The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 18, 1924, Page 3

Thursday, December 18, 1924 By ALEXANDER BITTELMAN. OMRADE RUTHENBERG is satis- fied that the policy of the central executive committee is bankrupt. He says it with smiles, but that does not make his statement any more convinc- ing than if he were to say it with frowns. Proof is what we want, real proof, and not doctrinaire, oracular proclamations filled with platitudes. ' Fundamentals Versus Generalities. ‘To save the party from bankruptcy, Comrade Ruthenberg finds it neces- sary, in his article of Dec, 15, “to re- state a few fundamentais.” This is very nice. Fundamentals, I am sure, can’t hurt us. The more often we restate them the better for our party. But, Comrade Ruthenberg, we want fundamentals, real fundamentals and not platitudes or empty generalities. Karl Marx's teachings are not of the nature of salad dressings to em- bellish or to make palatable certain kinds of otherwise rotten food, physi- cal or mental. You cannot success- fully employ Marxian phraseology to cover up an essentially non-Marxian method of analysis and reasoning. You want fundamentals, don’t you? If so, let us begin the business in earnest, What is all this fuss about If I am not mistaken, we are trying here to formulate a policy for the immediate tasks of our party. Are ‘we not? Remember, for the Imme- diate tasks of our party. We are try- ing to find—in the language of Lenin —that particular link in the chain of present day events, which we can seize upon and hold on to, in order to pull the whole chain in the direction of our general strategy. This, Com- rade Ruthenberg, is one of the funda- mentals of both Marxism and Lenin- ism. We want you to remember that what we are now trying to do is not to show the world that we are fa- miliar with Marxian terminology (altho this, too, is very important), but to determine the immediate tacti- cal objective of our party, upon which we can concentrate and for which we can earry on a successful struggle. Assuming that we all agree on our general strategy, which is to make the Workers (Communist) Party a real factor in the American class struggle, our immediate tactical ob- jective should be determined by two main considerations. First, the specific nature of the class struggle of today, mind you, not the nature of the class struggle of a year ago or of a year later, but the peculiar characteristics of the pres- ént day Class” sttugglé.~’This, ‘too, Comrade Ruthenberg, is Marxism. The class struggle is not a fixed, sta- tionary proposition. And if you really believe what you say, that capitalism in America is on the decline, then you should know that one of the main characteristics of the period of de- clining capitalism is a constant ‘change in the groupings and relations of social forces. This being the case, your immediate tactical objective must be determined, not by the class struggle in general, not by its inten sification in general, nor by a genera} discourse on independent political action, but by the peculiar, concrete characteristics of the social group- ings and their mutual relations as they exist in this particular situation Second, the strength of our own party. This is the second considera: tion that must determine our imme- diate tactical objective. It is just as important as the first one. An ex- ample might be of service. None in our midst will deny that it would be very good for the revolutionary move- ment of America to overthrow the domination of the Gompers machine in the American Federation of Labor. Wouldn’t it? But because of the com- parative weakness of our party and of the left wing in the trade unions gen- erally, the above aim has not yet be- come our Immediate tactical objec- tive, altho the winning over of the unions is part of our general strategy. ‘The strength of our own party plus the peculiar characteristics of the re- lation of social forces at each given moment always determine the nature of our immediate objective and the nature of our tactics. Ruthenberg’s Fundamentals. ‘The above is solid, sound Marxism and Leninism. Does:Comrade Ruthen- berg follow this road? No, not in the least. It is too difficult and thorny. It requires real, hard work. The road that Comrade Ruthenberg actually travels is an easier one: it is the road of smiles and platitudes. Just read this: “As Marxians we recognize that the \, development of a movement among ‘the working masses toward a politi- oi lass struggle is a logical and inevit@gle outcome of class relations "y capitalist system.” You Poité think, from the reading of thi# quotation, that Comrade Ruth- is delivering an academic lec- to a group of college undergrad- uates instead of writing in the central organ of the party on its immediate tasks. Aside from the fact that the language of the quotation is clumsy, helpless and very far from Marxian, wherein does this “fundamental” truth helps mote finding our imme- iate objective : Supposing it were correct to speak of “a political class struggle,” which it is not, because every class struggle ig political. Supposing further that Marx would tolerate (which he never would) such barbarisms as “the classy gs struggle is a logical outcome of class | “~ and tho the class struggle is a eroduct only of the capitalist system, and as tho the class relations of the