The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 4, 1924, Page 3

Baars December 4, 1924 WHAT OUR LABOR PARTY POLICY HAS ACCOMPLISHED By WM. Z. FOSTER. N the Workers Party, as a hang over from our two-year labor party campaign, we have a# tendency led in the C. EB, C. minority by Comrade: Lovestone and Ruthenberg, and mad up of comrades who may be properly dubbed farmer-labor Communists These comrades have developed ¢ most extravagant evaluation of the farmer-labor party slogan. With them |} it has become a fetish, They are for the tarmer-labor party dead or alive Despite their loud protests to the con- trary, they tend to look upon the fermer-labor party campaign as an end in itself, and not merely as ¢ means (no longer useful) to build the Workers’ Party into a mass Commun- ist Party. These farmer-labor Communists ad- vance the most bizarre theories and make the wildest claims in order to Justify their demand that the Workers Party continue to propagate the dead farmer-labor party slogan. They argue in effect that it constitutes the sole means of applying the united front on the political fleld. In the Worke Monthly for December, Comrade Ruth- enberg makes this astounding state- the fact that it collected over $1,000, 000 for famine-stricken Soviet Russia, it offered our party splendid oppor- unities for propaganda and for the levelopment and winning over of sym- pathizers. Akin to the F, S. R., but not so extensive, were the other unit- ad front committees set up to work tor famine relief and the recognition of Soviet Russia. Another important united front was and is the Labor Defense Council, Our party has been able to utilize it to great advantage. The Michigan trials marked an epoch in our party history. Much of their effectiveness, both in the matter of finance ($180,- 000 has been raised to date) and of publicity, depended upon the Labor Defense Council united front. These trials enabled us to bring our Com- munist mesdage most forcefully to tremendous circles of workers. Finally, let me mention the amal- gamation united front in the trade unions, altho to our C. B. C. minority everything connected directly to the mass trade unions smacks of syn- dicalism, The amalgamation campaign began when the W. P. was still what Tents in the unions and elsewhere THE DAILY WORKER among the workers. The farmer-labor, party bosters, of course, say nothin; about this. For them the farmer-labor campaign was all roses and victory. But even tho the farmer-labor slogan was most highly effective in the past, as its ardent advocates claim, still to attempt to use it now, as the C. EB, ©. minority proposes, when there is fo mass movement to justify its use, would be to hamstring the Workers Party and do it real injury. For a Real United Front Policy. To maintain, as Comrade Ruthen- berg does, that giving up the farmer- labor party slogan means abandoning the united front program is ridic- ulous, In the past, as we have seen, we have carried on several very suc- cessful united front campaigns, in ad- dition to that for the farmer-labor par- ty. And in the future we shall haye many more united fronts upon the burning issues in the class struggle, and these wlil be far more successful than any we have had in the past. Conceivably, conditions may possibly so change in the time to come that, with the growth of a mass farmer- labor party movement, we can again use the farmer-labor party slogan profitably, but in the absence of such a@ movement we cannot so use it now. While the farmer-labor party slogan Speech of Alexander Bittleman, C. E. G. Representative at the Conven- tion of The German Federation of the Workers Party, New York City, Nov, 29, OMRADES: Greetings and good wishes from the Central Execu- tive Committee of the party. The German Federation of the party, whom you comrades represent, is an important section of the Workers Party. First, because it is the oldest one, The first pioneers of an organ- ized socialist labor movement in the United. States were German-speaking workers. They were class conscious, fighters in the cause of the proletar- iat, driven from their homeland by the capitalist junker reaction and compel- led to look for a settlement in the United States. When they came here, they continued the struggle. At the cost of tremendous effort and heavy sacrifice, these German-speaking work: ers haye laid the basis for a socialist movement in the United States. And your federation being the descendant of those socialist pioneers, occupies. indeed, an honorable place in the Amer- ican class struggle. Thru your federa- _ political action by labor is dead.” In ’ party, the Workers Party, and that the minority calls a “sect;” that is, before it had been saved by the magic labor party slogan. The campaign was highly successful. Fully 2,000,000 union workers were won over to giv- ng organized expression in support of our amalgamation slogan. Large circles of sympathizers were created. Many effective contacts in the unions were secured for our party, These later served as valuable bases for our farmer-labor party agitation. This suc- cessful amalgamation united frontin the unions did very much to establish our party’s pretige and