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Pace Four Discussion of Our Par “PROGRAMS” FOR ACTION— (Continued from page 3) minority is an outright traitor to Com- munism. To accomplish this the ma- jority is forced to set up a theory about labor parties. Labor parties are bad eo ipso, because they are re- formist, because they compete with the Workers Party for leadership, etc. And after our majority has proven to its own satisfaction that any pro- ponent of a labor party is a traitor to Communism they say that if the Masses would demand a labor party, then, of course, the majority would De -willing to work for it. Wonderful Communism, is it not? A damnable thing.is the labor party. But if the masses want it, then we will raise the slogan and work for the formation of one. We ask the majority: really the task of the Communists to oblige the workers by taking up and aiding all their whims and notions? Our answer is, No! It is one thing to be with the workers in all their mass movements, even if they wrong direction, but for the purpose of changing the direction, with a view of righting the wrong. But to claim that the party must aid and support any, even a fundamentally wrong, movement of the workers, just because the workers want this movement, is. surely anything but Communist. But it‘is the majority's view. It is the majority’s desire to swim with the broad stream of the laber movement not only economically, but also politi- cally, so that serious conflicts may be avoided, so that Comrade Foster may not’ be forced at some time or other to break faith with some Fitzpatrick or other. All the activities of the majority give conclusive proof that this is not & campaign accusation but a state- ment of facts. All the campaigns of the Trades Union Educational League inststed on sticking to the surface. Two million organized workers declared themselves for amalgamation. That is at least half of the organized work- ers of the United States. What cam- paign was ever initiated, what plan was ever made to amalgamate? Noth- ing whatever. Two million had de- clared for thru conventions, etc. But now the same conventions declare against. Such declarations express sentiment. But what has ever been done to crystallize this sentiment into action. Nothing. And what is mere, nothing will ever be done, ‘because that might lead to serious conflicts with some Fitzpatrick or other. The majority in all its proposals has always insisted to stick to the surface. I repeat here, and will repeat again and again, the majority solves all the problems of the party with resolutions. Majority Had No Program For Pan- American Labor Convention. A few days ago there took place a convention of the Pan-American Fed- eration of Labor in Mexico. As early as in April, 1924, eight to nine months ago the minority raised the question of preparing for this convention in ad- vance. No action was taken. Again in May, 1924, the minority brought the question before the political com- mittee. Nothing was done. In De- eember, practically a few hours before the opening of the conyention, when the representative of the T. U. E. L. was half way down in Mexico, the majority, at least, brought in—reso- lutions and manifestos. The repre- sentative of the party had to receive the instructions by special delivery and had to be informed by wire to wait for them. Is it not obvious that the work of am organization as the T. U. E. L. for a gathering like the conference of the Pan-American Federation of Labor cannot begin on the eve of the con- ference? Is it not obvious, that it is totally inadequate for. a revolutionary Party to confine its activities to con- ventions? tI is not clear that the occasion required months of prepare- tion, in conjunction’ with the Commun- ist parties of other Central and South American countries and among labor federations in these Central and South American states? ‘Yes, that is ob vious to all, except to our majority. I am sure that if this criticism does not spur the majority to. some action, the passage of some resolution in the matter, then the Pan-American Feder- ation is a closed incident for the ma- jority until 24 hours before the opening of the next convention of that body. Every problem under the sun is solved by the majority with a resolu- tion. Some short while ago the execu tive secretary of the party sent in- structions to all district organizers, pointing out the necessity of action in the fleld of unemployment. In the meantime some hobo organization in Chicago took up the organization ot some sort of unemployed council (to boost its soup kitchen, it is claimed). Even tho this unemployed council assume that the unemployed are gen- uine. Seeing that the party is inactive in the fleld of unemployment and louves that feld to others, the minor- ity introduced the following resolu- tion in the political committee