The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 16, 1924, Page 2

Page Two oe tener eens eeenerereneenateneereneeers Sree LEWIS WORKS RED BOGEY ON COAL STRIKERS Capellini "Thinks He Has Been Framed By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH. (Special to The Daily Worker) PITTSTON, Pa., Dec. 15.— After definitely refusing the pro- posal of Rinaldo Cappellini, president of District No. 1, that they select one of their number to be appointed by him as a dis- trict organizer, this being recog- nized as a ruse to defeat their aims, the general committee of the local unions on strike here, made a counter proposal that a sub-committee of ten meet with the district officials and the international board members sent here by Lewis, to consider all the griev- ances at issue and effect a satis- factory settlement. It is understood that this sub-com- mittee will be made up of the presi- dents of all the striking locals. The decision to make this their counter- proposal was reached at the meeting on Wednesday, but ft was reported that the officials had refused to con- sider it. Strikers Meet Again. Today the committee of strikers met again and word has reached them from some source, that the officials have decided to meet with them to- morrow, Anyway, the decision of a short meeting here today was that the sub-committee would proceed to Scranton tomorrow to lay all the facts at issue before that august body of officials, who are so anxious that the Profits of the Pennsylvania Coal Co, again begin to roll-in. For two days long sessions were held by the district and international Officials in the Labor Temple at Scranton, but no news except that it was impossible for a fly to sneak in the meeting, came from there. It is claimed that Cappellini blames the present and other strikes on some of Lewis’ appointees in this district, and that they are created for the purpose of discrediting his administration. Blames Lewis’ Tools. It is said that he places most of the blame at the door of one William Brennan, who, it will be remembered, was his opponent at the time of his election to the presidency of this dis- trict and who was appointed organizer by Lewis as part of the peace terms with Cappellini. It is at least admit- ted that the secret meetings were held to iron the dirty linen, and it is said that Cappellini is going to prefer | charges against Brennan and others for disloyalty to the organization. Lewis Blames Radicals, Aside from these charges, it is said that the commission sent here by Lewis seeks to place the blame on the! Progressive international committee for the recent strikes, as well as for the apparent mistrust that is begin- ning to manifest itself in this dis- trict. Without using names, this in- ference was made by its chairman, Neal J. Ferry, the international board member of district seven, anthracite region, in his first interview with the newspapermen on his arrival here, saying that it was known to them that an agent of this group was in the region and had been for some time. This belief is confirmed by mem- bers of the strikers’ committee, who Say that the charge is repeatedly made to them that the strike is the work of-the so-called “progressives.” While interviewing a prominent mem- ber of the grievance committee this morning, he was called aside and told that he was being watched talking to me, but he said that altho it is the first time he has ever met me that hv is over the age of twenty-one and will talk to me as long as he wants to, providing I am agreeable. The Ultimate Aims. The pity in this situation, as in most others, is that the men affected see only their immediate aims, but the task of teaching them that it is only one of many incidents in the class struggle and that the settlement of their immediate aims will only effect a temporary lull, to be followed by a more bitter struggle, will be made easier in the degree to which we succeed in winning their con- fidence, It was easy to observe from the facial expressions of some of those I have met that they had drawn some terrible mental picture of rad- icals, as a result of the things that were said by Lewis in the Scranton and Indianapolis conventions. This wall of fear, however, will soon be broken down and when it is, the days of Lewisism and the accompanying treachery will go for ever. 15,000 QUARRYMEN IN ITALY GO ON STRIKE FOR RAISE IN WAGES (Special to Thi CARRARA, italy, Deo, 15.