control. In- deed, without it our farmer-labor par- ty campaign would have been a fizzle, United Front Policy a Success. All these enumerated united fronts helped very substantially in building our party. But it is quite understand- able why the C. E. C. minority, trying desperately to galvanize the dead farmer-labor party slogan into life again, should conveniently overlook them and claim all the credit for their pet slogan. By and large, the farmer- labor slogan was helpful to the W, P. so long as there was a mass move- ment existing in support of it. But much of the early gains made thru it were destroyed by the collapse of the farmer-labor party movement. Thi debacle, which left the Workers Party in a serious crisis, cost us the loss of many valuable sympathizing ele- ment: “It (abandonment of F.-L. slo- gan) means the repudiation of the united front as a weapon of our par- ty on the political field.” These com- rades conceive the farmer-labor party as THE united front, and not, as in truth it was, merely one applica- tion of the united front tactic. They ignore completely the many forms of the united front being used thruout the Comintern, and the many that have been used here—-of which I shall speak further along. For them the farmer-labor party was the be-all and end-all of the united front pro- gram. Th nce of their argument is that if we have no farmer-labor par- ty we can have no united front, which is ridiculous, “Class Party” Confusion, ‘These comrades, continuing the con- fusion which was introduced into our party on this subject by Comrade Pep- per, also consider the farmer-labor party to be a class party which car- ries on class political action, Hence, when we make the statement that the jormer-labor party has been amal- amated into the LaFollette movement, Comrade Ruthenberg accuses us (Workers Monthly, December) of say- ing that “the movement towards aga essential party activities, ers’ everyday life. mands of the workers. the C. E. C. is “hokum.” simply because we can no labor party. his mind the farmer-labor party move- into the struggle of the toiling ment and class political action are synonymous, Apparently he does not conceive of a class party except thru his “class” farmer-labor party, Or perhaps, when the difficulty is called to his attention, he will say there are two class political parties, the Work- ers Party and the “class” farmer-la- bor party? Is it not high time for al) Communists to realize that in the United States there is only one class Party. A UNITED FRONT UPON THE POLICY TO Triun0 Gree Sait, tborker fr 1925 T the last full meeting of the C. E, C, of the Workers Party an important decision was made. It was decided that all party Papers must preceed the discussion going on in their columns regard- ing the future policy of the party by a call to action, by a call for a united front upon the POLICY TO BUY A POLICY TO INSURE THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1925, Nothing must interfere with the campaign now in progress to give the DAILY WORKER a helping hand over a bit of rough road it is at present compelled to travel. The assistance of EVERY party mem- ber must be had. The C. E. C. voted that no other campaign shall be made by the party until the DAILY WORKER is mai We understand that the attention of every party member will gravi- tate towards the interesting party discussion now going on. Every party member should take a vital interest in this discussion, But every party member must give equal attention to helping the DAILY WORKER. The C. E. C. in fact decided that every discussion meeting held must be preceeded by a talk upon and sale of INSURANCE POLI- CIES, issued to INSURE THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1925, Your branch secretary has received a BIG RED BOOK OF POLI- CIES. These INSURANCE POLICIES are priced $10, $5 and $1. Party members should buy no less than a $5 policy. The $1 policies can be sold to sympathizers. While the party seeths with discussion over our future party policy and tasks, there is ONE POLICY upon which there must be unanimous agreement. That is the POLICY to buy a POLICY to INSURE OUR DAILY. alone—not some semi-demi farmer- labor party—is carrying on class po- litical action? The Farmer-Labor Legend. But the point I wish particularly to deal with in this article is the ex- travagant claim made by the farmer- labor party enthusiasts that the farm- er-labor party campaign, as if by magic, built the Workers Party from an obscure sect into a great party. To hear them tell it, the Workers Party was insignificant until it picked up the farmer-labor party slogan, and it will fall back into insignificance again if it drops that slogan. Says Comrade Ruthenberg (Workers Monthly, December): “We shall aban- don the slogan which in the past has enabled us to establish close contact with at least the left bloc of the labor movement and to return to our former status of sectarian propa- ganda.” This legend of the all-creative power of the farmer-labor party slogan has been carefully cultivated in our party by the farmer-labor Communists. It is time to prick the bubble. The fact is, the farmer-labor party campaign was only one of several united