The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 6, 1924, Page 9

‘telman in, his article:. ——_____ SUFFERING FROM ELECTION SHOCK! By J. POWELL P ROM numerous articles and state- ments, published in the DAILY WORKER during the last few weeks, it is evident that our leadership, that directed the recent party cam- paigns so splendidly, is beginning to break down. The first signs of weak- ing were-displayed by Comrade Bit- “Preparing for the Coming Struggles” (Oct. 26). Regarding of the promising head- line, the. article betrays a marked ten- dency to ‘prepare us for’ nothing else but for abandonment: of our United Front™ policy on the’ political field. Here‘are a few lines to illustrate how ridiculously simple ‘the class strug#le appears tobe to our Comrade Bittel- man: , “The masses wi be driven to fight They. will create, if neces- sary, their own organs of struggle and will proceed to defend themselves . + . What will be the tasks of the Workers Party?—To assume _leader- ship of these struggles. . . .” In other words: let the masses start to fight and create their own organs of struggle. Then we, of course, of course, will assume the leadership. The trouble with this formula is that the one who waits for somebody else to start something has a poor chance to become the leader of the affair. . . . What part we will be able to play in the struggles of the masses tomorrow. depends a great deal on what we are doing today. Giving up the Leadership x On Nov. 7 the C. E. C. published a statement on election results. From this it was not quite clear whether ' discontinuation of our farmer-labor party policy was merely suggested or - definitely ordered. A few days later a statement issued by the National Committee of the Trade Union Educa- tional League completely dispersed the uncertainty and went even to the most extreme: limit. A complete silence was maintained on one of the biggest problems that faces all labor unions and all labor conventions: the question of political action. This question has been settled at El Paso according to Gompers’s _Wishes,.. but. this, does: not mean that .it.will.not..come.,up before the locab}’ ounions again-and ‘again. What shall the “Left Wing’ do? The N. C. of TT, @. E. L. finds it convenient to ig- nore this question. This means but one thing: ‘They are‘ giving up the’ leadership. The new T. U. B. L. program has plenty of demands all the way down from amalgamation and nationaliztion to abolition of the Ku Klux Klan, Yet, it entirely overlooks the greatest need of the working class of this country: the necessity of a political party. The C. E. C. election statement at é least says that the Workers Party it- self must be built up. The T. U. E. L. declaration gives up even this point, and does not even mention the Communist movement, as if this was of no concern at all to the “Left Wing of the Labor Movement!” It certainly must have been some. altogether imimaginary syndicalistic left wing that those who are respon- sible for the abortive Tt Ui Bie statement have had in their minds! A Bolshevik Method—Only Up-Side Down On Nov, 16th the C, B.C. announced that preconvention discussions on party problems in the party press will be permitted after Nov. 22nd. Yet; Comrade Bittelman was allowed to disregard the party program on Oct. 25th, and again misrepresent and knock it on Nov. 15th. The discus- sions on changes in the party pro . are open only since Nov. 22nd, yet, an important. section of the pend ae has already been discarded since Nov- 7th. This constitutes a direct viola- tion of our constitution and the met- hods of procedure prescribed by the theses of the Third Congress of the Communist International, Even, our ©. E. C. members must: abide by the following Bolshevik rules: 1. When a discussion is not open in the party press, it is not open for all members, 2. Discussions shall precede deci- sions. 3. A ‘controversial question of pol- icy, directly or indirectly settled by the convention, shall remain in effect until the next convention (unless otherwise ruled by the C. I. or a spe- cial permission to make a change is obtained, from.the C. 1.) .., 4. Just because a discugsion period is open: (or about to be opened) that does not give the C. KB. C..or any mem- -ber a: right to disregard‘or annul any section of our.program or constitu- tion. During a discussion period, new policies only may be proposed, but not already forced into effect. Disregard of these rules can only _|diminish the prestige of those who do it, cause undue friction everywhere, break down leadership and discipline, and bring the party a great harm. Bolshevization Needed I have before me the minutes of a D. C. meeting. These indicate in what confusion the party has been thrown thru the latest illconsidered declara- tions. The members see that our program is being hastily discarded be- fore the Convention meets. They protest. At the