—-Fifteen thousand quarrymen of the famous Torano quarrice and other works were on strike today for a ten per’ cent increase in wages, Shops were closed and tram lines were idle by order of the workers, who have permitted only grievance | | Editor’s Note: We publish today a review on. Karl . Marx’s “Value; Price and Profit” by William Ed- wards, student in Earl Browder's class in elementary Marxian eco- nomics. Comrade Edward’s review is the best handed in by the class so far. Others will follow, se 8 REVIEW OF “VALUE PRICE AND PROFIT.” By WILLIAM EDWARDS, | ARX’S book, “Value Price and Profit” was written in 1865 in |answer to Weston’s argument that it was useless for the workers to organ- ize for the purpose of* raising their | standard of living. Weston advanced severa reasons for his .argument, }among which was the assertion that }the amount of production, the cur- rency and the real wage, were all fixed | quantities. He contended that the | real wage could not be raised because |if the workers received more money, | the capitalists would immediately | raise the price of commodities, so| | that their real wage would remain the same. We are not so much concern- ed with Weston’s arguments, especial- | ly the first two, as we are with Marx’s | answer, which is in part an analysis | of the capitalist system of wealth pro- duction. The wealth of our present-day so- ciety consisting entirely of commodi- | ties, we will begin by defining a com- | modity, and showing how its value is arrived at. A commodity is an ar- ticle that satisfies some human want, and is produced for the purpose of sale or exchange. The value of any commodity is determined by the amount of socially necessary labor time required for its production. Any two commodities which require the same amount of this labor time for their production, will exchange equally for each other, and they will each ex- change for a third commodity which was produced by the same amount of this labor time, as was necessary for the production of each of the oth- er two. For example, a hat which re- quires five hours of socially necessary labor time for its production, will ex- change equally with a pair of shoes of which require the same amount of labor time for their productione Each jof these commodities will also ex- change for a quantity of gold (the medium of exchange) which requires for its production, It will be seen from this illustra- tion, that all commodities exchange with each other in direct proportion to the duration of this social labor time necessary for their production. Their rate of exchange with gold is their “price.” The price of. the. dif- ferent commodities is seldom the exaet equal of their value, but fluctu- ates above and below value, accord- ing to the supply and demand. Over a long period of time, however, these fluctuations balance each other, and | for all practical purposes, we may say that commodities are sold at their | value. From this it can be seen that nothing can permanently change the price of commodities except a change} | in their value; and it is equally clear, jfrom the definition of value, that neither an increase in Wages (the | workers’ share) nor an increase in | Profits, (the capitalists’ share) can have any effect upon their value. Their in the methods of production which | change the amount of socially neces- sary labor time required for their pro- duction, This clearly shows the fal- lacy of Weston’s assertion that an in- crease in wages would cause a corre- modities, The actual result of a raise in wag- es for the working class would be to decrease the profits of the capitalists, This can be proven in the following the machinery of production, the work- ing class must sell its labor power to the capitalists. Thus human labor power becomes a commodity, bought and sold on the market like any other commodity. Being a commodity, its value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labor time required for its production, and expressed in the amount of other commodities nec- essary to keep the worker in work- ing condition and to raise a family to work when he is gone. The modern labor-saving machinery enables the workers to produce the value of these commodities in a very few hours each day; in other words, they produce he value of their labor power, or wages, in the first few hours that they work each day. But they do not stop then, for the capitalist has bought their labor power for the ‘day, so they keep on working, prodiicing a surplus over and above their wages, the value of their labor power, which is only limited by the physical en- durance of the workers, Marx calls this “surplus value.” And here Marx brings in another point; if the workers in their strug- gle with the capitalists can secure a shorter work day, it means a de crease of this surplus value for the capitalists, and thus lessening their power in relation to that of. the-work- Daliy Worker) sponding increase in the price of com- | manner: The capitalist class, owning | | | ELEMENTARY MARXIAN ECONOMICS ing class. , The shorter work day will also put more workers to work, cre- ating a scarcity in the labor market, which of course, will result in higher wages. But to return to our contention that the only result of a raise in wages is to decrease