fronts, altho the major one, carried on by our party. All these have contributed most substantially to the growth and influence of the Workers Party, But the farmer-labor party slogan has hogged the credit, We must get the right perspective on all our united front work, and not simply accept the purrent notion that the farmerlabor alone lifted us from sectarianism and made us a real factor in the labor movement. Let us glance for a moment at some of our other united fronts. _ Successful United Front Efforts, An important movement was the united front campaign for the protec- tion of the foreign-born workers, That was real political work. It gave us a WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA Willlam Z. Foster, Chairman. Cc, E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary. COMMUNIST ACTION NEEDED ON THE POLITICAL FI AS WELL AS COMMUNIST FAITH working class. We are not disap- pointed in the Workers Party.” And Comrade Browder declares that the minority “betrays a complete lack of confidence in our party, The C. E. C, majority thesis, how- declares, “The masses of the youn and poor farmers, inasmuch as they reject the leadership of the old capitalist parties, and are not yet ready to accept the leadership of and to give their support to the By KARL) REEV Altho the C. EB. 0. poco declares its supreme faith in the Workers Party, the C. B. C. majority thesis it- self leads to just the opposite con- clusion. A pessimism and an un- warranted feeling of hopelessness is | ev: manifested by the majority when confronted with the present polit- teal situation, Comrade |Bittelman, who has was alive the tendency was to con- centrate on that and to neglect other especially the organization of wunited fronts around concrete issues in the work- The farmer-labor party was used too much as a sort of catch-all it was a too-ready answer to the workers’ demands for organs of struggle and for the struggle itself. It is a very significant fact that only a few days ago the C. BE. C. appointed a sub-committee whose function it is to organize, for the first time, our united front work, This committe is charged with constantly surveying the various phases of the class struggle and to initiate, wherever opportunity presents, local and national united front movements around concrete de- The charge of sectarianism against The united front campaign will not be abandoned longer profitably use the slogan of a farmer- On the contrary, in its many manifestations, it must and will go ahead more systematically, deter- minedly, and effectively than ever. The united front is the great means to bring the Workers Party directly masses and to build it into a mass Communist An Unanimous Decision tion, the Workers Party as a whole, a comparatively young organization, be- comes linked up in an organic manner with the first builders in the U. 8. of a political party of the class con- scious proletariat. Your daily organ, the “Volkszei tung,” is one of our oldest and best established papers. Thru years 0 struggle in the cause of the working class it has acquired influence among wide circles of workers. It has be- come an instrument of extreme value for the further development of our movement. The Central Executive Committee fully realizes the importance of the German section and of our German or- gan, the Volkszeitung. The party is highly appreciative of the great serv- ices to our movement rendered by both our German section and our Ger- man organ, and is determined to do all in its power to further promote the Communist movement among the Ger- man-speaking workers of America. At the same time, the Central Executive Committee is very much aware of the serious shortcomings and deviationsfrom the line of policy of the Communist International mani- fested by the Volkszeitung on a num- ber of occasions. Later in my speech T shail’ discuss that at greater length. It is the wish of the Central Execu- tive Committee, in accord with the Communist International, that every- thing be done by this convention tc correct and straighten out the lines of deviation from the C, I. and to as sure the German-speaking workers of America and our party movement as a whole, a real, Bolshevist German section of the party and a real Bol- shevist Volkszeitung. Your convention meets prior to the party convention. This is somewhat irregular, since the established anc correct practice of our moyement is that conventions of language sections be held subsequent to the party con- vention. However, the C. E. C. per- mitted the exception for what it con sidered sufficient reasons. And now, since the German section of the party is in convention assembled and since the pre-convention period has been of- ficially opened, you will no doubt con- tribute your share of experience and knowledge to the solution of the ma- jor problems that confronting at present our party. A Year ot Change. The past year will go down in the history of our party as the year of quick change in tactics. During this period our party was tested by events as never before in its history. In the face of the enemy and actually under the political fire of our opponents, the Workers Party found it necessary twice to change