feudal system and of all the other previous systems based on class divi- sions did not produce class struggles of the working masses. And sup- posing, finally, that Marx ever dealt in such conceptions as “logisal’” out- comes of class relations. Suppose that the above quotation from Com- rade Ruthenberg’s article were one hundred per cent Marxian (in reality it is just helpless confusion), what of it? What would it mean to us as far as the present stage of the class struggle is concerned? Nothing. And this sort of oracular wisdom is being served us as Marxism! We respectfully submit the thesis of the central executive committee to the earnest consideration of Comrade Ruthenberg. Therein he will find an analysis of conditions as they exist today. From this analysis he will learn that the peculiar, concrete characteristic of the present situation is the fact that the farmer-labor move- ment, which was never anything else ideologically but a LaFollette move- ment, has now merged also organiza- tionally with the third party move- ment. Futhermore, Comrade Ruthen- berg will learn from the thesis of the central executive committee that another peculiar, concrete character- istic of the present situation is the fact that the only mass movement now in existence towards a new politi- cal party is the movement toward a LaFollette, petty bourgeois, third party. These are facts, the only im- portant facts relevant to our present discussion. What conclusions we must draw from these facts, is a dif- ferent proposition. But it is upon these facts, and and not upon the startling discovery that there is capi- talism in America, that we must base the policy for our immediate tasks We Fool Them by Adding a Word. _ Comrade Ruthenberg and the minor- ity are not only real Marxians, but also skillful strategists. Here is a sample of “Communist” strategy which is supposed to win the Ameri- can working class for the class strug- gle by the ingenious device of adding to an old slogan a new word. We quote again from Comrade Ruth- enberg. “The slogan which we raised to express the crystallization of the movement for independent political action was, ‘For a Farmer-Labor Party,’ and later, when the LaFol- lette movement took form, in order to sharply distinguish our aim from the petty bourgeois character of the latter, ‘For a Class Farmer-Labor Party’” It is as simple as it is great. Here we are confronted with a tactical problem of the first magnitude. We find great masses of workers, organ- ized and unorganized, and poor farm: ers swept by the force of events into a petty bourgeois, LaFollette move- ment. The question is: What shall we do? How shall we meet this situation? The central executive committee thinks that this is a very difficult problem. The only solution we could find for it was that we try imme- Discussion of Our Par WHO IS BANKRUPT? have at one time or another been laid Second Year of the Workers Party of THE DAI Jaane Toe aly Uoerkerjor Mis Good intentions butter no parsnips! But understanding and ACTION gave us Soviet Russia. You understand! NOW ACT! » The way is clear. The method is simple. INSURE THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1925! $50,000 IS THE SUM THAT'S NEEDED! INSURANCE POLICIES ARE READY! PRICED: $10, $5, $1. YOUR POLICY MUST BE TO BUY A POLICY! Back up YOUR daily to the last cent. Every comrade must meet expectations— YES—BEAT THEM! THE COMRADES OF THE MINORITY REPLY TO THE COMRADES OF THE MINORITY By MAX SHACHTMAN. ‘HE headline above this article is not the result of a typographical error. It is the result of a considered belief that the comrades who are at present the constituted mitiority of the party’s central executive commit- tee, are putting forth arguments which ment. Unless there is a national crystallization of the labor party movement enabling it to nominate a presidential candidate and to con- duct a nation-wide campaign, the movement will receive a severe set- back and there will be no hope for organizing a class-labor party on a national scale for some years to come. The whole life of the move- ment depends upon a national organ- ization and a national campaign and such @ campaign is bound to awaken great enthusiasm and enable the class farmer-labor party idea to make great strides forward.” Exactly! The slogan of the “mass, class farmer-labor party” which had already lost its ability to move mass. es in the face of the growing strides of the LaFollette movement (and it must be remembered that the minor- ity comrades then maintained that the workers will “not differentiate be- tween such a general third party move- ment and the class farmer-labor movement”)—this slogan became one of those “magnificent, catching, in- toxicating slogans which have no basis” as Lenin wrote, slogans that are of “the nature of the revolution- ary phrase” (Lenin). And, without in the least reflect- ing on the sober character of the com- rades of the minority, I suggest that they have become slightly intoxicat- ed with this baseless slogan, and that like all good inebriates, they continue to hiccough the call for “a class farm- er-labor party”—having dropped, (in the excitement, presumably), the “mass” aspect of this mirage. Let these comrades reply to the statements they had themselves made Tess"than a year ago, prophésying so clearly the general position