The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 29, 1924, Page 5

—** THE PARTY DISCUSSION CONTINUED (MY POSITION TOWARD THE FARMER- LABOR MOVEMENT (Article 1.) By LUDWIG LORE. 'N view of the veritable landslide of articles concerning my attitude, past and present, on every question of importance to the Communist movement in the last four years, I feel that I owe it, not only to myself, but to the party membership, to out- Hine. as briefly as I can, considering the number and nature of the charges against me, my party activity and the point of view from which it has been undertaken, I regret, Comrade Lovestone’s min- utes to the contrary notwithstanding, that the majority and minority theses Were not submitted to me by the na- tional secretary for my vote until a very few days ago. long after they had become party property, and the discussion well on its way. I am, how- ever, of the opinion that the issue that has been thrown into the fore- front of the party discussion is an artificial one, an issue that has neither foundation nor life in the labor move- ment at the present time. As to its purpose, there can be no doubt. In spite of the distinct instructions of the Communist International that the majority and minority groups adjust their differences, the hatchet has not been buried. The minority group is a frank aspirant for power, and is de- termined at all costs to find an issue, be it ever so flimsy, upon which it can base its unmitigated opposition to the present administration. Why a Farmer-Labor Party? One of the fundamental tenets of the Communist movement has been, that the masses must become imbued with the significance of the class struggle, not merely by propagandistic Political and educational endeavor, but, above all, by active participation in the class struggle on the political as well as on the industrial field. Obviously. therefore, it becomes the duty of the Communists to participate in every working class movement that has for its premises the maintenance of the interests of the working class against that of its exploiters, whether this movement appear on the indus- trial fleld, as a labor union, or on the political fleld, as a labor party. Tam convinced that, in America, the labor party will come. Not imme- diately. On the contrary, it will come into being only after a slow and tor- turous process, only after the poor farmers and organized labor have been betrayed again and again by leaders of the third party, LaFollette type. 1 ‘am convinced that 1928 will see third parties in a number of states—Minne- sota, the Dakotas, Nebraska, Washing *ton—perhaps even nationally in som: form or other. Out of these thir party movements, themselves abor tive, a left wing will develop that will become the nucleus for a real, class conscious labor party movement in the future. 2 Where Will We Stand? Whether, when that time comes, the Communist movement in this country will fight or support this movement will depend entirely upon the strength that we, ourselves, will have attained. If our party shall have been success- ful in gaining a firm foothold in the masses, it will have to take up the fight against the reformistic aims of the labor party movement. If, on the other hand, and I consider this much more likely, the Communist movement still consists of only the most ad- vanced part of the working class, we will not only have to support the movement, but do everything in our power to become a part of it, if this can be achieved without losing our an sibility of getting It’s an Irish Trick! carrying a hod is 1.0 longer ONLY ‘ish accomplishment, > A Bols' ve scoped Te resgrann od ns always learn to shoulder the respon- - ibil He subscription bricks to “Build the DAILY WORKER.” We Understand You Are a Bolshevik identity, The growth of the Communist move- ment in a country whose working class, like ours, lacks every vestige of political interest and understanding, will be slow. The American worker is an indiivdualist, is incapable of see: ing the larger aspects of any question of national importance. Contrary td the current impression, the American has no revolutionary tradition. and the democratic illusion still holds and will hold him in its grip so long as a cer- tain degree of economic success can still bé won by personal and individual endeavor. He will always be ready to support reformers, men who like Roosevelt, Bryan, Hearst or a LaFol- lette take up the cudgels against big capital to give the little man a chance to aspire to a place in the sun. Our work in the labor movement, therefore, will be, for years to come, to go hand in hand with the industrial labor movement in its struggles, to force it to take up a more energetic fight against the capitalist class, and in so doing to bring into being the political class consciousness that must exist before a labor party movement, in which we can participate, can come into existence. In the meantime we will educate the advance guard in the labor movement, those who will listen to our message and help us in our work, to a clear understanding of the inevitability of the