of the party: Unemployment. WHERBAS; The DAILY WORKER of Dec, 8 reports that “Chicago's army of unemployed have formed a council"; WUBREAS: The central executive committee in its various programs of Is it] go in the] may not be genuine—but it is safe to WORDS FOR DEEDS! action has declared itself in favor of organizing councils of the unemployed in order to enable the party to mobil- ize the masses for action in such a campaign; THEREFORE: The central execu- tive committee emphatically instructs the Chicago district executive com- mittee and city central executive to take steps immediately to have the Communists, the Workers Party mem- bers, to put themselves at the head of this move towards organization of the unemployed begun spontaneously by the masses themselves; THEREFORE: The central execu- tive committee further instructs the district executive committee of Chi- cago to take steps to organize unem- ployment councils in industries where unemployment has already reached a mass character as, for example, in the bituminous coal mining industry. THEREFORE: That the central ex- ecutive committee write a letter to the Chicago district executive com- |mittee pointing out to it that it is j the task of the Communists to hasten |and to take the lead in action by the |magses and not merely to fall in line |with the masses. That we emphasize |the need of the district executive committee taking effective steps to make the Workers Party the leader of this ‘and any .other unemployment |councils, which may be found in the Chicago industrial area, particularly because we are now in the position of not having had the initiative in this organization of the unemployed; THEREFORE: That the central ex- | do anything, except change the sex of man or woman, Well, our major- ity wants to prove that the English parliament is a piker when it comes to powers. A resolution was intro- duced by the majority, congratulating the Chicago district for its splendid work in the field of the unemployed. Here is the resolution: “That the central executive com- mittee takes note of the fact that the Chicago organization has participated in the organization of the unemployed and has put an organizer in the coal fields. And the central executive com- mittee commends these comrades for that work.” What is wrong with this resolu- tion? Oh, nothing, except that the district organizer of this same district that was to be congratulated for “its splendid work, had sent into the na- tional office of the party a letter just the day previous in which he says that he did do—nothing. He reports: “In Chicago altho unemployment is marked in some instances, as, for ex- ample, the needle trades, it has not yet assumed mass character.. The Hobo College of Chicago took the initiative to form a so-called unemployment council a few days ago. Altho, of course, little can be expected from it, we are keeping in touch with it, by a member on their advisory committee as a matter of having a connection. However we have not as yet taken actual steps towards formatidn of the councils due to the fact of the condi- tions already mentioned.” (Our em phasis.) For these steps “not as yet taken” the majority of the central executive committee insists on congratulating the district. The steps “not as yet taken” are touched by the magic rod of a ecutive committee draw up a state- ment for the whole party pointing out | the need of the Communist, the Work- ' ers Party, avoiding the situation which occurred in Chicago where we lost the initiative in launching an | unemployment council to a non-party, | }non-Communist — organization © and |drawing the basic Communist lessons therefrom as to leadership of the masses. | Congratulate Chicago District Execu- | tive for Doing Nothing. | Our central executive committee ma- A thing that they dread at all times. But what is a majority good for if you do not use it. It is generally said that the powers of the English par- |liament are unlimited. That body can central executive committee majority and, presto, they change into steps accomplished. Even old Jehovah has nothing on the central executive com- mittee majority when it comes to create a universe—out of nothingness. But the resolutions of the central executive committee do not make a Communist party out of our organiza- tion. The “programs” and resolutions of the central executive committee majority do not help to revolutionize the labor movement in America, The resolutions and “programs” of the jority was in a fix. Action was required. | central executive committee majority can at best satisfy a demand for propaganda, but are bound to result in a backward development of our party from a political party of action into a propaganda sect. By ISRAEL AMTER. T might be called to the attention of all members of the Workers Party and especially of the majority of the C. E. C. and