The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 3, 1925, Page 8

The Discussion on Party Tasks CONTRIBU TIONS FROM A RANK AND FILER FOR MAJORITY THESIS By ETHEL SHOR HAT did Lenin say about slog- W ans? He said thai slogans are io be used only to mobilize large masses of workers, or call them to action— not simply slogan for slogan’s sake. The minority fail to prove that there is a demand for a labor party apart and distinct from the LaFollette move- ment, and when they» cannot prove that, on what argument.do they fall back—they say “if .there is no sen- timent for a farmer-labor party we must create one; we must build a farmer-labor party”’—and :they quote the C. I’s instructiéns to the British Gommunist «Party that they ‘should join the British: labor: party. We advocated a labor party for the past two and one half years not be- cause we thought the labor party to be a necessary, preliminary step for the workers, but because such senti- ment existed, and it was our duty to participate in that movement of the workers. This is the reason the C. I. instructed the British Communists to seek admission in the British labor party. The comrades have yet to prove that the labor party is an in- evitable step the workers will have to go through. The comrades of the minority say “the labor party will disillusion the workers the sooner.” Yes, but must we build such an instrument? Accord- ing to this, we should propagate and fight for WAR for surely war disullus- ions the workers more than any num- ber of labor parties. The minority says “No, we will not build a farmer-labor party now, but simply advocate it, talk about it, pleas- antly and nicely” but what do their articles read (Askenuzie, Dec. 17)— “we will propagate for one actively, make it the center of our campaigns, unemployment, union activities, etc. Make it the MAJOR.~ issue around which will center all our party activ- ities.” Consistency—that is one of the jew- els the minority does not posses. The minority makes the labor party the only means of political action for the workers. I would like to ask the minority since when are strikes, ' es- pecially those which bring the work- MINORITY DID NOT PROVE THEIR CASE (Conitnued from page 3) dead issues such as the one, “For a labor party.” We can not afford to waste our energy and hard earned money for the organization of bogus farmer-labor parties just in order to give activity and exitement to some of our good comrades of the minority who have otherwise nothing to do with their time. Instead of this let us make a real effort to build our Workers (Communist) Party, Let us raise the real live slogans that will put our party in the forefront as the leader of, and fighter for, the inter- ests of the working masses. Let us build the united front of the rank and file on the slogans of unemployment, child labor, organization of the unor- ‘ganized, recognition of Soviet Russia, opposition to class collaboration on the part of the trade union bureau- cracy, etc., etc. Great numbers of American work- ers are ready to listen to us and as we develop these campaigns, still greater masses will rally around our slogans and by carrying on a militant fight for them we will gain the leadership of these masses and finally achieve the goal of making the Workers (Com- munist) Party the mass Communist Party, of the American Pie class ers into the direct conflict with the ‘capitalist state (injunctions, etc.), not political struggles. Truly, they are the “Marxists”!! The minority asks us how and where have the conditions changed. The subjective conditions have chan- ged and they admit that in their thesis when they admit the “tempor- ary” strength of LaFollette. Two years ago the sentiment of the masses was not clear, not crystallized, either for a revolutionary mass class farmer-labor party, mass class farmer-labor party, class farmer labor party, simply farm- er-labor party, or the LaFollette move- ment. Their interest in political ac- tion was aroused by the fact of the coming elections, bringing their cus tomary illusion of a change being brought by the ballot. Now this sen- timent is crystalized, has its haven in the LaFollete movement. The mas- ses have not yet been disillusioned by LaFollette. Whether the disillusion- ment stream will turn into a farmer labor party movement is yet a ques- tion. We will then consider it. But if that will be, the turn it will take is yet questionable. Yes, we must be the vanguard of the proletariat, but let us use reason and sense. Know where and how to apply it. *~We have only a certain amount of party en- ergy and funds and must use them to the very best advantage. Not shout- ing for