social revolution and the methods and weapons with which it can be successfully brought about; The Communist movement can do this, however. only if it understands that it must participate in all strug- gles-of the working class; that it must be the leader in these movements, The recent decision of the centrai ex- ecutive committee to carry on an active campaign in support of the child labor amendment, is a case in point. Here our party supports not only the minimum made possible by the consti- tutional amendment, but demands state responsibility for the child’s education and welfare up to the 18th year, as determined by federal legislation. The Majority Thesis. Taken as a whole I agree with the majority thesis. The farmer-labor movement is dead and is not likely to awaken to a new existence for years to come. My differences with the ma- jority conception on the question of the farmerlabor party are differences of emphasis rather than of fact. While { maintain that our support of the class farmer-labor movement was not aecidental, but part of our funda- nental Communistic conception, I relieve that any attempt to resuscitate he deceased class farmer-labor move- ent at the present time can and will osult in confusion and resentment -gainst our movement. The Minority Thesis, While the minority evades the ques- tion of organizing a new edition of the federated farmer-labor party, it stands committed by its own thesis, to this Program. One cannot actively en- gage in a campaign for a theory and refuse to put it into practice. There can be but one alternative. Hither we believe that there is at present in existence a distinct and numerically significant movement for the creation of a party of labor and farmers along class lines. If that is the case, it is the duty of the Communist movement to support it and to augment its growth. If, on the other hand, this movement has dwindled into nothing. ness, it is not our duty artifically to recreate it. The experiences of the past year have shown us the danger of the posi- tion that the minority is taking. The very laudable desire to apply theses and theories to actual conditions, led 18 to attempt the organization of farm- er-labor groups wherever this was hu- manly possible... Whatever our aims may have been, the fact remains that, with very few exceptions, the state farmer-labor party organizations were artificial bodies created by our party with the help of organizations influenc- ed or controlled by our own members. But a peculiar quirk in the human mind makes us see favorable: condi- tions, once we have based our pro- gram of action upon certain premises, even where these do not exist. The result is a policy of. self-deception, such as could have been observed in our party even after the June 17 con- vention, when some of our leaders maintained in DAILY WORKER articles that there was a clear division between the farmers at St. Paul who went with LaFollette and the workers from the industrial states, who main- tained a class program and adhered to the leadership of the Workers Party. And yet we all knew then, as we know today, that the latter, prac- tically without exception, represented makeshift bodies. of Workers Party origin, So far did we go in this polcy of mutual self-deception that an at- tempt was made at that time to convey this obviously false impression to the comrades in Russia, The Federated Farmer-Labor Party. In one of his articles, Comrade Cannon refers to the fact that I sup- ported the federated farmer-labor party at a time when the present ma- jority opposed it. This was undoubt- edly the case. But a brief review of the history of our activity in the unfortunate federated farmer-labor party venture will show that the minority is right when it “refuses to have Lore pinned to its coat lapels.” At the Chicago convention where the federated farmer-labor party came into being, the Comrades Foster, Ruthenberg, Manley, Lovestone and myself had been appointed by the central executive committee to act as steering committee. Comrade Pepper had insisted upon my membership on this committee. and I had accepted very unwillingly. It is not generally known that I strongly objected to the decision that brought about the rup- ture between our followers and the Fitzpatrick-Nockels-Buck group, i. e., the decision to instruct the organiza- tion committee of the convention to bring in a full plan for the organiza- tion of a farmer-labor party on a national scale. The steering committee Persisted in its course even after Buck had twice pleaded with the con- vention and with our group that the motion be withdrawn, stating that they would not stand for this thing that was being crammed down their throats. I insisted upon a special meeting of the steering committee ufter I had approached the members of the steering committee. In vain. T am still convinced that the, split that placed us in so disadvantageous a position and that prompted the present majority to abandon the fed- erated farmer-labor party almost at birth, because it feared the active opposition of the trade union move ment, should and could