find by oliceman confiscating from/a news. boy a “confiscated” number of the Pravda, which was smuggled out of the printing plant before the police raided it. (1912) | This is proven by the figures of the |Sormov works where they have an |‘he Sormoy works was getting 161 | How many lgbor corresondents have |we got? Very few. Pravda. During January, 1924, the Pravda received 690 letters from its labor | correspondents, that is, correspon: | dents that are working in the shops and factories, Rabcors, as they call them, At the same time the circula- tion of the Pravda was 126,334 dur® ing January. In March the Pravda received 954 letters from the Rab- cors, the circulation went up to 170,- 445. In July there were 812 letters, the circulation went up to 326,028. tm September there were 978 letters, the circulation went up to 379,135. In October—1054 letters, circulation— 422,068. In. November there were 1104 letters from the Rabcors and the circulation went up to 460,510, and in December it reached 507,745, The connection between the letters of the labor correspondents and the circulation can easily be seen. The Rabcor that sends in a correspondence sees to it that it shall reach his shop- mates, hence the circulation grows. active Yacheika (Communist nuclei) nd @ live Rabcor. In February 1924 copies of the Pravda, in March—221, | in April—520, in July—628. The more they write to the paper—the bigger the circulation. Very Few Labor Correspondents How is it about our own daily? The Pravda received over 8,000 jetters from its Rabcors during the year of 1924. How many did we re- ceive? We did not count them. It was not necessary. We can count them on our fingers. | We did receive some letters, but |mostly from party officials seeking free advertisements for their dances and affairs’ The wide masses of work- ors will not become enthusiastic read- ers of the DAILY WORKER just on account of this kind of stuff. To make | ALL IN ONE ISSUE By ARNE SWABECK. OWER and beauty expressed in every line; a piercing analysis of the tactics and methods of the labor movement, exposing its traitors and teaching its future leaders, From cover to cover a brilliant yet solemn picture of the, titanic nature of the class.struggle with sparkling rays of hope for the victory: to come, such are my impressions of the January issue of the Workers Monthly. Seldom does my time permit more than just a hurried glance over the pages of our current literature but when beginning on this issue I was compelled to continue untill finished reading word for word. I found the material so rich that I could not af- ford to skip a word, Since the first issue of this magazine in November each succeeding issue has outdone the other, . y The first article, “Lenin, Leader and Comrade,” by Bittelman, is precisely what its title implies; a simple but forceful description of the revolution- ary qualities of the great working class leader and of Leninism, It is both the builder of the party—the only true proletarian party—, and the Wait science of modern revolution “which is described by Bittelman. Lenin, the comrade, who gave his best to the Communist Party, who belongs body and soul to that party and Leninism which now leads the struggle, Comrade Foster's article on the El Paso.convention again reminds one of the immediate grim realities. In his usual powerful style he rips into the treacherous camouflage created by the corrupt bureaucrats to hide their dealings in imperialism, their propara- tions to support the next war for new conquests and deliver to Wall Street a labor movement, gagged and servile with no vitality left for resistance. The actual needs of the traae unions as brought forth by the militants but shamefully ignored by the diamond studded officials are emphasized by Foster in'no uncertain terms. Fred Ellis lends a touch of rather grim humor in picturing the horses... . tail bowing before Samuel Gompers at El Paso, The first installment of the history of the ‘Russian Communist Party, by Zinoview, appears in this issue, That is something all rebels will want to read, =~ , SM hy a { i wf , analyzing again the growth of the them readers of our paper we must |write about THEIR life and THEIR And we must write in THEIR language, leaving out all high- sounding phrases which the average struggles. worker does not understand. I spoke to many non-party workers whom I induced to subscribe to the “The paper is toe professional, we need a dictionary some times to daily. understand it,” they told me. It is the labor correspondent that can remedy this situation best. He The Pravda Leading the Masses Cartoun which appeared in the special edition of the Pravda celebrating the 500,000 circulation of the paper. works with his shopmates every day, knows what they need, and how to talk to them about their needs. But we haven't got these labor correspon- dens. An attempt was made to in- duce woxkers to write by running a few articles in the DAILY WORKER on “How to Write for the Paper,” but it did not help any.