the profits of the capi- talists, The capitalist employer real- izes his surplus value by selling the product of the workers’ labor power at value, after paying the workers the value of their labor power, the difference being surplus value. Not all of this surplus value is profit, how- ever, as the capitalist must pay in- terest to the finance capitalist, (bank- er) for the use of borrowed money, and rent to the landlord for the use of buildings, land, etc., but what is left over after rent and interest have been taken out, is the capitalist’s pro- fit, which Marx calls “commercial” or “industrial” profit. We see therefore, that the amount of profit, rent and interest is depen- dent upon the amount of surplus value available to the capitalist class. And it. is over this surplus that the strug- gle between the workers and the capitalists takes place; if wages are increased, it can only be at the ex- pense of the profits of the capitalists, and if wages are lowered, the profits | will be greater. This shows that the only effect of raising wages is to lower the amount of surplus value available to the capitalist class, and can have no effect whatever upon the orice or value of the commodities pro- luced by the workers receiving the increase. From the foregoing it will be seen also that an increased rate of profit can have no effect on either the price or value of commodities. Marx's analysis of the working of this system shows very clearly the exploitation of the workers by the) capitalist class. Labor has always been exploited by a master class, but in former systems, the exploitation is much easier to understand and see thru. Under slavery, for instance, the entire amount of the workers’ labor | appears to have been unpaid labor, but the slave got his food, clothing and | shelter, and so received the value of his labor power, the same as the wage- | workers. Under feudalism the serf | worked for himself a part of the time, thus getting the value of his labor power, (his living) and the rest of the same amount of this labor time |the time, he worked for the feudal baron without any pay. Under this | system also, the fact of exploitation, | as well as the method was very clear. | It is our task to explain the method, | as well as the fact of exploitation un- | der the present system, and to edu-| cate and organize the working class) To organize them not only for the purpose of getting higher wages, short- er hours, and better working condi- tions, but for the purpose of destroy- ing the whole system of exploitation. AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O'FLAHERTY. (Continued from page 1) a matter of fact, the anarchists are very close to the capitalists but it took a great revolution to prove this fact to the workers. ‘HE Brooklyn man who sold his blood to hospitals at the rate of $75 a quart, when his cattle business failed, died recently in Passaic, New Jersey, death resulting from a thin- ning of the blood stream. Once a man of fine physique, when he died his body had shrunk to emaciation. This man’s life is symbolic of the role the workers play in society, under capi- talism. They turn their bodies into gold for their bosses, who live in lux- |ury and ease while their slaves go to |their graves before their time and |live miserably during their existence. ee us that the wife of the “Grand Duke Cyril of Russia” is having a jolly time in Teapot Dome, an alias for the Capitol. Mrs. Cyril visited the grave of the “unknown soldier” and insulted that poor devil by hoofing around his tomb. While Mrs. Cyril's so we are told, a dinner given in her honor by Mr. and Mrs. John Hays Hammond was attended by prominent luminaries in the political world. Sec- retary of War Weeks was there—un- officially, it was stated. There were also present, Senator and Mrs. Francis B. Warren, of Wyoming; Senator William B, McKinley, of llinois; Mr. and Mrs. Robert Lansing, former sec- retary of state under Wilson; George T. Mayre, former ambassador to Russia; Rear Admiral Long, Richard Tobin, minister to the Netherlands; John Barton Payne and members of the entourage of the Grand Duchess. *e @ ‘HE “grand duchess’” visit is not political, but at one of the fetes given in her honor, Senator Thomas J. Walsh, of Montana, and Robert L. Owen, of Oklahoma, were present, and sa was Senator David A. Reed, of Pennsylvania. The two former are members of the senate foreign relations committee. What the duchess will whisper into the ears of the senators will not be friendly to the interests of the workers and peas- ants of Russia. Irish Journal Changes Hands. DUBLIN.