have. been avoided. The opposition of the present ma- jority to the federated farmer-labor party was obviously not based upon theoretical opposition but upon a very understandable desire to leave weil enough alone. Certainly its opposition to the federated farmer-labor party offers a very poor basis for the “holier than thou” attitude of this group, especially in view of its more recent (LaFollette). past. I believed, while I recognized the gravity of the situation that our head- long action had precipitated, that it would nevertheless be possible to keep the federated farmer-labor party alive. At two central executive committee meetings I moved to send out trade union organizers to bring local unions into the new party Hundreds of local unions would have joined if an honest ittempt had been made. The motions were adopted but never carried out oy the present minority. then the aajority, in spite of its present enthu- siasm for that policy. Again, at a later central executive committee meeting (unfortunately I have not Comrade Lovestone’s easy access to central executive committee minutes), a program for immediate action for the federated farmer-labor party was adopted, consisting of three labor and three farmer demands, which were to be submitted to a special session of congress, for which an energetic campaign was to be waged, ¢ounter- acting Senator Brookhart’s propa- ganda for the immediate convocation of congress. The program was en- dorsed by the executive council of the federated farmer-labor party with all against ome vote—and there is ended. The present minority, which is so anxious for mass action, played hookey with its friends of the execu- tive council of the federated farmer- labor party, and the entire program was forgotten. Inquiries at later cen- tral executive committee sessions for a report on action undertaken brought no response. Tt would have been possible at that time, in my opinion, to build up, not a gigantic movement. it is true, but a movement that would have enabled us to galvanize large sections of organ- ized labor into political class action, to establish for the revolutionary working class a sphere of influence that would have given it a broad field for active work, had it not been for the open opposition of the present majority and the sabotage of the pres- ent minority and the national office. There is many a true word spoken in jest. Perhaps the remark made by an active supporter concerning a minority member. that “he is afraid that MY party may become bigger han HIS party” came pretty close to he truth, But what was possible at that time, is possible no longer. We who did our honest share of the propaganda work in the labor organizations before and after the Chicago convention, we who visited the industrial and fra- ternal organizations and—I speak pro dome in this case—we who worked night after night for months preaching the necessity of political class action and the united front, and succeeded in arousing sympathy and understand- ing that could have been crystallized into affiliation—we know the mistrust Chicago Greek W. P. Branch Supports Majority Thesis The following resolution was adop- ted at a meeting of the Greek Branch of Chicago, Dec. 25, 1924. Resolution “The Chicago Branch of the Greek Federation of the Workers Party, after careful and practical discussion of both C, B. C, and minority theses, declares itself for the thesis of the C, B.C, majority as the only correct and practical Communist policy which our party must follow, and recommends ‘o all branches of the federation and all members of the party to support she thesis of the C BE. C, majority.” For the majority 12, For the minor- ity 8. Signed: James Manos, Br, Secretary and ridicule that meets us today, whenever we try to repeat this’ per- formance. When immediately after the St. Paul conference I realized the impos- sibility of continuing to form fake parties, I insisted that our work lies for the present in the building up of the Workers Party and briefly out- lined this policy last June at a district No, 2 membership meeting, to the open horror of Comrade Foster, who regarded this opinion as rank heresy In spite of the verbal slaughter tha’ | followed, the central executive com mittee, hardly more than two weeks later, took the same position and by nominating Foster and Gitlow, led the party, after two years wandering in the wilderness, back into a period of constructive Communist work. Open Forum, Sunday Night, Lodge Room, Ashland Auditorium, IS IT THE MEASLES? A DIAGNOSIS. (Continued from page 4) where the majority thesis claims that the leaders of the mass economic or- ganizations of labor have formed a PERMANENT alliance with the petty bourgeoisie and that this alliance has received the recognition of ALMOST THE ENTIRE ORGANIZED LABOR MOVEMENT. Even if this were so it would make more imperative than ever before the necessity of raising the slogan of a farmer-labor party for independent class political action in order to mob- ilize around our banner the militant left wing’ and split them away from the: third capitalist party