their followers who are loud in their claims that the Commu- nist International supports their posi- tion, that the executive committee of the Communist International recently expressed itself on the question of the farmer-labor party. A delegation expressing the three viewpoints on the LaFollette issue was in Moscow in the month of May. The executive committee of the Com- munist International, after hearing the three comrades, and entering into a close analytical discussion of the sit- uation, decided as follows: 1. “The United States of America is at present going thru a great social and political crisis which.is bound to become more and more aggravated The agrarian crisis causing the bank ruptcy of millions of farmers and, 2° the same time, causing many other: to completely get into the clutches of the banks; the oil scandal which has accelerated the process of disin- tegration of both capitalist parties, all this is setting in motion tremen- dous masses of workers as well as of the urban and rural petty-bourgeois population. The efforts of these mass- es to establish a third party represent their endeavor to emancipate them- selves from the domination by the trusts and their political machines. But the capitalist class will undoubt- edly endeavor to retard the moyement by establishing the leadership of pet- ty-bourgeois politicians over the third party movement; it will make an ef- in this be sure to elect Branch Agent meeting. address, And be sure to send us his name and THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL AND THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY fort to place it into the hands of old oliticians bound by thousands of threads with the capitalist class yy The analysis further points out the necessity the Workers Party felt of entering into this movement to as sist the masses of the petty-bour geoisie in detaching themselves fron the capitalist class and of organiz ing the most advanced elements of the workers in the ranks of the Work ers Party. The Communist International then proceeds: “The first task of the Workers Party is to become a mass Communist Party of workers. It can fulfill this task ONLY by most actively PARTICIPATING IN THE ESTAB- LISHMENT of a labor party which will embrace ALL ELEMENTS OF THE WORKING CLASS WILLING TO CONDUCT A POLICY INDE- PENDENT OF THE CAPITALIST CLASS, and by establishing a bond with the farmers who are at present on a state of strong fermentation. these two independent tasks—the task of building around the Commu- nist Party a broad CLASS labor party and of establishing a bond between the labor party and the poorest ele- ments of farmers—have developed in the United States, thanks to the pe- culiarities of historical evolution, as one problem, namely, the building of a common party of workers and ex- ploited farmers. . .” (Heavy type and caps, mine. I. A.) Before entering into an analysis of this definition of the tasks of the Workers Party, it is necessary to in- sert a few remarks. A tendency was represented at the Comintern by Look for your agent Roll Call If this is your local and you don’t find your branch mentioned— a DAILY WORKER at your very next “HE DAILY WORKER Resolution on Report of the 1 2. On the future policy of the Comrade Lore respectively. the labor government in England, and “that the Comintern was right pletely with the spirit, ideas, polici International. 4. The convention accepts the Committee on the Bolshevization o' the Central Executive Committee. party organization and to provide a paration of the German-speaking br: party on the shop-nuclei basis. Adopted by 8 against 3. GERMAN SECTION CONVENTION APPROVES REPORT OF C. E. C. Central Executive Committee, Adopted by the Convention of the German Section, Workers (Communist) Party of America. The National Convention of the German Section accepts the reports of the Central Executive Committee on the past activities of the party and its recommendations on the tasks of the German Section. party the convention recommends to the German branches a thoro discussion of the three points of views represented by the Central Executive Committee, by the minority and by 3. The convention greets the declaration of Comrade Lore that he was mistaken in his views on Levi, Serratti, and on the possibilities of as expressed in several editorials, on all these questions.” It-sees in it a determination on the part of Comrade Lore to solidify himself com- es and leadership of the Communist conception of the Central Executive f the party and its German section, and pledges all its support in carrying out the Bolshevization program of The convention will do all in its power to connect the German branches more completely with the general Il necessary means for the complete control and ownership of the German party press by the party. 