now tak- en by the C. E. C. Let them show low by none other than this same minority. Further, that these com- rades, despite their attempts to change the basis of discussion to is- sues of secondary importance, are now confronted with the ghost of their more logical past which they will not So easily be able to wave away with a flip of the ever-ready pen or with the label of Fosterian industrialism, Can- nonian opportunism, or its combina- tion—majority opportunist syndical- ism, Without further introduction, I pro- duce the first two pieces of evidence, taken from the thesis on the present economic and political situation and on labor party policy, proposed by central executive committee (the then majority and present minority), as printed in the record of the third na- tional convention of the party, the America, In section 4, sub-paragraph a, of the thesis, is found the follow- ing significant statement: “The third party movement and the Ford movement. The workers and exploited farmers of the United States have for so many years sup- ported the republican and demo- cratic parties that any organization which breaks away from these old Parties will have a tremendous ap- peal for them and they will not dif- ferentiate between such a general third party movement and the class farmer-labor movement. Unless | where there exists any group, outside there is a national rallying point for | of the Workers Party, that can be the existing farmerlabor groups | drawn into a movement for a class which represent the class parties there is great danger that these iso- lated groups will be swept into the third party movement and thus the whole movement for a class labor party will be halted for years to come.” The danger that was feared by the comrades of the present minority has realized itself. What has happened is exactly what the comrades of the minority at one time predicted prac- tically, and what the comrades of the farmer-labor party. And, comrades of the| minority, do not bring in the Minndsota farmer- labor party, which Comrade Pepper called @ people’s movdment, not a class movement; nor the| Washington anti-Communist farmerjabor party with its LaFollette program; nor our North Dakota bubble of! a farmer-la- bor party; nor any of other fakes with which you are embellishing your show. LY WORKER ty’s Immediate Tasks ceach the goal in the most dangerous and roundabout way; this is rather an uncertain road, It reminds me of an incident. A worker sitting next to me in a shop where I worked during the campaign, tried to convince me that we Communists were too ex- treme, “Why,” said he, “should you vote directly for Foster? Why don’t you work the issue gradually by vot- ing first for a progressive, then for a radical, then for Foster?” The com- rades of the minority are portraying the same psychology, namely; the workers are not yet ripe for the Work- ers Party. Use the gradual method of first the farmer-labor party, then the Workers Party. Having been one of the soap box speakers during the campaign, I can emphatically state that a tremendous impression was created on _ the masses in propagating the Workers Party of America, which I did purely and solely, In my estimation, the campaign in our own name, gave the Workers Party not only publicity, but it planted the seed of Communism in many workers. In conclusion, I want to say, that on reading Comrade Ruthenberg’s ar- ticle, “Who Are the Farmer-Labor Communists?” I want to corroborate that it is very sad that slandering and epithets are necessary to substitute for arguments on the basis of prin- ciples and facts. I agree that people in glass houses should not throw stones, as in the case of Comrade Gedacht’s article, and others. I bope the minority will not accuse me of being a syndicalist, as I have been granted a license from my dis- trict organizer, and I always comply with Communistic tactics and prin- ciples. Page Three OPPORTUNISM AND THE ISSUES BEFORE THE PARTY By JAY LOVESTONE. T is very easy to sense the aim of the first bucketful of filth poured upon our heads by Comrade Cannon as his contribution toward clarifying the party’s difficult problems. Comrade Cannon has done more than his bit to engineer the virtual deportation of Comrade Pepper, a comrade who has been of greater service to the Communist Interna- tional in general and to the Commun- ist movement in the United States in particular than all of the demogogic, hypocritical defamers of- him and of his associates—Ruthenberg, Bedacht, Gitlow, Engdahl and scores of the most active comrades doing the indus- thruout the country. Now, Comrade Cannon is proceed- ing at a feverish pace with a game in which he is unsurpassed and unsur- passable. He is now proceeding to brand Ruthenberg an opportunist, a farmer-labor Communist. He is now proceeding to sling mud at all those disagreeing with him in maintaining the Communist position on the field of united front maneuvers. Marx once said that history re- peats itself: “Once as tragedy and again as farce.” Comrade Cannon’s calling anybody at all in our party an opportunist reminds one of this great truth. The writer well recalls the tragic end administered by the Comintern to those who branded as opportunists the comrades working for an open Communist Party. When the ex-chairman of our party calls any ALL YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE MEMBERS! MEMBERSHIP MEETING SUNDAY, DECEMBER 21, 4 P. M. at 722 Blue Island Avenue. AGENDA: 1. Weekly YOUNG WORKER. 