same time it is evi- dent that they are not sure which pol- icy is really’in effect. now: the one prescribed by the last convention and incorporated in our prograth, or the one initiated by the C. E. Cc. thru its “statements.” The C. B.C. is our supreme body between the party conventions. But it cannot disregard or overrule any ‘decisions of the conventions. All at- tempts to the contrary are bound to break down the discipline of the party. A strict discipline’ can be main- tained only if our leading bodies strive to establish unconditional con- fidence of the membership. And no leading body can establish such con- fidence by abusing their authority. Yes, let us Bolshevize the party. And let us not overlook the unfortunate fact that Bolshevization is needed at the top as well as on. the bottom. A CleanCut Declaration, Versus a Miserable Muddie ' The party program gives. the follow-| ing reasons why we ‘should make every effort to hasten- boas formation of a labor’ party:. ~ “The mighty centrali¢ation of power of the government of ‘the United States, which was brought about by the war, the offensive of the capitalist class, which resulted ‘from the econ- omic crises, make it necessary for the workers to defend themselves polit- ically, The change in the wages of the skilled and unskilled workers have brought them nearer to the same con- ditions of life, the taking away of the privileges of the “aristocracy” of labor by the capitalist power, the assimila- tion of the foreign born, the organi- zation of the alien workers as mili- tant trade unionists, have for the first time in the. history of. the American labor movement produced a uniform- ity of the working class which makes Possible the organization of a labor ; party.” And the C. E. C. in the election statement gives the following reasons why we should ighore the farmer-labor party movement: . “The demonstrated weakness of the ‘ollette movement, as compared to the pre-election estimates of all sides, not only seriously retards the develop- ment of the so-called ‘third party,’ but also completely eliminates the immed: fate possibility of the growth of a mass farmer-labor party, ai industrial workers and poor farmers, distinct from the Workers Party. A! general agitation campaign bythe Workers Party under the slogan of ‘For a Mass Farmer-Labor Party,’ would not be profitable or successful. The policy 'tralization of power of governnient’ in- tothe hands’ of capitalist class, and’ attempting to form a mass farmer- labor party of which the Workers Par- ty would be a part, is not adaptable to the present period.” —_ Now, let us compare and analyze the two declarations: The C. EB. C. does not say that they oppose a formation of a farmer-labor party. They'only declare that such at- tempts are “not adaptable to the present period.” It follows that they are for it in principle, but aginst ‘it in practice. And this is a sign of op- portunism. Our program declares that the tor- mation of a labo party is being made possible because of a complete cen- the relentiess ‘use’ of that © power against the working class; on’ 6ne side,’ and because Of the grewing (uniformity of the working class (théir wages, conditions of living, miseries, oppor- tunities and interests), on the other side. The C. E. C., on the contrary, does not touch the fundamental conditions (which by the way, elections can- not destroy). They tell us that the demonstrated weakness of the La- Follette movement -makes a general agitation campaign for a farmer-labor party unprofitable. They talk as if the party had or was ready to base its policies on changing sentiments of middle class, instead*of on solid econ- omic and political foundations. Be- sides, they completely overlook the fact that our campaign for a farmer- labor party, and our election campaign (the piles of leaflets, the thousands of meetings) destroyed the LaFollette illusion in the minds of masses of voters and they stayed away from the polls. This is indicated by the elec- tion figures. In spite of the fact that all capitalist press made the greatest possibl8 drive for a big vote, only 30 million of 60 million voters (Cen- sus Bureau estimate) took a part in the elections, while in 1916 more than 70 per cent voted. The election statement says that the demonstrated weakness of the LaFollette movement completely elim- inates the immediate possibilty of the growth of a mass farmer-labor party. Suppose LaFollette movement was up to all “pre-election estimates.”