5. The convention will provide all neccessary means for the pre- anches for the reorganization of the Comrade Olgin, who, because of the antagonism manifested toward Com- rade Lore on account of his non-Com- munist position on various questions, quickly dissociated in Moscow himself from Lore. Olgin, however, répre- sented the viewpoint of what had been termed the Lore group. He de- clares that he wrote the anti-LaFol- lette thesis—nevertheless it was .ap- proved by the group that has been termed the Lore group in the party— a charge that Comrade Olgin did not and does not deny, What did Comrade Radek, who was the reporter of the American commission to the presidi- um of the Comintern state? “Aside from the group which sees no politi- cal crisis in America and does not recognize the importance of the ag- rarian question, the differences be- tween the other two groups represent- ed by Comrades Foster and Pepper are , etc., etc.” Radek made |this statement because of the analy- | sis made by Comrade Olgin, who tried to demonstrate that, as is natural in capitalist society, there are recurring crises, and that the period of 1920 to 1924 was a crisis of similar nature. An un-Marxian analysis, not taking in- to account the crisis that led to the world war, the Russian revolution, the chaos in Europe, the Dawes’ plan, the revolt of the colonies; the agrarian crises, etc., etc. AS a consequence, the point of view of the anti-LaFol- lette group of Olgin-Lore was given ‘o support for the reasons that they eve—the Communist Internationa’ lopting a Communist position on the atter. So much for the then Lore gin group. The Communist International state: nm sO many words that the Workers Party can become a mass Communis ‘arty “ONLY by most actively par- icipating in the establishment of a abor party.” The majority of the C *. C. contends that the Comintern nade this decision on the basis ot he situation that existed in the Unit- ed States up to the montu of May. Does the majority pretend that the presidium .of the Comintern beueved that we should be able to deveiop the Workers Party into a MASS Commu nist Party during the few months of the election campaign? Does the ma- jority of the C. E. C. believe that th leading Bolsheviks in the presidium of the Comintern have not a better un- derstanding of Marxian-Leninietic me tnods as to suppose that this could be anything but a PROCESS OF YEARS? The decision says, however, that ONLY by performing this task can the Workers Party become a mass Communist Party. In other words, the presidium after analyzing the situation ‘together with the representative of the maiority of the G. E, C.—WHO CLAIMS THAT HE .WROTE THIS SECTION OF THE DECISION HIM- SELF—declares that Only the activity for the formation of a labor party wil. develop the Workers Party into a mass Communist Party. Again, ! ask, did the presidium think this could be fulfilled during the course of the six months between May and Nov. 4? The supposition is ridicu- lous. The decision says further that we must not alone participate in the la- bor movement, but must “actively par- ticipate in tne establichment of a la- bor party.” The Communist Interna- tional is made up of parties that are supposed to represent the vanguard of the working class. Communists are supposed to be leaders, not trail- ers of the working class movement. They are supposed to study the de- velopment of the struggle, noting its tendencies, analyze conditions and thereupon base their policies. The presidium of the Communist Interna- tional is made up of men of this char- acter. With the assistance of the American comrades, they laid down ja policy and tactics and declared not that, we must wait for a movement for a farmer-labor party to arise in the United States—which the majority says may arise in the future—and then participate in it. No, the presidium states quite clearly that conditions are bound to lead to the masses of the workers as well as of the petty-bour- geoisie making endeavors to “eman- cipate themselves from the domina- tion of the trusts and their political machines.” As Communists we are ‘nterested in separating the worker ad poor farmers from the petty-bour- soisie and getting them under revo ntionary leadership. The presidium, rerefore, declared that we must ac. vely participate in establishing ; varty of the workers and poor farm- rs—recognizing that thus we would be able to contend for the leadership f this party. By this activity and possible leadership, we will increase our prestige among the masses, influ- ence them toward the Communist po- sition and thus draw them into the Workers Party. The Communist International does not believe that mere participation in a movement of this kind will make the Workers Party a mass Communist Party. If, as the presidium declares, the masses must needs make efforts to separate themselves from the domi- nation of the capitalist