The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 13, 1924, Page 5

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“The idea becomes | power when it pene- trates the masses.” —Karl Marx. (Comrade Trotzky’s Book? “1917”.) The Fifth World Congress and the Thirteenth Party;Conference. of the Russian C. P. unanimously. con- -demned the political line of the Rus- sian opposition, with'Comrade Trotz- ky at the head, as. petty-bourgebis and opportunist. _In spite of this, “Comrade Trotzky” {scarrying on his struggle still further, but in a new form. Under the flag of Leninism, he aims at a revision of Leninism. His book on Lenin was the first attempt of this sort. Many com- rades allowed themselves to be of the Communist Party of Germany immediately recognized its tendency | and repudiated it with sharp critic- isms, There now follows the second at- tack. Comrade Trotzky has written a preface of about sixty pages to the recently published third volume of his work: “1917”. As in their time, those who came after Marx sought, under the flag of Marxism, to revise Marx, so Comrade Trotzky here at- tempts a revision of Bolshevism in the same of “Leninism”. The Prav- da, the central organ of the Com- munist Party of Russia, replied. to this attempt with the follgwing ar- ticle which we reprint full.— Editor’s Note. RADE Y’S' recently » published book: “1917,” whieh is ‘devoted to the “Lessons of October,” will soon become the mode. This is not to be wondered at, as it amied at . becoming an inner party sensation. After the events of the past year, which have proved the incorrectness of the standpoint of our party opposi- tion, after the facts, which have again and again proved the correctness of the leadership of our party, Comrade ‘Trotzky again revives. the. discussion, |f - ‘altho with’ other means. The preface |] ° _to the book (and it in this preface, as well as in the annotations, that there, liés the “kernel” of the book) is writ-} ten in a semi-Aesopic language, §o that the totally inetperienced reader -will fail’ to’ observe the -hints and al- lusions with which the preface is in- terlarded. This peculiar cryptic lan- guage, for which Comrade Trotzky, in spite of the fact that he himself de- mands “critical clearness,” has a strong preference, must be deciphered. For the work of Comrade Trotzky, which claims to be a guide to the “Study of October,” threatens to. be- come a guide for “every present and future diseussion. ” It takés upon it- self the responsibility to fight against the line of the party, as well as of the Comintern, in which it in no way bears the character of a theoretical _itical platform, upon jthe “basis: of which it will be possible to~ ‘under- | 5, miné the exact decisions adopted by the respective congresses. Comrade Trotzky’s book is not only written for the Russian reader; this can be recognized without difficulty. It is to a large extent written for the “information” of foreign comrades. Now, when the problem of “Bolshevis- ing”.stands on the order of the day in a whol number of Communist parties | when interest for the history of our. party is undoubtedly increasing, the book of Oouvane.? ‘Trotzky can render a great disservice. - It is not only- not a text book of Bolshevism, but it will much rather become a fac- tor for “debolshevising” the foreign Communist parties—so biassed, one- SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT December sided, and at times exceedingly false- | ly, does it describe the events, from | the analysis of which it secks to draw conclusions for the present. This is. what renders necessary a critical examination of this.new -book of Comrade Trotzky.. It must not re main unanswered... Owe can only re: gret that. Comrade Trotzky, . who draws conclusions from “the teachings ot October” which, it is true, are false, draws no conclusions from the more recent epoch of last year’s discussion. The best test of different points of To all Party Editors: Dear Comrade: THE DAILY WORKER. 13, 1924. How One Should Not Write the History of Of course he bears the whole respon- sibility for it. Willingly or unwilling- | ly, we must reply to this book, as the party cannot permit a propaganda which is directed against the decisions which the party adopted with such firmness-and unanimity to remain un- answered. We will therefore exam- ine. the statement which Comrade Trotzky has now submitted to the party, the. “lessons” which he has drawn from October and is now very kindly communicating to our young and old comrades, 8 8 dazzled by the literary side of the book, but the scientific organs 0: the Communist Party of Russia and | 4 | | You will find attached hereto an English translation of a review of Comrade Trotzky’s Book “1917” entitled “How One Should Not Write the History of October.” | By decision of the Central Executive Committee all Party papers are instructed to reprint this Pravda Review within ten days time. It is the further instruction of the Central Executive Comittee that no Party paper shall reprint the book “1917” or any chapter there- of in the Party press. The Central Executive. Committee also instructs that in connec- tion with the reprinting of the review attached the following state- ment by the Central Executive Committee shall or in the ic Saeey papers: “The Fifth. World Congress of the Communist international and the Thirteenth Party Conference of the Russian C. P. branded the op- oo in the Russian, Communist: rade Trotzky as ‘petty bourgeois Party under the leadership of Com- opportunistic.’ Comrade -Trotzky has” recently published a book ‘1917’ in which he reopens the dis- cussion which was closed by unanimous decision of the Fifth Congress and. of the Thirteenth Conference of the C. P. of R. “The review of Comrade Trotzky’s book herewith ‘How One Should Not Write the History of October’ shows clearly the method em- ployed by Comrade Trotzky to again open the discussion. “It-is the view of the Central Executive Committee of the W. P. of A. that the publication of Trotzky’s book in this country would be a detriment to the work of Bolshevizing the Workers Karly which is the most~ important task before. our Party, ¥ BS !