The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 27, 1924, Page 11

Thesis on Economic’ Political Situation and Party Strategy (Continued from page 2) Z nection in every important territorial, industrial, political, etc. unit of the U. 8. A. b)} To place every party member in- to fhe class struggle (Enforcement of the party requirement of membership and activity in unions, ete.) ec) To educate every member thru theory and practice so that he may be able to render maximum service to the party. a) To reconstruct our party so that it may yield the maximum result in the class struggle: Application of workers’ efficiency (accounting, com- munications etc.); organizational cen- tralization (printing, dues payment of language federation branches thru reg- ular party channels just like the Eng- lish branches); shop nuclei (in each instance where the conditions make their organization possible without resort to artificial makeshifts). e) An appartus to meet the obvious requirements of a revolutionary party. f) To maintain strict ideological and organizational discipline, i. e. to hold every party member strictly to ac count for every deviation from the accepted program of the party; and to make every party functionary account- able to a responsible committee with the undersanding that he is obliged to give maximum service to the party. G. ELECTIONS 1924. 31. The overwhelming majority of the party leadership, and by appear- ance also of the party, favored during six months of discussion a petty bourgeois election alliance. For this stand various reasons were given: a) It is unusual; but we are facing an extraordinary situation. b) It is not unusual; it would re present nothing but an American sol- ution of 2 problem which in like man- ner was solved before elsewhere; see A) the Mexican letter, B) the British labor party, C) the alliance of the Communists with the social demo- crats in Germany and, D) of the Bol- sheviki with the mensheviki. (Like wise do we find this year the major- ity thesis listing the latest develop- ments in England, France and Ger- many as examples of how, recently, proletarian parties are effectively de- composed on the political field by the petty bourgeoisie). c) It was advantageous because of the violent changes which had taken place the progressive demoralization of the American bourgeoisie. @) It was good strategy becanse of the violent changes which were to come: the disintegration of the A. P. of L. bureaucracy. 32. The C. I. reversed this deci- sion and upheld the contention of the anti-third party group. At various times did the various groups im the party react to this decision in the fol- lowing manner (tho these reactions have nowbere been authoritatively heen recorded so as to be committal): a) The present minority argued that they had really been sustained in prin- ciple, and only been defeated as to its application; eventually they admit- ted complete defeat. b) The present majority, while ac- cepting the C. I. decision, did not con- ‘cur with it; eventually they agreed to the correctness of the C. I. decision, $3. Gili: both RADoMathb oid the Cc. I. had agreed with the anti-third party group that an alliance of the W. P. with LaFollette was unwise, it de veloped that we could not even main- tain the united front of our F. L. P. campaign and were by an additional withdrawal of temporary sympathiz- ers forced to drop our F. L. P. cam- paign and to place a W. P. ticket in the field. A satisfactory vote of close to 40,000 was counted for our national candidates. © $4, For the first time did tho wage workers show enough political unrest to make it impossible to corral nearly all of them into the camps of the trad- itional parties of big business. Thie time it required a “third party” te draw a substantial number of worker: and working farmers from their in- tended class action upon the political fleld. 4,300,000 votes were counted for vote, about half coming: from rural districts and half from industrial dis- tricts. H. Party Strategy for 1925. 35. Both official.theses agree that theta was a substantial F. L. P. move- ment early in 1924, and that it was diverted into the LaFollette move- ment. The minority titesis holds that this F. L. P. movement, as the polit- ical expression of economic conditions, cannot permanently be perverted in- to a petty bourgeois movement, that the economic basis of the movement must inevitably re-assert itself, and that therefore the slogan “for a farm- er-labor party” must soon fall upon fertile ground. 36. The majority thesis does not deny the proletarian and semi-prole- tarian basis of the involved moving group of workers and working farm- ers; but it does deny that this basis will necessarily soon loosen from this movement the hold which the petty bourgeois party has on it. (Didn’t the parties of big business have a stranglehold on them for 30-50 years? They could ask.) 37. The majority thesis considers the F. L. P. movement as having been not only absorbed but assimilated by the third party movement. The pro gressive defection of the F. L. P. movement passed several stages: a) The pre-convention period with LaFollette’s anathema against the W. 