parties, and the peculiarity of this movement in the United States is that it takes the form of a labor party establishing a bond with the poor farmers—in a word a farmer-labor party—then it is the iuty of the Communists, as Marxians, ‘o lead this movement, thus develop- ing their party into a mass Commun. ist Party. It would appear that the majority agreed with analyses and policies in Moscow, but rejects: particularly their application in America, There aré many instances of such acceptances in the Communist © International. The Present! Binghampton, N. Y. Qaptain: Have none. Berkeley V. V. Dart Bohemian Jos. Horvath Fresno ‘ Lithuanian . Simoliunas San Pr Rochester, N. Y. ogni Chas. Stolz, City hy Joe Ganople, Agent. Cincinnati, Ohio lock A. J. Feldhaus Warren, Ohio Captain: Chas. Williams, City Agent. South-Siavie gt he Chas. Portland, Ore. City Agent. Carl Gobbins afia Bridgeport Collinsville Hartford (Jew. Br.) Wilmington (Engl. Br.) Takoma Park ...,. Jacksonville Falcon .... Monday, December 15, 1924 ty’s Immediate Tasks Norwegian labor party under the lead- {other but the Workers Party can be'a s ership of Falk ahd ‘Traenmel likewise agreed to-proposals and decisions of the Comintern—when in Moscow. Hoeglund up to the Fifth Congress did the same—when in Moscow. Smeral of the Czecho-Slovakian party has done the same. Is the majority of the C. E. C. following the same course? The fate of these leaders was decided by drastic steps on the part of the Com- intern. That should serve as a warn- ing. There is another point in the resolu- tion of the presidium of. the Commun- ist International. The resolution states that this labor party: shall be composed not of ALL labor, but of the elements of the working class willing to conduct a policy indepen- dent of the capitalist class. From this statement it is clear that only» the more radical elements will be willing to enter into a united front with the Communists for the formation of a labor party. Does the Comintern re- ject the formation of a party, which doesn’t embrace the whole working class—say, a party like the British labor party? Most certainly not.. The Comintern is interested in a labor par- ty within which the Communists can work, for otherwise it would be an or- ganized body under leadership closely linked up with the bourgeoisie. Hence ‘he presidium prescribed the nature of the elements out of which the Com- munists must form a labor party. This was the nature of the federated farmer-labor party, even tho Comrade Manley calls it a “fake” farmer-labor party. It may have been—but if so, then Comrade Manley and the present majority of the C. E. C. sabotaged the organization of a real farmer-labor party. Even at that time, the present majority could not understand the na- ture of a real labor party, for, as they maintained, it would mean a split in | the trade union movement, a split of the organized labor forces on the poli- tical field—and that they refused to support. And yet what did Comrade Zinoviev say in the presidium regard- ing the federated farmer-labor party— of course, not knowing that we had comrades in the American party who go about forming “fake” parties? After hearing the reports of all the American comrades, after listening to their analysis of the political condi- tions in the United States, after hear- ing Comrade Foster declare that there were between “500,000 and 1,000,000 workers represented at the convei tion of the federated farmer-labor party convention, he said: “We must not re- gret that we formed the federated ‘armer-labor party.” Further he said, “I believe that if we study everything we will say that in the year 1924 things are not so elementary . . . that we cannot propagate the idea of an independent labor party. We must dare to put forth this idea and it must be realized, namely, a separate labor oarty. IT IS OUR MAIN DUTY TO SET THIS IN MOTION.” Comrade Zinoviev recognized tha! here might be a reaction to the poli ‘les that were laid down by the Com ntern. He had a keen insight intc he nature of comrades who, pursuing a Qangerous course, are withhel! from this course and lose heart. He said: “In America there is DANGER OF OUR FALLING INTO DE LEON. ISM. That ‘we must state quite open- ly. We must hesitate about follow- ing in his footsteps. We are at the BEGINNING of a mass labor move- ment which will be independent. The idea of an independent labor party will be realized.” To these remarks Comrade Foster had nothing to say. They were based upon the analysis that Comrade Fos- ter himself had given. That was very good in Moscow—but in America it seems that it no longer applies. There is one other point that was dealt with in the Comintern resolu- tion. The resolution states that we must “build around the Communist Party a broad CLASS labor party.” Undoubtedly the presidium of the Comintern is made up of