2, Statement of the National Executive Committee. (a) Organizational. (b) Political, 3. Questions and answers, —— ehh Admittance by paid-up membership book only. Financial secretaries will be at door to receive payments for dues of members. diately to save for the class struggle under the leadership of the Workers Party as large a section of the labor movement as is possible under the circumstances and that we set out patiently, tenaciously and continually to expose LaFollettism by mobilizing the masses for immediate struggles upon the basis of partial demands. This is a hard and long road, but the only one at present open to us. But Comrade Ruthenberg looks at us all the while and smiles. He knows better. He has a secret in his posses- sion, He knows of a way of solving this difficult problem which requires nothing more than merely saying a word. That word is: class. Say this word and all your difficulties will im- mediately disappear. Isn’t it great? Really. At first we had a slogan “for a farmer-labor party,” and it worked more or less satisfactorily. Then the LaFollette movement made its appearance. It began moving defi- nitely in the direction of a new, third party, which is looked upon by the ‘armer-labor elements as the party hat they desire. This raises a prob- em. How can we prove to these armer-labor elements that a LaFol- .ette party is not the party that they need? How can we prove it? Here Comrade Ruthenberg steps forward and declares: Very simply. Just add the word “class” to our old slogan, so that it will read “For a class farmer-labor party,” and all the farmer-labor elements will imme- diately perceive the difference be- tween our aim and that of the LaFol- lette movement. Thus the problem of exposing LaFolletteism and of winning the masses for the class struggle and for the Communist Party is solved by Comrade Ruthenberg by adding a new word—class—to an old slogan. We will fool the masses into the class struggle by giving them a “new” word, Such is the Marxism and Communism of our minority. Se eae present majority state! But that is not all. These comrades of the minor- ity at one time went even further in their agreement with the present ma- jority. In sub-paragraph ¢ is to be found this statement: “The presidential campaign of 1924, will be one of the most vital importance to the labor party move- By ANNA LITVAKOFF, INCE there are so many views in circulation regarding our policy, the policy of the majority, I read with profound interest this controversy as it is presented by both sides. My ordinary worker's brain is at a loss to decide just what attitude to take. If I agitate for a mass farmer-labor party, I am pronounced a Communist. If, on the other hand, J agitate for a great mass Communistic movement, for the Workers Party of America, which is a section of the Third Inter- national, then I am crowned with the titles of “syndicalist” and “opportun- ist"; titles I have so often heard in our office. In order to arrive at a logical conclusion. I am going to analyze these facts from both angles. The majority, in their statement after elections, came out with facts as to the proportion of votes each party received, and it was surprising to note the comparatively small portion of votes the LaFollette party received, LaFollette, who was so popular dur- ing the campaign. LaFollette, the Messiah! It was astonishing to note, prior to the elections, how rapidly he won over these multitudes of poor farmers who had lost everything, and large numbers of workers who tried to get into the farmer-labor party before the campaign. He won them over with the vision that he was their Messiah, And the gencral opinion prevailed that because Gompers with his bureaucrats endorsed LaFollettte, he would draw the greatest majority if not all the votes. But what did we discover at election? LaFollette did aot receive the expected support. We have made even a greater discovery chat American workers and poor farm are not yet ripe, not only tor a * And don’t forget your own party Program, which says that “a real labor party cannot be formed without the labor unions and organizations of ex- ploited farmers, tenant farmers, and form laborers.” But perhaps you want to slip over on the party what Comrade Pepper once correctly termed “a political swindle and a miscarriage.” I AM WITH THE MAJORITY —__ class farmer-labor party, but for even such a party as LaFollette, which represents the petty bourgeoisie. pro- fessionals and some of the burean- crats from the unions, and even they deserted him in the end and returned to their old policy—“reward friends and punish enemies.” Summing up this situation and summing up the work, the energy and money the Workers Party spent for the farmer-labor party, there is only one solution. We must give all our energy, time and money to work up the Workers Party as the Communist Party of the United States under our own name. In looking over the thesis of the minority, I saw to my amazement, only abstract statements, disjointed and lacking in concreteness that it would be risky to base a policy. In Comrade Ruthenberg’s article, “the Logic of the Majority,” he con- cludes, “I am against folding