its tactics, This war no easy matter, And the fact that our party succeeded in carrying out these quick and sudden changes, in a disciplined and organized way, is proof that we are well on the road to become a real Leninst party, ‘What were these changes? You ‘will recall, comrades, that at the time of the third party convention (Janu- ary, 1924) we were in the midst of what I designate as our “northwest- ern orientiation.” We were then pre paring the ground, politically, and or- ganizationally, for a new national farmer-labor center, which resulted later in the formation of the organizta- tion committee for the St. Paul Con- vention. The proposition of the third- party alliance was a result of this ori- entation on the agrarian northwest and a basic part of ‘our general strat- egy pursued in those days. clear that had it been known to the farmer-labor parties of the northwest that the Workers Party will eventully be compelled to fight the LaFollette candidacy even after he was nominat- ed, we would have never succeeded in bringing to life the committee for the St, Paul Conven- tion. The third party alliance was im- plied in every move we made between August, 1923, and May, 1924, Altho the matter was referred in January to the C. I. for advice and remained pend- ing until May, the C. B. C. continued to base its everyday tactics on the pol- iey of a third party alliance. And it could not have been otherwise, Events were moving. The C, B. C, had to act almost daily, And to act meant to apply policy, a policy which the C. E. C. believed in, which was the policy of a third party alliance. Then came the change. It was in May. First came LaFollette’s attack on the June 17th Convention, and then the advice of the C. I. A quick change in tactics was necessary, We were compelled to change positions under the enemies’ fire, the worst sit- uation imaginable. I maintain, comrades, that under the leadership of the ©. E. C. the party executed the maneuver in a most sat- isfactory manner. We retained the in- itiative and continued on the offensive against thé’ "LaFollette movement, until this very day. It was a critical situation such as our party has hardly ever experienced before. But ‘we passed over it, in good trim and or- derly formation and thus reached the Convention of June 17th. When we got there, we already knew that the bulk of the farmer-la- bor movement in the northwest was with LaFollette and wanted him to be its standard bearer in the elections. We struggled against it. We suc ceeded, without compromising any- thing of importance, in preventing an open spilt. But the tide outside of the convention was going against us. The then existing farmer-labor move- ment, erroneously considered by some of us a class movement, differ- ent in ideology from the LaFollette movement, was already crying for La- Follette. On July 4 he made known his decision to run as an independent candidate and thereby assumed charge over the farmer-labor move- ment. Again a new situation calling for new tactics. Quick action was neces- sary, because the arrangements per- fected at the June 17th convention (Committee and Candidates) were los- ing their foundation and were going to pieces. On July 8, the ©. B.C, came to a decision. It withdrew its support from MacDonald and Bouck and nominated its own candidates. Another quich change in tactics forced upon us by a change in the organization It is now} Page Three Discussion of Our Party’s Immediate Tasks Bittleman Speaks at German Federation National Convention from the LaFollette sweep. Our eom rades and sympathizers in the unions had to withstand during the past year the most ferocious, at times bloody at- tacks, expulsions from the unions, de- nial of the right to work and many other forms of brntal persecutions. But in spite of all that, the left wing under the leadership of the T. U. E. L, continues to grow. The future will no doubt present us with many new and difficult problems on the trade union field, but there will be no cause for worry as long as we follow the Leninist policy and tactics and keep the main objectives of our movement clearly before our eyes. (6) In the sphete of party educa situation, and executed in a manner most satisfactory and successful from every point of view, It is perfectly clear now that the de- cision of the Comintern was correct, not only because the third party al- lance was wrong strategy but also be- cause it was wrong tactics. The farmer-labor movement could not be saved from the LaFollette sweep even by the dangerous expedient of the third party alliance. I would like to say in parenthesis that according to the Comintern the third party alliance was no good, not because it was a “maneuver” and that Maneuvers are no good, but because this particnlar maneuver happened to be a bad one, We are Marxians, Len- tion, .we have made considerable inists, and therefore, dialecticians. To | progress. us a maneuver is not an abstraction. (7) Thus we can safely state that A maneuver is nothing else than ajour party today is a better party, a political act, a concrete move in a defi-|jarger party, much more of a Bolshe- nite direction, designed to weaken our | vist party than it was a year