— Would that be a sure barometer for finding that there is enough pressure behind the “immediate possibility of the growth” of the kind of a farmer- labor party. that our program stand for? The Party Program Sinangransnied Besides absurdities, the. paragraph ‘quoted from the election. statement also contains a condemnable mis- representation of the party program. Our program entertains no illusions about an “immediate possibility” of the growth of a mass farmer-labor party. What the program says is absolutely beyond any possibility of such an opportunistic interpretation. The program says that we shall not ignore the already evident and on- coming farmer-labor party, and that it is our duty to see that a class farmer-labor party,.of which we are a part,,results from the farmer-labor movement. The program declares. that: “A real labor party cannot be formed without the labor unions and organizations of exploited farmers, tenant farmers and farm laborers must be included. e Workers Par- ty will direct its propaganda and ed- ucational work to the end of arousing a mass sentiment of the labor party in the labor unions to secure’ the forma- tion of such’a party.” This paragraph ought to ‘convince even the most suspective opponents that no immediate formation of a mass farmer-labor party is neither ex- pected nor recommended. . How and by whom the mess about an immed- fate possibility of a mass farmer-labor party has been invented, our program is not responsible. Facts About Our Farmer-Labor Party Policy of applying the united front tactic by] Whoever wants our policies to be trend for a formation of a’ The Discussion on Party Tasks changed, must prove that they have been detrimental to the Communist movement’ or at least have had no value at all. Bven those that want to discard our farmer-labor policy have continually claimed that the pol- icy is most successful. Just before the eléction campaign the C. E. C. is- sued a program on “Our immediate Work.” The following is quoted form this excellent pamphlet: “We have during this campaign ad- vanced the cause of independent work- ing classaction and made the farmer- labor party’an issue’in the American labor movement.°*We can’ also ‘say, without danger of the statement being ‘challenged, titat our party had made the greatest gains ‘for itself through this Campaign for the labor: party. It 48° thru this farmer-labor party cam- ‘paign that our party has established itself as a political force in the United States. It is thru this campaign that it has established its prestige and its leadership among the masses of work- ers and farmers. Nothing has con- tributed so much to develop our party from a sectarian group to a recognized political force in the life of the labor movement of this country than our maneuvers in relation to the farmer- labor party.” There can be no doubt that the above is absolutely true. But in view of this statement it is impossible to explain | the secret twist of mind that has caused the majority of the C. E. C. now to insinuate to the contrary. Are they suffering from _ election shock? A Promise of a Real Leader In the same pamphlet the C. E. C. unanimously declares as follows: “The campaign for a farmer-labor party was a correct estimation of the situation in the United States. It de- clares further that the campaign for the farmer-labor party must be con- tinued and will be a major campaign of the party in the future.” This declaration in direct confor- mity with our program, inspired com- rades everywhere for undivided sup- port of the party work. Now its ben- eficial effect is being marred by the very comrades who volunteered to make the worthy declaration only two months ago. I do not want to be mean, but the question presses itself: Do they really base their declaration . and promise on. the illusion that all “pre-election estimates” of the. Strength of LaFollette will turn out to be correct? Conclusions The change of our farrer-labor pol- icy has been, has. been initiated ex- tremely untactfully, and. such methods shall never again be repeated by any responsible party body or member. Occasional C. E. C.. statements cannot do away with any party pol- icy, expressly defined and adopted by a convention. .Any attempt to the con- trary is bound to throw the party in a confusion. We shall strive to avoid a repetition of any such attempt in the future. The changes so far suggésted are based on a complete ignorance or a wild misunderstanding of the party program. Comrade Bittelman and the majority members of the C. E. C, may do a valuable service to the party ac- quainting. themselves more. carefully with our program and. constitution, and the Thesis of the Communist In- ternational, . There can be no talk of building up of the Workers Party if we will refuse to be with the masses on the political as well as on the economic field. Our program meets the requirements and shall, in general, remain in effect for the next year. “It is easy, but not fruitful, to keep On preaching on the general principles of Communism, and then fall into the negative attitude of common place syndicalism when faced with concrete questions, Such practices only play into the hands of the yellow Amster- dam, International.” This pararaph from the Theses of the Third Congress of the Communist (Continued on Page 8.)