—The republican party has taken over the Freemans Journal and will publish it with the Countesr Markiewicz as editor and Mary Mac. pharmacies to remain open, Swiney as stant, according to re- port here THE DAILY WORKER visit “has no political significance,” | MOST SAVAGE LABOR ENEMIES MOURN GOMPERS T.U.E. L. in Statement on Labor Outlook (Continued from page 1) ary conception of the labor unions as schools for Communism and organs of struggle which must ultimately aid in the overthrow of capitalist rule, and to the extent that he was able to hold them back from this historical mis- sion, he made the unions into auxil- iary bodies to the capitalists’ produc: tive and governmental machinery. He was vice-president of the nation- al civic federation, to preach the “har- mony” of labor and capital in indus- try. He was on the council of the na- tional defense to mobilize labor for cannon fodder on the fields of France He represented “labor” at the confer- ence of ghouls which as a “peace con ference” continued the war under the Versailles treaty. In the interest of Wall Sreet imper ialism he withdrew the A. F. of L. from the Amsterdam International Federa- tion of Trade Unions when Americar capital adopted a policy of “independ ent action.” He was, at the time hc died, maneuvering to return to Am sterdam to follow the Dawes plan when Wall Street imperialism had conquered a leading position ove western European capital in order thai he might, by fighting unity of the Am sterdam unions with the revolutionar) unions of Soviet Russia, throttle labor resistance against the enslaving Dawes plan. He was the most vicious enemy of Soviet Russia and all ii means to the workers of all the world Gompers fought the Red Interna tional of Labor Unions internationally just as he fought the Trade Unioi Educational League in the Unite States. In both cases he followed th lead of the capitalists. His trip to Mexico was marked by his subjugation of the Mexican and Central Americai unions to his reactionary policies. Ox the same day he visited Presiden Calles, and pinned upon him an em blem of “labor,” the Calles govern |ment negotiated a huge loan with J P. Morgan’s bank in Wall Street. Gompers is dead, Even his pa) bearers symbolize his capitalist co. jnections. They are Governor Smit jand Mayor Hylan, of Tammany Ha. | Besides, there are Alton B. Parker, an. 'Bernard M. Baruch, the democrat wing of J. P. Morgan’s bank, so fait fully served by Gompers. Besid these, is Ralph M. Easley, head of. ti: civic federation. Gompers himself selected his plac of burial. It, too, represents his u: shakable affinity for companionsh with the enemies of labor. He w: lie quite appropriately, betwee Andrew Carnegie and William Rock feller, after being prayed over b. Jewish rabbis, catholic priests an protestants, and after the mummer) of Elks, Odd Fellows and Masons ha been ended. Gompers is dead. But the “evi that he did lives after him.” He pol luted the American unions with clas: collaboration. He fought for crat separation against industrial unionism He built a tyrannical machine of pars sites and grafters, typified by huc! men as Berry of the Pressmen, wh: plundered his union treasury of grea sums; Brindell, the corrupt czar of th« New York Building Trades; Tin Murphy, whose career is one lon: trail of corruption from congress tc banditry with labor unions as a sid< WASHINGTON despatch informs |jine, and these were all supported by swarms of sluggers and gunmen that stifled every rebellious expression o the rank and file. ,Gompers fough every sign of working class politica action, He succeeded in conquerin; the whole socialist party, includin; | Debs. Gompers is dead. Let the ranks o the left wing clear decks for actioi Forward under the slogan, “Down wit class collaboration!” Against the r © actionary machine, advance “Contr: of the union by shop committees! Forward against all bourgeois polii cal parties, big or little, disguised o open! Let the battle cry be “Onl, the revolutionary left wing can figh the battles of the workers!” Agains’ the upholders of capitalism in th: army of labey, advance the slogan “Forward to a wo#ers’ and farmers government!” NATIONAL COMMITTER TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE. “Bomb Plot” in Cuba, HAVANA, Cuba, Dec. 15.~- Cube sends to the world a “bomb plot” story. It is claimed a bomb was placed on the railroad tracks a few hours be- fore the presidential train, containing the president, his cabinet and Mrs, Theodore Roosevelt was scheduled to pass. The presidential train was en- route to the unveiling of a monument to Theodore Roosevelt at Santiago. These Bandits Won't Divide. Burglars, believed to have been searching for the proceeds of a Christ- mas benefit given thre recently today broke into Dreamland, a west side dance hall, and carrie away a safe containing $2,50@ ~ ‘ Europe’s Fascist Press Also Mourns Passing of Its Ally, Sam Gompers By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. ODAY, American labor looks into the mirror, held-up by the death of Sam Gompers, and beholds the reactionary face it presents to