hands.” Is this to be intenpreted that the Workers Party will be of no value to the labor movement of the United States if the ftarmadrlabor party is abandoned? In ans . What about the Paterson strike?) It gave exten- sive publicity to the Work: arty without any mention) of farmer-labor party, In the coal » for instance, where the outiaw is raging; it , the Workers Party gains prestige receives pub- Individual ‘‘Subs” Sought for the “Imprecor” Service The International Press Correspond- ence, published in English, French and German in Vienna, is a source of information which no one who wishes to be informed in regard to the Inter- national Communist movement can be without, The weekly edition of the Interna- tional Press Correspondence in Eng- lish consists of twelve pages and in addition thereto special numbers are issued from time to time to cover in- formation of an exceptional character. ‘Thus, for instance, the International Press Correspondence carries all the theses and manifestoes adopted by the Fifth Congress of the Communist In- ternational, as well as a summary of the discussion on the various ques- tions which came before the congress. The regular weekly edition contains previously unpublished articles by the leaders of the world Communist move- ment as well as manifestoes and offi- cial statements of the Communist International. Originally, the International Press Correspondence was distributed only to newspapers and to the officials of the Communist Party, but it has now been made available for every one who desires to subscribe. The sub scription rate of the English edition is $6.00 a year. The national office of the Workers Party will receive and transmit sub- scriptions to the office of the Interna- tional Press Correspondence. Remit- tances must cover all orders for the publication, CHICAGO, ATTENTION! All friendly organizations, T. U. B, i. groups, party branches, language federations and Y. W. L. branches! Arrangements have been made for the following major city affairs. Do not arrange conflicting affairs on these days: : T. U. EB, L, Ball~Wednesday, Dec. 81, West End Women’s Club Hall, Monroe and Ashland, Karl Liebknecht Celebration—sun- day, January 11, Northwest ‘all, corner North and Western Aves. Auspices Y. W. L., Local Chicago. Lenin memorial meeting—Wednes- day, Jan, 21, Ashland Auditorium, Van Buren and Ashland. Workers Party, Local Chicago. The Red Revel—Saturday, Feb. 28, West End Women’s Club Hall. Russian Mass Meeting. A mass meeting with a musical pro- gram is called by the Russian branch \ieity.. This means the Workers |°f the W. P. for next Saturday, Dec. Party has enough wi in the politi-|20, at 8 p. m., at the Soviet School, val and industrial 8. Working |1902 “W. Division St. Speakers will coward a certain. with a direct | lk’ on tho situation in the United im is reaching it, this is the|States and the program of the Work- f ploying sub-|@ts Party, Admission free, Send such farmer-labor | your friends who speak Russian to nothing than trying to] this moeting, yy) - eb sds member an opportunist, it’s a joke. Comrade Cannon calling any party. member an opportunist isa farce. Opportunism in Practice. It is not my purpose to call Com- rade Cannon an opportunist. I need make no efforts to convince the mem- bership of this. Comrade Cannon can establish that about himself better than anybody else, for he has long ago convinced the membership of it. In parentheses, I merely recite a few recent incidents involving party Dolicy. 1. Thinking of the present insist- ence of Comrade Cannon and his group that the Workers (Communist) Party drop the slogan of the united front farmerlabor campaign because the masses are not demanding the im- mediate organization of a class farm- er-labor party reminds one of the fol- lowing Comintern declaration on the American question last May: “The Foster-Cannon group (above all, Comrades Cannon-Hathaway) mistook the real meaning of the united front and made concessions to the psychology of the mass: who still follow the petty bourgeois leaders of the LaFollette type and the reactionary labor union bureau- cracy.” This is diametrically in opposition to the method of quoting these Petty bourgeois leaders in order to show how the pressure of mass dissatis- faction is driving them to attempt to mouth certain phrases in order to con- tinue their role of misleaders of these masses. This is also as different as Ditch black night from bright sunrise my point of emphasizing the fact that because Mahoney and com- pany are now fighting tooth and toe nail to drive and keep the Commun- ists out of the Minnesota Farmer- Labor Federation, we, the Commun- ists, only have more reasons to fight to stay in, get in, and win a dominat- ing. position in this organization, Communists know that the only rea- son why opportunist leaders battle to the bitter end against revolutionists being in organizations where workers and exploited farmers are found ig simply the fear of these traitorous capitalist henchmen that the Commun- ists will separate. these masses from them and establish Communist leadership over the very workers and poor farmers in question. 2. And I can hear the voice of Comrade Radek at the sessions of the American Commission in the Presid- ium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern on May 20, 1924, when he talked of the comrades who “have not understand enough of the revolution- ary propaganda of Comrade Pepper.” 