shouting’s sake, Let us not make the words “vanguard of the pro- letariat” a fetish to be applied hit or miss. Otherwise, we should at all times in little local strikes, elections, etc. preach only the dictatorship and the Soviets. This is we ahead still further. Comrade Siminoff renders a huge cry (December 17)—a pre-LaFollet- te man came to him with the ter- rible plaint—he (the LaFollette man) is disgusted with LaFollette, only a labor party will smash the capitalist machine. Surely, if | were Comrade Simonoff, | would know what to answer. When a person speaks of smashing the capitalist machine, he is material for the Workers Party and does not have to go thru another disillusionment and get disgusted barony all political parties, The comrades want a mass Com- munist Party. So do I. All agree on this point. But what is the quicker and more effective means, For ex- ample—in the United Council of Work- ing Class Women after working and organizing (and contributing) collec- tions for the Paterson strikers, is it better to take one person aside and whisper, “shy, shy—I am also a Com- munist, I also help the Paterson strikes,” or the Workers Party as an organization helped the Paterson strikes? We have no desire to be modest violets. . As to Comrade Lore, if anyone has added prestige to Comrade Lore it has been the minorty. What did the C. I. say? Kick him out or fight ideo- logically? The C. 1. said—fight him ideologically.... The way the min- ority have fought Comrade Lore, however, and the issues they have fought him on have made him ap- pear as a martyr before the com-— rades. Talk to the rank and filers, and what do they say. “Yes, | ad- mit Comrade Lore is wrong on many things, but he is being persecuted, attacked In petty and forced situa. tions. He has been treated unfair- ly.” The fight should be waged ideologically, take the wind out of Lore’s sails, by making him admit his mistakes thereby breaking his false prestige. Comrade Jakira and the comrades ot the minority say: “We, the Marxists! ! therefore, we are right!!!” To me, merely a rank and filer, the test of a Communist is not one who has only “studied” Marx and can recite him one who participates ILLUSIONS OR REALITY? By JACK PROKOP, Eastern Organizer Czecho-Slovak Federation. FTER both. sides, the majority and the minority of the C. E. C. had presented their arguments as to the chief tasks, timely slogans, and; immediate necessary operations, let us examine the nature of the tasks, the timeliness of the slogans, and the necessity of their operations. As. Communists, we must. deal in this examination only. with facts, things, that is, objective and subjec-,| tive conditions, which alone serve as the determining factors in analysis of | a situation. Thus objectively examin-| ing, we find that: 1. The federated ” farmer-labor party was a forcible amputation from the “real trend toward a third party” and therefore dissolved under the breath of LaFollette. 2. The majority of the C. E. C. has been seduced by the minority to exaggerate and misrepresent the strength of the F. L. movement be- fore the membership of the W. P. 3. Besides the “trend for a third party” there is among the farmers neither a tendency to cppose its or- ganization or under-rate its effective- ness, nor the much sought tendency for a farmer-labor party, all mythical proofs to the contrary having been exaporated under the x-rays of Fos- ter’s and Manley’s illumination. 4. The trend to organization and growth of the third party is insured by the actions of the C. P. P. A., and all its affiliated organizations of craft and industrial unions, as well as the debris from the F. L. and co-operative movements of the farmers, whom La- Follette alone is able to. “stick to- gether” and lead, altho to disillusion- ment. 5. When in the past year or two, two million bankrupt farmers left and dispersed in the cities and indus- trial centers, it was not a proof of an impending crisis and revolt and re- orientation of the farmers’ political conception and policy (outside the trend for a third party) but on the contrary, it was a proof of an un- paralelled elasticity of the capitalist system in the U. S. A. and its enorm- ous capacity to absorb (temporarily at least) the victim of its exploitation and dump them in other spheres . . . disarmed. Disarmed, because they ceased to be a factor in the farmers’ movement the moment they emigrat- ed into the cities. The possibilities for the bankrupt farmers to earn their living’ in the cities, and further, the alleviation (altho small) remaining farmers felt thru fhe di appearence of 2,000,000 competito: rather dampened than intensified the (imaginary) revolutionary