the world. It is not sufficient that the blackest American reaction joins in unanimously lauding the “conservatism” of the late head of the American Federation of Labor. The fascist press of London, Paris and Berlin shouts loud ‘‘Amens!” in approval of the “moderate ten- dencies” of the Gompers’ policies. * It was only a few days ago that the remains of Jean Jaures, assassinated by a jingo fanatic at the outbreak of the world war, were carried thru the streets of Paris to their last resting place under a forest of Red Flags, with the massed workers thundering “The International.” Communist workers led in the demonstration for Jaures, who had fought the onrushing imperialist war wave. So powerful was the strength shown by the Communists, that this was the beginning of the repressive steps launched by the “radical-socialist” Herriot regime. * * * * What a difference! For one the Red Flag is flaunted in the face of capitalism. Jaures fought the class enemy. Jaures raised the cry for the new day. Jaures was against the cap- italist war. Gompers was in favor of the capitalist war. The journals of capitalist France, like the Paris Intransigeant, now speak of Gompers as “always a staunch friend of France during the war,” and by “France” it means the big exploiters, the open shoppers, the imperlalist interests that speak for the dominant power in the French capitalist republic. s * * * French socialists, allies of this same capitalist regime, have no word of criticism for Gompers. This is left in very small measure to the German socialists, staunch upholders of German capitalism. The Vorwaerts, organ of the German social-democracy, joins its praise with that of the bourgeois press, the Tagcbiatt and Vossische Zeitung, but it finds fault with his aloofness toward the yellow Amsterdam Trade Union International. Socialist chauvinism in Germany never for- gave Gompers for aiding the war against its pet capitalism. * «© @ «6 It is the British capitalist press that gives loudest praise to Gompers’ opposition to independent political action for the workers. “The Standard,” of London, rejoices that it was Gompers who put his foot down when he felt the workers “drifting toward Bolshevism,” and adds that it was Gompers who never ailowed trade unionism in America to become a political movement. The Evening News and the Sunday Ob- server join in this chorus; a double-edged attack on both the Communist Party and the Labor Party in England. * * * * Thus the world mirror reveals the Gompers’ leadership, accepted in great part by America’s organized workers, as possessing a ‘‘vision that never extended beyond the borders of capitalism.” It never even sensed the class struggle for the ending of capitalism. Gompers died with praise for Amer- ican capitalist institutions upon his lips. Capitalist spokes- men from the strikebreaker, Coolidge, to the open shopper, Ralph Easley, chairman of the National Civic Federation, sing his praise. He will maintain his associations even after death. His remains will be buried with those of capitalism's aristocratic dead. * * * * This is a good time for all American labor to take stock of its position. Its great weakness under the Gompers’ regime has been due, in very great part, to the collaboration of its officials with the enemy. It is time to make the change to a real class fight against oppression. The class traitors must be weeded out. The class fighters must be thrown into the breach in every struggle. The fight against the Gompers’ policies is the fight for the interests of the whole American working class. That is the fight of the Communists that will gradually win the support of the toiling masses, “Amalgamated” Militants Appeal (Continued from page 1) the bosses in wage negotiations. It maintains that the only successful way to carry on such negotiations and to help win the demands of the workers is thru a committeé composed of representatives of the locals. In this way the membership is kept in touch with every development and a more determined struggle for the demands of the workers is assured, Week Work as Against Piece Work. The left wing recognizes that piece work is a method of speeding up production and breaking down the standard of w: » In place of that it proposes week work, a maximum standard of production with a minimum scale of wages. No Suspensions by the Manufacturers, The left wing maintains that the impartial machinery established must function to try grievances of the members, The present system of bosses suspending members without first preferring charges against them should be abolished, Down with Fake Insurance Schemes. The left wing maintains that the insurance scheme devised by our present officials only serve to weaken our union and to.turn the atten- tion of our membr ‘way from the need of building the kind of a union that will make such regulations