ago. We enemies and strengthen the workers|can hopefully look into the future for and their leader, the Communist |pigger conquests and greater victories. Party. A maneuver is good if it tends|The Immediate Tasks of Our Party. to produce favorable results for the} In discussing the present situation class struggle and for our party. Ajand the immediate tasks of our party, maneuver is bad if it fails to produce|the following points should be remem- such results or if it tends to produce | pered: contrary results, The third party al- (a) Altho the Workers Party is yet Nance, under the existing conditions, |» small party, it is the only party in would have produced results contrary| america that. stands for the class to the interests of the class struggle struggle, This means that, as condi- and of the Workers Party. Therefore,|tiong will compell the workers to it was a bad maneuver. struggle against the capitalists, the I also want to say that the second | working masses will progressively ac- change in tactics, the one made OD) cont the slogans and leadership of July 8, by our party nominating its) our party. There is therefore no cause own candidates, proved to be correct| toy weakening or getting disappointed and of great benefit to our movement |in the slow growth of our party, Our We established our party as the only great task is to make the W. P, a party of the class struggle. The| 1.45. communist Party. 100,000 votes that were undoubtedly (b) The Workers Party, altho a polled by our candidates, which indi party of Communists, is not yet a cates the strength of our party only|,04)° Boishevist, Leninist Party. In among those workers that have the|1.. measure in which we succeed in right to vote, is proof sufficient that Bolshevizing the Workers Party we there are in the United States many). 21 be developing it into a mass more hundreds of thousands of work- Communist Party. ers, particularly among the unorgan (c)...There is sts movement: saw i ized, unskilled and disfranchised, that existence tending in the direction of are in sympathy with our movement a farmerlabor party, distinct from and that are ready to follow our lead- both the W. P. pot’y the LaFollette ership. It is ‘something that our movement, standing between. theas party may yery well be proud of. two. There is no such movement now In looking over the past ten months in existence, nor is there any basis we shall find that in addition to our gains as manifested in the election re- for the appearance of such @ move turns, our party has been making ment in the near future, steady progress all around. True, we (d) There is no mass urge now to- have no spectacular victories to reg: wards the formation of any new poli- ister, no sensational successes based | cal party, except a mild sentiment on saxi@ or on inflamed imagination¥4[o® the, formation. of a. third LaFol- which disappear in smoke and noise|/ette Party, The masses are at rest as far 4s the organization of a farmer- at the firsth touch of reality, but steady, solid progress in every phase labor party (distinct from a LaFol — lette party) is concerned, Fi of our work, Despite the critical situation in| (€) But the masses are not restful Which our party found itself due tc|t all as far as their immediate needs the LaFollette sweep and our thire |@Fe concerned. They will struggle for party entanglements, the followin; | Whatever seems to offer immediate characterizes the development of ou: |!mProvement of their conditions. party. (f) Hence, the farmer-labor party (1) Constant increase in dues-pay | Slogan is dead. The slogans that will ing membership. set the masses into motion for organ- (2) DAILY WORKER is making | ized. political struggles are precisely steady progress, The present cam {those slogans that touch close and paign which is bound to bring in a‘}| burning needs. Our tactics there- least $40,000.00 and five thousand nev | fore must be the tactics of the united subscribers will undoubtedly insure |front from below on the basis of im- the existence of our “Daily” for the|mediate elementary demands of the year 1925. masses. (3) “The “Workers Monthly” althc| This is the position of the C. B. 0. only in the third month of its exist. |expressed first in its statement on ence, is establishing for itself a solid|the election results and now in the basis financially and is becoming the|theses on the present situation and ideological leader of every active |the immediate tasks of our party. working class militant on every field} This policy calls for real struggle. of the class struggle. Not negotiations with farmerlabor (4) The language press of our|leaders around a conference table, as party is growing ever stronger and | was the case in about one-half of our more influential. work for a farmer-labor party, but (5) Our activities for the develop-| actual struggle in the unions and in ment of the left wing in the trade|the shops and among the unemployed unions is constantly moving ahead | directed against the capitalists and despite the difficulties created by the|their servants, the reactionary- labor split of July 8 and the comparative | bureaucrats. : isolation of our party that resulted (Continued on page 4) ws ——_—<$—$_$ 0 rr slogans on the political field, can wrest leadership of the workers and poor farmers away from the petty bourgeoig LaFollette leadership. Yet, in my opinion, there is every reason to believe that the Workers Party can be successful in breaking the masses of industrial workers and poor farmers following LaFollette away from his petty bourgeois leader- ship. True, as the C. BE, C. majority declares, “the masses of the workers and poor farmers are not yet ready to accept the leadership of and give their support to the Workers Party.” But that is why we have united front slogans, The slogan of the class farmeér-labor party will serve to show these misguided workers that the LaFollette petty bourgeois leadership is against their working class inter- ests, The outlook is hopeless indeed if we accept the survey of the political field made by the C. E. C. majority. “The of trying to build a mass labor party which shall base il on the mass organizations of the workers and poorer sections of the ; is definitely out of the ical politics for the ” gays the ©, B. OC, Workers Party, follow the lead of | would LaFollette movement.” the The C. H, ©. majority thesis dia-[only plays no faith, Wiles asi, ieee Scaangh had yghndl workers and poor farmers who have broken away from the two old par- ties and are floundering under the leadership of the petty bourgeois La- Follette. On the field of industrial work we are using the united front slogans. We are fighting the well organized Gompers machine as well as other well organized petty bourgeois ma- chines. On the political field, on the other hand, the petty bourgeois have not yet effected, let alone completed, their organization of a “progressive” party, which the majority declares, “will be aceepted by the laboring masses.” The ©. B. C. majority thesis proph-. ecies that the LaFollette movement will crystallize into a politica: party. But that party is not yet formed. It will be noted that the C, BE. vu. ma- jority thesis refers to the “future La- Follette party” and mentions its pre- sent “loose” form, Here would seem to be fertile ground for our class farmer-labor party slogan, The masses are ad- mittedly following this party. ‘The form of organization is loose and the leaders have received a setback in the elections. Does it not seem more logical to use the farmer-labor party united front slogan on the political field as well as the industrial field than to use it exclusively on the in- dustrial fleld? As a political party what are we Here | to do with regard to the united front fm the pollen eld?” Apparently ae cording to the majority we are to sit back and watch the petty bourgeois LaFollette group perfect their leader- ship over the masses. For the C. EB. C. majority thesis, while declaring that the masses will follow LaFol- lette, and that they are not yet ready to follow the Workers Party, broaches no effort to win the leadership of these misguided workers and poor farmers thu the united front on the political field. It is the majority that has no fatth in the leadership of the Workers Party, in so far as the Political field is concerned. What will the workers eventually say of the Communist movement of America if we desert the united front on the political fleld now, The col- lapse of capitalism is being acceler: ated the world over, making united fronts with the working class on the political fleld more and more neces- sary. If the class farmer labor party slogan was good just before election what makes it bad now, when the petty bourgeois leadership is going thru a crisis? Must we tell the work- ers “There is no hope tor you, go to the leadership of LaFollette and when you have learned your lesson come back to us. If the time is ripe, we of a class farmer labor party? Because “the masses of the workers and poor farmers are not yet ready to accept the leadership of the Workers Party,” must we desert them and turm them over to the LaFollette third party movement instead of putting against the petty bourgeois leader- ship of the “progressives” the slogan of a “class farmer labor party”? Rather than employ the united fremt on the political field must we merely “have faith in the Workers’ Party”? The majority emphasizes “the unit- ed front from below.” We must have a united front to combat child labor exploitation, “the Dawes plan,” for na- tionalization of mines, etc., we must have a special C. EB. C. sub-committee to restate the old ways and to ferret out new ways of applying the united front. But we must desert the united front on the political fleld. And we must not annoy LaFollette with our class farmer labor party slogan while he is inducting masses of industrial workers and poor farmers into his nem. petty bourgeois party. We must, according to the leave the workers and poor entirely to LaFollette on the field, and sit back and wait until workers are ready to come to us, say to us, “Because you showed will lead you"? Is it not better Communtsm to ful- a ve Ree Sra 7 ailokenta ie cUiciD, " the united front on the political hela] "° “early the fallacy of the LaPollette —by challenging LaFollette’s leader |!usion we will now jom the Com and apposing i with ine ayn duis ogy :