“The Central Executive. Committee regrets to note that the Volks: ~ zeitung has ‘already begun publication of the: book strially. It has*in- ‘oe structed the Volkszeitung to dis€ontinue- the publication and further instructs alf other Party Papers that neither the book as a whole nor - any chapter thereof: is.to be reprinted fn the: Party press. “The Central Executive Committee’ has further instcucted all Party 3 papers to reprint the accompanying review of Comrade Frotzky’s book which was originally published in the preven official organ of the Communist Party of Russia.” “CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE W. P. of A. “WM. Z. FOSTER, Chairman, “CG. E. RUTHENBERG, Executive Secretary.” Prompt compliance with these instructions is desired of all Party papers. Fraternally yours, c. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary. view is,-as Comradé Trotzky himself |’: admits, experience, life itself. Life however has shown that the ruling line which is recognized-by the party, s has not only not: brought the country to “the verge of ruin,” as the last year’s opposition predict; which pré- phesied for the country all the plagues of Egypt, but in spite of events, which are independent of every “platform,” as the bad harvest etc., has brought the country forward. On theother hand a whole number of new tasks under new conditions have arisen: difficulties which are de- termined by the process of growth. The wh@ party desires, before all, concrete w under a_ leadership which has been tried by experience. For this reason it was notin the least desirable. to reopen the old disputes, even in another form. Comrade Trotzky saw fit todo this. 1 The Question of Historical aang Bi. tigation. The axle upon which the ‘cieditied of Comrade Trotzky | turn is the es- timate of the” importance of various periods in the history of our party. He sees things essentially as follows: the whole period of the development of the party up to October 1917 is a thing of very little importance, Not until the moment of seizing power was the question decided, itis nis period which stands out before all. others, only then have we the possibility of testing classes, parties, their leading cadres, and individuals.. “It would mean a piece of, barren scholasticism, but in no way a Marx- ian political analysis, were we at the present time to occupy our- selves with an analysis of the dif- ferent view-points of revolution in SECOND SECTION This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker. ot Deteher general, and of the Russian in par- ticular, and thereby to overlook the experiences of 1917. It would be as if we were to indulge in disputes over the advantages of various methods of swimming, but. obstin- ately refuse to turn our eyes to the river, where these methods are be- ing applied by bathers. There is no better test for a point of view over revolution than its application in revolution itself, precisely as a method of swmming can best be proved when the swimmer springs into the water... .” (page XVI.) “What is the meaning of Bolshev- ising the Communist parties? It means such an education of these parties, such a selection of the lead- ing persons, that they will not run off the track at the moment of their October. Herein lies Hegel, the book-wisdom and the essence of all philosophies. . . .” (page 65.) These sentences only contain half the truth, and one can therefore (as Comrade Trotzky does) draw totally false conclusions from them. Comrade Trotzky says to the Com- munist parties; Study October in or- der to be victorious! One must not overlook October. Certainly one must not do that. Just as one must neither forget the year 1905, nor the very instructive years of reaction. Who, and where and when, has recommended such a monstrous thing? Who, and where and when, has even ventured to advocate such an absurdity? . No one has recommended it. But precisely in order to understand the pre-conditons of the October victory, one must at all costs look beyond the immediate preparations of the revolt. But in no event must one be separ- ated from the other. In no circum- stances must one estimate groups, per- sons and tendencies by disconnecting them from that period of preparation which Comrade Trotzky compares to disputes ovér “the best method of swimming.” Of course in the “critical, period,” when-it isa question of a decisive “struggle, all questions are faced {n-all-their acuteness, and all shades, tendencies and groups tend '|to express on this occasion their. most characteristic, .inner, essential qualit- ies.* On the other hand, the explana- tion for the fact that they play a pos- |itive role during the flood-time of rev-' olution, does not always lie in the cor- rectness of their “standpoint.” ~ “It is not difficult to be a revolution- ary when revolution has already brok- ne out, when everything is in flames,” ~-thus Comrade Lenin formulated this aspect to the. question. (Collected ‘Works Volume 17, Page 183, Russian Edition.) In another passage he: says: “The revolutionary is not he who be-' comes a revolutionary on the outbreak Jof revolution, but he who defends the: principles and slogans of the revolu-| tion at the time of the most furious reaction.” (Ibid. Volume 7, Page 15), That is not the same thing as Trots: ky says. Let us dot the i’s. What diisleaiiicak: the attitude of the party of the Bolshe- viki in October? It was determined by the whole prévious history of the par- ty, by its struggle against all oppor. ist deviations, from” the extreme | enshevists up to. the ‘Trotzkyites (For example _ the“August” Bloc). Can one however, perchance, say that ; the correct standpoint of Comrade } Trotsky (because ‘it coincided with the Bolshevist’ standpoint) in the October days resulted’ from his ate! titude in the preparatory period? Ob- viously one cannot say that. On the (Continued on page 8) $ ttn te a oe ee NO es

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