3,. And I can recall the fatherly advice given to the political commit- tee of the central executive committec in early 1923 by Comrade Cannon not to proceed with “haste” In the ex. pulsion of Salutsky from the party because of his refusal to fight for the Communists being seated at the con ference for progressive political action held in Cleveland at the close of 1922. & Aud J recall the woeks it took eee trial and political work for the party | Comrade Cannon to carry out the cen tral executive committee instructions of Jan. 7, 1924, to write a leaflet eriti- cizing Magnus Johnson and Henrik Shipstead, Hypnotizing the Masses. 6. And examining the opposition to Comrade Cannon and his group to the Communist utilization of the slogan for a farmer-labor united front be- cause the masses are not forcing us to do so thru a mass demand for the immediate organization of a class farmer-labor party, reminds one of the | following motion made by Comrade | Cannon in behalf of Comrade Lore in the central executive committee ses- sions of March 18, 1924: “That In view of the explanation by Comrade Lore that the lecture was before an open forum as part of an effort to attract non-party members and the subject was psycho-therapy and hyp- notism, the apprehensions of the ex- ecutive council were unfounded.” This was the motion made to defeat Comrade Pepper’s effort to uproot the non-Communist working class educa- tion prevading certain sections of our party. Evidently Comrade Cannon believes that hypnotism is a good Communist slogan because it attracts masses, 6. And one has no difficulty im re- calling that it was Comrade Cannon who first prevented Comrade Pepper from writing an article in the Liber ator indorsing the Old Guard Bok sheviks against Trotsky in the com troversy in the Russian Communist Party. Nor does one forget that at the March C. EB. C. meeting Comrade Can- non voted for the Foster substitute to prevent the Workers Party from then taking a stand on the fundamental question agitating the Russian Com- munist Party, as Foster then main- tained, a question not foreign to the welfare of our party, but one vitally affecting every section of the Comin- tern. Hiding Our Communist Face, 7. And on May 381, 19924, when the writer proposed that the comrades in California fight for the seating of the Workers Party delegates as Commun- ist delegates to the state convention of the farmer-labor party, it was Com- rade Cannon who headed the opposi- tion to this policy of showing our Communist face openly and aggres- sively before the masses, 8. Nor should one overlook that it’ was Comrade Cannon who, for weeks, held up the adoption of the Ruthen- berg motion to reject the application of Gruss, an expelled Selutzky fol- lower, to rejoin the Workers (Com- munist) Party. The United Front on Top. 9. And now that Mr. Sidney Hill man is openly announcing that he will no longer tolerate the Trade Union Educational League and the organiza- tion of a militant left wing in the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, it ig very interesting to recall how Com- rade Cannon voted for the Browder proposal to congratulate the officiala of the A. C. W., on the eve of the con- vention, for their non-expulsion poliqy towards the left elements. The writer well recalls how this policy was adopted by the C. E. C. on April 28, 1924, despite the opposition of those comrades whom the Foster-Cannon sroup, in order to hide its own char acter, now calls opportunist, Opportunism and the Defeat of LaFollette. It is a meeting of the political eom- mittee of the C. E. C. The outlook for @ sweeping LaFollette victory in the election campaign was still bright. We are considering the policy of the left wing, of the Communists, at the A, Fr of L. convention to be held at Hl Paso. A proposal is made by Com- rade Ruthenberg that a fight be made at the American Federation of Labor convention for the organization of = class farmer-labor party. The Foster majority defeats this proposal on the sround that the LaFollette movement is such a success that the masses now consider it the farmer labor party; and that hence the farmer-labor united front of this sort is no longer an issue, It is a meeting of the political com- mittee a day or so after election. The howling LaFollette success that the Foster group talked so much about at the above meeting did not materi alize. LaFolletteism received a severe drubbing and setback. The question before the committee is an election statement by the party. The LaFol lette “success” argument against the farmer-labor united front slogan could no longer be used. In despair, the Foster majority turned to the very opposite argument and “reason” in order to show, to their own satisface tion, that the farmer-labor united front campaign was useless to the Workers Party. Now it was the failure ar- sument that was used by the Foster+ Cannon group. The failure of LaFol- letteism to score as heavily as ite followers believed it given us as the new “reason” farmer-labor party no toaaee an issue among the masses and no longer being of use to the Communists, In the first post-election prophetic outburst of the C. B, C, majority osed to the Polcom), we find the fe aaa would now be