'P. (which according to Foster reduced -he convention attendance by 75 per cent.} b) The partial failure of the June 17 convention. c} The unconditional support of La- Follette on part of the C. P. P. A. convention on July 4. a) The final phase leading up to the withdrawal of the F. L. P. national candidates, and their replacement by W. P. candidates. 38. If there was any time at all during which the F. lL. P. movement was “absorbed” by the third party movement it must have been during any one or more of these periods. 33. eatent us consider the following the party has carried on 2 consistent united front campaign with the end in view of uniting those workers and farmers who were ready to break with sagt geri ect, Suagh.tarngdby IL. P. with which the P. would be affil- iated. This campaign has been the major political cangpaign of our party. We have during this campaign ad- vanced the cause of independent work- ing class action and made the FP. L. P. an issue im the American labor movement. We can also say, without danger of the statement being chal- lenged, that our party had made the greatest gains for itself thruout this campaign for the labor party. It is thru this F. L. P. campaign that our party has established itself as a pol- itical force in the U. 8. It is thru this campaign that it has established its prestige and its leadership among the masses of workers and farmers. No- thing has contributed so much to de- velop our party from a _ sectarian group to a recognized political force ip the life of the labor movement of this country than our manouvers in relation to the F. L. P.... The cam- paign for a F. L. P. was a correct estimation of the situation in the VU. 8S... . must be continued and will be a major campaign of the party in the future.” 40. This quotation is from the doc- ument entitled “Our immediate Work, a Program of Action,” issued in “s aad unanimous decision of the 41. These statements, if correct, establish the following facts: a) It is correct to appeal to work- ers and farmers with a F. L. P. slogan even before a real] F. L. P. movement exists among them, as long as they are “ready to break with the capitalist parties.” b) “This campaign has been the major political campaign of our par- °) “We have... P. an issue i movement.” made the F. L, in the American labor Toollette, one-eighth of the tetall 4) “The campaign for the F. L. te ee a ee must be continued and will be a major campaign of the party in the futre.” 42. If, on the other hand, these statements are incorrect, it follows that: a) The C. E. C., including its major- ity, made another mistake in apprais- ing the political situation. b) The ©. I. shared im this mistake by not taking exception to this state- ment. ¢) The majority of the C. E. C. failed in its duty to the party and the C. l. by not withdrawing formally and specifically what they now in their majérity thesis are attacking as in- correct. (It should be noted that the quotations are not from a casual cam- paign document, but from one which the C. E. C. was proud to issue as a result and proof of party anity en- joined by the C. L, and for which both comrades Foster and Ruthenberg toured the party districts, familiar-|ship has come to us directly without izng the party membership in detail intervention of any political or semi- and with emphasis with this “program” | political proletarian organization upon in August, the majority abandoning | the basis of the bourgeois state. What it in November. should make us think that this un- t. Criticism. broken national and international ex- 43. It is logical that tn countries ;perience does not apply to the present where a strong Communist Party is |situation! confronting an unusual constellation 53. Both official thesis beg the of forces it must strike out upon new | most contended question. The major- ways to achieve maximum result. The }ity thesis declares, “. . . Neither are various social forces in the U. 8. A. | we bound to the theory of the historic are of course producing certain spe-jinevitablity of the labor party in cial problems: The leading econ-| America.” The minority thesis “The mic and financial position of-the U } sevitability of the formation of a 3. A.; the fact that it has relativel: | *. L. P. is not the basis of our cam- the weakest labor movement of an° I paign.” industrialized country im the world 54. But the inevitablity—normally with the proporionately strongest f —-of same intermediate form of pol- labor bureaucracy, making the labor | tical expression must be established. movement