-Those articles did not make the workers write. \In order to,induce the workers from shops and factories to write, two things are necessary: First, to give all encouragement possible to the writer, to assure him that hig corres- pondence is welcome and will be prin- ted, secondly, to see to it, that the paper in which his correspondence is printed shall reach those for whom it is intended. Put Capable Comrades on the Job It is up to our party units to have a capable and willing comrade assigned to write from the shop or factory where he or she works. There is al- ways more than enough to write about im every capitalist shop. In the larger sities meetings of these labor corres- pondents should be called from time to time. Where we have professional Communist journalists, classes for labor correspondents should be organ- ized. The capitalists have their class- es of journalism. Don’t we need them? The party units must also see to it that the copies in which the letters of these correspondents are printed shall receive special circulation among the workers in the shops and factories to which the correspondence reffers. There is a story of the lives and struggles of the Rocky Mountain metal miners by Jack Lee. Notes on Shop Nuclei by Martin Abern, who has acquired considerable experience in dealing with this subject. A time ly and interesting description of the nationalist revolutionary. movement of China, the desperate efforts of world imperialism to maintain its rip on this fertile fleld, the Kuo Min Tang Party and its leader Sun Yat Sen. There is a joint statement by William F, Dunne and William Z. Foster on the A. F. of L. and Trade Union Unity, of this organization to world trede union unity by the Red International of Labor Unions. Not a response, however, to actually help unite the trade unions, but to, if pos- sible, establish a hegemony over the world trade union movement for, the benefit of Wall Street by the hench- men of Wall Street—, the reactionary labor lievtenant. Another indictment, hitting straight from the shoulder at the servants of capitalism. The little story “Consequences” by Jack Wilgus, I read with delight. It is just a Mtile piece vf reality taking bodily out of the sphere of working class life picturing the hideous ma- neuvers of the employers in taking { advantage of their economic power here, perhaps slowly but shah Maan pe Goh ian hala 3h showing the response drive for This is not a patent medicine to get rich quick. We are badly in need of these correspondents. We are also in need of closer co-operation between our journalists. Much good resulted from the only meeting of our Chicago party editors held at the begin. ning of the presidential elections. Why not meet more often to exchange ideas and experiences? Another evil which we should try to overcome in the future is the “dry- ness” of our paper. There should be more poetry, also fiction to break the monotony of our always serious, and often endless articles. Our paper should not be a paper for party mem- bers only. A daily paper must reach the wide non-party workers and poor | Selling the “Confiscated” | Newsboy selling a “confiscated” iss e of the Pravda which he keeps for safe- ty in the drain pipe. (1912) farmers. Some space has to be de- voted to party matters, but the paper as,a whole must be devoted to the wide masses if we expect them to be- come our readers. Only when we overcome these short- comings, when we will succeed in mobilizing the labor correspondents all over the country and with their aid enlarge our circulation among the workers and poor farmers, will A group of workers discussing the | correspondence of their Rabcor, our paper become a real power in the United States. In the meantime, let us all do our share in insuring the existence of the DAILY WORKER for 1925, in making it better. When the next birth- day of the paper will come, let us be able to say: “I did my part!” Greeting to our readers! Long live our DAILY! | The Youngest and Oldest | Misha Zabludowsky, the youngest cor- respondent of the Pravda, and Com- rade Karakozov, the oldest Rabcor. over the workers. In this story a) miner long out of a job, his beautiful young wfie struggling with death and) no food in the house becomes the) willing tool of the boss, breaks the) strike and commits treason to his class. When finally the young miner is completely broken down by the burden of his own treason he is sent away, thrown on the ash heep while the boss seduces his young wife. It is a story which fills one with hate against the present class system and, the exploitation of labor. Then turn, ing to article “At the ‘Red October’ Candy Factory” by Anna Louise Strong, one finds a relieving contrast, Here the beginnings of a new society, with the workers managing all affairs, for the benefit of the workers with the aim to do away with its class system makes its appearance This article gives relief, yes, but 4 also inspires to carry on the stru to follow the glorious example of Russian workers, Turning again to the cover of th January issue of the Workers Mont ly one finds added inspiration in picture of the sturdy working womi with the crimson banner, One almost feel the throbbing of millio of marching workers,—intent upon definite goal. Yes, “Revolution Co surely, Ai