Two-and-a- Halt internationalists, who conceive as the function of the Commufiists the “building of a party of the Two- and-a-Half International in the Unit- ed States. Undoubtedly, the presidi- um is made up of mensheviks who want to liquidate the Workers Party by proposing the idiotic idea that any DARAAD AA ARAMA, California Connecticut .F, Shamatovich Delaware Meryland udohn Vaski Florida — Aaron Spivak - Bo UU cura sue Guin CLASS party! Comrades Foster, Dunne, Cannon, Browder and Bittel- man! You know very well what the meaning of this term is. You know very well that the presidium of’ the Cc. I. recognizes that such a labor party is in no way to REPLACE the Workers Party; that nonetheless. it is a class labor party. It is made up of elements willing to fight against the domination of the capitalist par- ties, but are not clear-cut revolution- ists conscious of their position. Were they such, they would be in the Work- ers Party. The presidium conceives of this party as a party of workers willing to co-operate with the Com- munists in the struggle, a party from which the Communists will recruit the best elements into the Workers Party for the purpose of converting the Workers Party into a mass Commu- nist Party. It is highest time, therefore, that this stupid, childish talk about the im- possibility of a “class” party out- side the Workers Party be stopped— unless the comrades of the majority, who no doubt, are better Marxists and Leninists than the leaders of the Communist International, prefer. to take up the issue with these leaders, It is time to stop befuddling the minds of our membership and get down to an earnest discussion of REAL poli- cies. This, however, the majority dare not do. For the majority of the C. E. C. will have to answer the following two charges: * CHARGE 1, THE LAST CONVEN- TION OF THE WORKERS PARTY APPROVED THE SLOGAN OF A ¥ARMER-LABOR PARTY AND IN- STRUCTED THE CENTRAL EXECU- TIVE COMMITTEE TO CONDUCT AN ENERGETIC CAMPAIGN FOR ITS REALIZATION. CHARGE 2. THE BXECUTIVE COMMITTER OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TWICE APPROV- ED THE FORMATION UF SUCH a PARTY—FIRST, IN THE LETTER TO THE LAST PARTY CONVEN- TION; SECOND, IN THE DECISION RENDERED IN THE MONTH OF MAY, WHEN YOUR REPRESENTA- TIVE WAS IN MOSCOW. YOU ACCEPTED THE DECISION™ OF THE PARTY CONVENTION AND; OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNA- TIONAL. You dropped this policy before No- vember 4, when deciding what ques- tions you would place before the con- vention of the American Federation of Labor. You corroborated the dis- continuance of the use of the slogan in® your “Election Statement.” YOU HAVE FLAUNTED THE DE- CISION OF THE PARTY CONVEN-: TION AND OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, WITHOUT EVEN CONSULTING THE MEMBERSHIP! WHO GAVE YOU THE RIGHT? ‘OU DECLARE THAT YOUR POSI-. “ION 1S THAT OF THE COMMU- ‘ST. INTERNATIONAL. THIS IS ABSOLUTELY UNTRUE, The presidium of the Communist In- rnational made its decision and you roke it. You will have to answer to he Communist International and the party convention. We who accept the minority position «bide by the decision of th» Commu- nist International and the party con-, vention. A CORRECTION. In Comrade Foster’s article on “Farmer-Labor Opportunism,” which appeared in the issue of Dec. 13, the following sentence, dealing with a speech delivered by Comrade Foster at St. Paul, appeared: “But the speech was in harmony with the point of view of the whole C. E. C. majority.” The words “and minori- ty” should have appearediat the end of this sentence and were dropped owing to a typographical error. | photography and scenic are praised by _ Show Red Army Film In Waterbury, Conn., Success Everywhere That Russia can produce anything but stark tragedy is a surprise to American movie-goers, and that the terrible Red Army could lay off its job long enough to make a boisterous romantic comedy is almost unbeliey- able to them. Yet this is exactly what happens in the new Russian feature “Beauty and the Bolshevik’ which played at the, Rialto Theatre, East Main Stree; Waterbury, Connecticut, on Sun Dec, 14, at 2 P. M. The Red commander, in the course of the, ship of a rich land-owner ‘daughter,’ has a propaganda book “The Bua.e of Communism, thrown at his head and goes out into the night in search of another boarding house, One of his private fares but little better, The picture ends happily. rh? The picture met with exce; success in New York, Philadelp! and many other localities. the National Board of Review. The program is filled ont with a highly educational piture of industrial life called “Russia in Overalls.” The — ol fields of Baku,’ clothing and. shoe factories, steel mills, locomotive work- ers and many other enterprises are shown, especial emphasis being placed jon those in which American labor is — directly interested,