topheavier than anywhere | “he majority thesis mentions casually else in the world; most important of Jsome “labor congress, council of ac- all the absence of any effective class} ion ete.” which together with a labor consciousness of the workers as ex- party are some of the forms which the pressed on the political field. anited front om the political field 44. But our party itself does not|might assume. This introduction of produce any particularly new prob jnew, vague, and little known terms lems; while we are relatively thejis no contribution to the discussion. weakest party in the C. 1, this very} 55. We must proclaim emphatically weakness makes our party problems that we are for the united front, on such a8 are as @ rule common andjthe political field as anywhere else; known, and whose repeated solution }we must have an opinion as to what ‘within the C. L. is well known. the united front on the political field 45. Another feature of our domes-| will most likely be. A reformist pro- tic reasoning is the vision of rapid gram of our own party is out of the changes which are supposed to bejquestion. It might be an election al- either taking place before our eyes, or |liance: but eventually a labor party else immediately pending. (See the}seems the logical solution, F. L. P. absorption of the majority K. The Principle of a United Front. thesis, and the ever critical unemploy-| 56. The Communist Parties the ment situation as the minority sees|world over are making propaganda it.) for Communist demands. They find 46. The majority thesis claims that [however often groups of workers mak- the FP. L. P. sentiment of the first haif ing propaganda for general everyday of 1924 has been completely absorbed} orkers’ demands. This leads to a and is irretrievably lost to the LaFo)-}division of the workers. The Com- lette movement, in this time of “im-fmanists are trying to convince the mediate downward plunge of Ameri-jother workers of the superiority of the can industry, renewed crisis, unem-}Communist demands; if they succeed ployment, and sharpening of the class|they have made a direct gain for the struggle.” Communist movement. 47. Political parties seem to bef 57. But if they fai), yet are un- permanently severed from their econ-| willing to continue the division of the omic foundation and stide around upon | workers, they abide by the decision a surface greased with political ex-fof the majority of the workers, and Pediency. ~ join in demands whose character or 48. Still worse “the LaFollette |limitations often make them indefen- movement... will be forced to over-|sible. In this they consider them- come... the contradictions of group | selves justified because they are there- and sectional interests ... sufficiently |by preserving the workers’ united to crystallize into a new political |front. The labor party is one of the party.” In this era where political par-}forms of the united front on the par- ties are unable to maintain themselves |liamentary field. And yet they con- without adjusting the antagonism of the various economic groups (see point 6d) it is expected that the La- Follette movement will begin to create parties out of economically incompat- ible groups. J. The Elements for a Revolution- ary Party. 49, It requires a violent elimina- tion of democratic-pacifist on the basis of the bourgeois state. ‘n continental Europe this lead to the broad class parties of the Seeond In- ternational; which were in theory in conflict with the bourgeois state, but in practice reformist parties upon the basis of the bourgeois state. In Angto- Saxon countries we find reformism originally not so much permeating the socialist parties but forming a layer of labor parties around them. 51. An analysis of our party mem- bership will show the largest part recruited from the S. P.; smaller parts Cet 8. ee ee dee Oe P. P., I. W. W. and anarchist organ- izations. All these sources are of course disappearing. A small influx of members, especially in Minn., was credited to our FP. L. P. participation. 52. Just as im all other countries only a negligible fraction of the num- ber and value of our party member- Fes ever living up to the of their obligations the united front, and and supporting with all the united front demands, the best demands that get support 4 substantial part of the work- is as a rule not yet in the mind that makes for a munism. History shows instance where masses If however, thrn a perversion the united front, Communists en- ter it with non-Communist demands (so as to conceal their own identity) and thereby incapacitate themselves for any criticism of the united front demands, both inside and outside, it step after they break with bourgeois |is not anymore a united front. The politics is working class politics—up- | (Continued on page 8) g L, |Tevolntionary politics, ‘ 50. Without exception their first