movement and to discredit their class collabor- ationist leaders in all working class organizations. BUT IT IS NOT TRUE, The official leadership of the mass economic or- ganizations of labor are in alliance with the republican-democratic party of AMERICAN IMPERIALISM thru the “non-partisan” policy which was reaffirmed at the El Paso con- vention of the A. F. of L. They are against the THIRD PARTY and against the LABOR PARTY. They are in favor of the Dawes plan, the Amer- ican Legion and imperialistic war; they are against recognition of Soviet Russia. The A. F. of L. and the reac- tionary unions are the allies of Amer- ican imperialism on every count. The Majority Policy in Practice. Here in Massachusettes we have had the opportunity to see how the majority thesis works out in practice, The C, P. P. A. convention was held in Boston December 14. About 30 of our comrades were elected from their unions and fraternal organiwation: to the C. P. P. A. conference. If ed were working under our old united front policy we could have had at least 30 more. The big reactionary A. F. of L, unions and the R. R. unions were not represented None of their leaders were present. All our com- rades and many of their fellow del- egates were instructed to vote for a farmer-labor party. A general mem- bership meeting of the Boston T. U. E. L, voted unanimously in favor of raising the slogan of a farmer-labor {e000 | Take eTcKHe KHMTH Tpe6yftte pacuenky m cnucoK KHHr, MonTexamHx pac- npomaxe. SIREET 231 KAST 14th APG Bo Ns ali tay. 088 SA MONOBMHY WM TPETb WEHbI PYCCKME KHUN MOSNeAHMX M3RaHKi rocyAapCTBeHHOrO M3- fatenbetBa Cos, Poccun HEFhIRANAS POYMERTREHRK AA W HOBOTANHSA PACKPOAKA . BOPATbIM BbIBOP KHHT no Nonutuke, SkonomuKe, Counansnbim Bonpocam, 9 q ‘AMocodun, Uctopun, Jiutepatype, Kputuxe, Mckyccrey. melutTe ¢ 3anpocaMu M 3aka3zamu, 469 pac- Npojaxa Gyker NPosoMKaTCA OYeHd KOPOTKOE BpeMA. NOVY Milk BOOK STORE onu- NEW YORK, N. Y Laon party in the C. P. P. A. As the party D, O. I was compelled to oppose the motion and uphold the C E. C. We received instructions from the nation. al office to fight the resolution for a farmer-labor party in the C. P. P. A— to introduce our owm resolution for the W. P.—and when defeated to WALK OUT OF THE HALL. No re- solution for a farmer-labor party was ever introduced in the C. P. P. A. by the socialists or any one else. Delegate after delegate’ representing labor unions took the floor and spoke for independent working class action and a labor party. We sat quiet. We never got a chance to introduce our resolution—and after making a state- ment our comrades walked out. If we were not operating under the majority policy of abandoning the united front slogan of a labor party we could have won the support of a majority of the delegates against the socialists who controlled the convention. We could at least have split on the issue of a labor party. As it was about 15 of our comrades walked out the hall and the rest of the delegates didn’t know what in hell we were driving at—they simply could not understand us. Our delegates are ashamed to report to their unions; our candidate for the Joint Board of the A. C. W., who oc- cupied that position and was a dele- gate to the C. P. P. A. instructed for a labor party has just been de- “eated in his union on this issue. We missed an opportunity to fight for the working class as COMMUNISTS and against LaFolletteism. The socialists and the left wing delegtes laughed at us; WE RAN AWAY FROM THE FIGHT; WE RAN AWAY FROM THE Save: » AND THE ISSUE IN THE MASS, Cc. P. P. A. WAS THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY vs. LAFOLLETTE THIRD PARTYI! This is DEFEATISM with a ven- geance. THIS IS THE POLICY NOW PUT INTO ACTUAL PRACTICE BY THE C. E. C. MAJORITY AND WHICH THEY ASK THE MEMBER- SHIP OF THE PARTY TO EN- DORSE. The majority of the C. EB. C. has by putting its policy into immediate effect over ridden the decision of our last convention; they have flouted the program of our party; they violated the decsions of the Communist Inter- national, T call upon all comrades to thorough- ly defeat them in the next convention. Break the unholly alliance between the leaftists, the syndicalistic center and the Lore right wing. Support the “Old Guard”of our party, Help develop our party into a real mass Communist Party under a Marxia) ninist lead- ership. Vote for the MINORITY thesis; elect delegates to the City District and National Convention who will support it. I believe that our party is not sick, but that on the contrary it is healthy and growing. I have absolute faith and confidence in our membership and in their Communist understanding to enable them to see thru the majority shams, their fake loftism, thelr syn- dicalistic vagaries, their silly incon- sistencies and that the comrades will decisively defeat them, thus saving our party the loss of one golden year in {ts development towards the reliza- of & mass Communist Party in * are vie MAKE THE MILITANT PAGE WORTH $20,000 TO THE DAILY Party Members, Branches, Party Officials Can With a Little Effort Make the Militant Page the