tendency of the farmers, at the same time re- storing to a great extent . . faith in institutions of existing order, re- storing faith in their improvement, by the policies of LaFollette and his program for the third party. Altho it would be folly, for Com- munists, who base their calculations of directives and policies on funda- mental laws of history, economics, politics and sociology . . to be- lieve that capitalists will stop the expropriation of farmers, and their forcible emigration into cities, or to believe in the much blazened Foolidge or Coolidge prosperity, unless a mar- ket is found on the moon, Venus or Mars, the fact remains that, during this period of artificial prosperity ac- companied by the “election shock” and its resulting confusion among the farmers (and workers), and before the effects of “the crisis to come” can be appreciably felt, a slogan . . “for a farmer-labor party” would be in the struggles of the workers, leads »|them in accordance with the theory of | Marx. He should be one who can shape policies in line with Marxian truth. Otherwise, we should invite Hillquit in America and Kautsky in Germany to lead us, for surely they have “studied” Marx, perhaps much more than some of the minority. which the | _ like a cry in the wilderness, without any effect. Throwing aside all past mistakes of the majority, out of which the mi- nority wants to draw capital for its “superior mistakes” we come to the Recapitulation. There being no immediate tendency or demand for a farmer-labor party, among the farmers or industrial, work- ers. . . ‘but there being “a’poll- tical orphanage of the LaFollette ¢lique” concrete’ organizations (C. *P, P. A.) and tendencies tor the crea- tion of'a third party” ’. ‘the slo- gan for a farmer-labor party ‘ts neither | timely nor “necessary, but rather im furious, constititing nothing “but ‘a waste of valuable energy, and the chief task of the party logically must be the strengthening and: expansion of ‘the party in all its units and all its institutions, thru education of its membership and sympathizers, thru propaganda and organization in the shops, unions, fraternal organizations, etc., of the workers and farmers, in order to prove there our ability “to lead” our willingness to work. The ability to lead is not proven by the creation of untimely slogans, imagin- ary parties, or by the changes of names of parties or other imitations of the labor fakers, not even by ef- forts of faking the fakers by “superior imitations” or conferences with them, as our great Napoleons from the mi- nority imagine. On the contrary. The ability to lead will be demonstrated only and solely in the “real fighting units of the working class” such as the shops, factories, mines, union lo- cals, international unions, fraternal organizations unemployed councils, ete., in their daily struggle for work, wages, control of locals, unions, fight for their political affiliations and rep- resentation, etc., etc., and the muster- ing out and incorporation of ripe ele- ments into the Workers Party. Only this sort of “ability to lead” and not the “Napoleonic ability” of the minority that dwelleth high in the clouds, and enable us to fight ex- clusively the prospective third party and gradually destroy the illusions created in the minds of the farmers _ and workers about improving institu- tions of capitalist order and deriving benefit from it. Only this sort of | ability to lead will rectify the psy- chology of the poor, mislead farmers and workers, and bring them into the fold of the only “one proletarian class party” in the U. S. A.—the Workers Party. The insignificant nucleus, which the minority pretends we have, will serve ,| the purpose equally, and group itself around and be directed by a week- ly “Farmers’ Critical Review” edited by us, and given away if necessary. It will still cost us less than all the proposed empty maneuvers and save us from the reputation of “very un- stable policies.” The C. I. reversed the slogan on time, and wisely so. In the U..8. A. the development of political consciousness of the masses is marching thru the third party. The heterogeneous element composing it, ‘the adversity of their various inter- ests, is the best guarantee for a re- division and reclassification of its ele- ‘ments. Then our harvest will begin in full measure. As soon as our cam- .paign-predictions of crisis will begin to materialize we will repeat (what we should have said): “After Cool- idge—the deluge!” and quit LaFol lette’s farcical deceptive banner; join the class-party with sickle and ham- mer. The Walden Book Shop 307 Plymouth Court (Between State and Dearborn Just South of Jackson) CHICAGO