which will as far as possible avoid un+ employment and put the burden of maintaining those for whom jobs cannot be found upon the industry itself. Full maintenance of the un- employed at the expense of the bosses!. Shop Committee Control of the Union. The left wing stands for the complete establishment of shop com: mittees. This principle has already been endorsed by the convention of our union, Nothing has been done by our officialdom to put it into effect, which in reality amounts to sabotaging the whole proposition, A DETERMINED STRUGGLE ON THE PART OF THE RANK AND FILE 18 NECESSARY IN ORDER TO INTRODUCE SHOP COMMIT. TEES AS THE SIG UNITS OF OUR ORGANIZATION. We demand that the establishment of shop committees be written into the new agreement. That the bosses recognize the shop committees as the representatives of the union, empowered to conduct all negotla- tions for the workers. Support These Demands for the New Agreement. Forty-four hour week, Unemployment.can only be reduced by reduc- ing the hours of work. Week work Instead of piece work! Forward to the building of a powerful union under militant leader- ship! Support the Progressive slate! PROGRESSIVE CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. , i NO REAL PAY INCREASE FOR TRACTION MEN Agreement Gives Them Increase for Overtime Trains were again running over the Ilinois Traction system thruout southern Illinois, fol- lowing a compromise agree- ment between representatives of the 350 strikers and the come pany. The employes dropped their demand for a pay increase, but received ten cents an hour extra for overtime pay. The traction company was forced to grant the demand for a closed shop. Freight Employes Gain by Increase. The freight employes, comprising half of the workers on the system, are the principal gainers by the settle ment, as they work long periods of overtime, and until the strike, receiv- ed the regular 65 cents an hour rate of pay. The passenger trainmen had been receiving a slight overtime pay on mileage basis. Their rate of 62% cents an hour remains the same, but the overtime pay of ten cents an hour will slightly increase their wages. The strike tied up all freight and passenger traffic between Decatur, Danville, Peoria, Staunton, Blooming. ton, St. Louis and many southern Illi- nois towns at the busiest time of the year—during the Christmas shopping rush, Springfield and Peoria business men lost hundreds of dollars, due to the cutting off of the small town shopping trade and the freight tieup. For that reason, the Springfield chamber of commerce took a leading part in try- ing to induce the men to accept the compromise. The strike had lasted a week, and had entirely stopped traffic over the Illinois Traction system. Only one at- tempt was made to run a car, out of Litchfield, and sentiment expressed by strikers and sympathizers caused the company to hurriedly returi the car to the barns. FOUR HUNDRED MEN LAID OFF IN-CAR SHOPS Union Officials Spurn Unemployment Relief Four hundred men have been laid off at the Northwestern Railroad car- building shops. The layoff is inde- finite. Altho the company announces that some of the men may be taken back after a week's layoff, the most optimistic of the employes do not hope for a resumption of work on a normal scale until the end of Janu- ary at the earliest. Those laid off include 75 members of the International Association of Machinists. Boilermakers, roundhouse helpers, laborers, steel workers, and many workers, steel workers, and trades are affected by the layoff. One of the shop chairmen of the Machinists’ Union favored the caliing of a meeting of all employes laid off, and their continuance at work, the DAILY WORKER learns. He wanted the employes to demand unemploy- ment relief during the layoff, but de- clared he could not get the union offi- cials to back him. The Northwestern car shops include many separate craft unions, and it is difficult to secure united action. ' carers, Blast Finds any Victims Among Workers’ Families Five persons were burned, three per- haps fatally, and six families _ were routed here today by fire starting from the explosion of a can of kero- sene in a three story’ flat building. The victims were Kelly Spaulding, 29, his wife, Ruby, their two children and Earl Carrico a roomer. Spaulding and the two children were sprayed with the blazing fuel which j nited while Spaulding was using i ignite a fire in the kitchen Their condition is considered (Continued from page 1) and discipline. Bravo, generals, offi- cers and soldiers!” ; French Imperialism Worried. French imperialism is much ried for fear that as the natives possession of the whole territory tween the French part of Morocco the ever-narrowing strip hel Spanish on the Riffian coast, strong native republic will be there to put France's colonial of EPEset A \ \ NE GM ORES NU ome me