Feature of the Year, By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT, We are for a militant party. So are you. Together we must help build that kind of party, a fighting party for which no task will be too difficult, In the forefront of a fighting party stands its press, party in thought and action. gives the party life. The party pres: scaffolding it to a bullding. Upon it It cements the party, centralizes it. It leade the it is Lenin said, is to the party what the workers stand, handing material to other workers with which the building, the party, is built. We have by ali ways at our command tried to impress the party membership with the need of safeguarding the DAILY WORKER. The Central. Executive Committee has passed a series of motions in connee- tion with this campaign which ought to have stirred every party member te action. Either we INSURE THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1925 are we run the risk of having to retrench. And who wants to retrench? Who wante to vote for enforced economies which will decrease the power of our dally? A test for the party membership and branches has been decided upon. The DAILY WORKER will be one year old on January 13. Upon this date a beg red special edition of the DAILY WORKER will be issued. it will contain 12 pages and will constitute a document which should become part of the library of every revolutionist. In this big special edition will be featured the PAGE OF MILITANT BRANCHES. This MILITANT PAGE will be the roll call of the red branches of the Workers Party. And because it Is a test of our militancy, we earnestly hope that EVERY party branch will have its name engraved upon the MILITANT PAGE as a sign of its Communist understanding and determination, The district organizers, federation secretaries, federation editors and the city central committee secretaries can help In this attempt to register every party branch in the insurance campaign—in fact, must help. Every Party official must give this thought and action. The name of your branch will be printed upon the MILITANT PAGE of the big special issue only if your branch remits for insurance pollcies sold before January 8. There Is only one more word to add—and that is, REMIT. Douglas Park English |Detroit Workers to Branch on Record for The Majority Thesis After thoro discussion of the party Policies at three consecutive meetings set aside for this purpose only, the branch went on record in favor of the majority thesis. The vote was taken at the close of the meeting was 19 to 11. Lithuanian Branch No. 2 Overwhelmingly for The Minority Theses The Workers Party Lithuanian Branch, No. 2, in its regular meeting Dec. 18, with Comrade George Mau- rer present, who was given unlimited time for the discussion and, support: ing the majority theses, criticizec the minority theses and its leaders Ruthenberg, Lovestone and others. ind after the considerable discussion voted almost unanimously for the minority. Only tw¢ cimrades did not vote but even thesg expressed that the minority these? was the better of the two. The fottowing motion was accepted: “The Workers Party Lithuanian Section Branch 2, in its meeting on Dec. 18, after hearing Comrade George Maurer report on the major- ity C. E. C. theses and after thorough discussion of both the majority and the minority theses almost unani- mously voted for the minority. “We are fully convinced that the minority’s position is much better more practical to go to the masser of workers and poor farmers and thus to build our party, the Workers (Com- munist) Party in America.”—Organ izer V. V. Vasys. Attention, New York Readers! CELEBRATION OF THE 1000th NUMBER OF THE FREIHEIT The Third Annual Freiheit Masquerade Ball Wednesday, New Year’s Eve, Dec. 3ist, 1924 AT THE SIXTY-NINTH REGIMENT ARMORY Lexington Ave. and 25th St. Welcome New Year at House of the Masses DETROIT, Mich., Dec. 28—The real New Years Eve event in Detroit this year will be staged in the House of the Masses,+2646 St. Aubin, when the Workers’ Educational Association will be giving its annual international costume ball. This annual affair always attracts, and this year the arrangements com- mittee has promised a program more elaborate than ever before. Some- thing will be doing in all the House halls. Dances in national costume will be given at odd times thruout the even- ing. Solo and group singing will also be featured. Russian “Chi,” Turkish coffee, and Bulgarian pastry will be served by girls in respective native attire, and our Greek and Armenian comrades will serve one of their fam- ous dinners. Anyone attending who fails to enjoy himself on this occa- sion will be turned over to the Uffa Uffa Imps for treatment. Admissien is 50 cents. Cleveland, O., Jewish Branch on Record 5 . 5 For Minority Thesis CLEVELAND, O., Dec. 28—The Jew- ish Branch of the Workers Party of Cleveland, after thoro discussion of both thesis unflinchingly endorses the minority thesis as the\one pointing out correct tactics and policies to pur- sue for our party in order to develop and build our movement as a mass Communist organization.