The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 3, 1924, Page 4

Page Four Discussion of Our Party’s Immediate Tasks | Tee Gilles WORKER THE MINORITY ATTITUDE TOWARD OUR ELECTION CAMPAIGN—A WARNING SIGNAL FOR THE PARTY By JAMES P. CANNON. Every Communist who can see straight, knows that our election cam- paign this year, under our own ban- ner, was one of the greatest and most significant achievements in the his- tory of the party. And every Com- munist who has the right attitude toward his party is proud of that achievement; he wants every worker to know about it and to understand its great significance; and he will not try to minimize it. The party aid right to enter the elec tions under its own name. Our elec- tion campaign was a victory for the party. It strengthened the revolu- tionary morale of our membership and established our party as the only working class political party in Am- erica. This is our position, clearly stated in our theses. The theses of the minority does not | speak in such clear and emphatic terms about our election campaign. | It evades the issue. It completely evades one of the most important questions which must be answered be- fore we can decide our line for the immediate future. That question is: Was the Central Executive Com- mittee correct when it decided last July against the opposition of Com- rades Lovestone, Engdahi and Browder, to withdraw support from the Farmer-Labor Party and to enter the elections under its own banner with its own candidates? Why the Minority Theses Fails to Endorse Our Election Policy. The evasion of these questions by the Lovestone-Ruthenberg thesis is no accident. The question was repeat- edly discussed in the meetings of the political committee prior to the con- sideration of theses and the minority is fully aware of its importance and of its indissoluble connection, with our future policy. The omission is con- scious and deliberate. “‘There’s a rea- son” for it. That reason is as follows: At least a part of the minority group repre- sented by Comrade Lovestone, which has become the dominant part of the minority group—the part which de- termines the policy of the whole groun —still maintains that the C. E. C, was wrong and that we should haye conducted the campaign under the banner of the farmer-labor party. Comrade Browder has long since ad- mitted his error, but in the meeting of the executive council of November 14, both Comrades Lovestone and Engdah! voted against the following resolution: “in view of the discussion that has arisen in the C. E. C. over the results of the election and the re- sults gained by the Workers Party participating in the election under Its own name, the C. E. C. considers it necessary to reaffirm its opinion that the decision of the C. E. C. in its July meeting to withdraw its support of the national farmer-labor party ticket and to enter its own candidates in the campaign was cor- rect and the proposal of Comrades Lovestone, Engdah! and Browder to continue the campaign under the banner of the farmer-labor party ‘was wrong.” The Minority Ridicules and Minimizes Our Election Campaign. Comrade Ruthenberg and Bedacht voted for the motion, but they must have done so with their tongues in their cheeks, for their whole attitude on the question of our election cam- paign is the same as Comrade Love- stone’s. That is, to persistently and systematically deride and belittle the achievements of the campaign in or- der to bolster up their theory that the Workers Party cannot do anything under its own name, but must find a substitute organization whenever there is practical agitational work to be carried on. The arguments they now bring for- ward against the Workers Party at- tempting to lead united front’ strug- gles in its own name and in favor of assigning that role’to a mythical “class farmer-labor party” are the same arguments used by Comrade Lovestone in the meeting on July. 8, against the Workers Party raising its own banner in the election campaign. Their thesis is one “long argument against our election policy. The at- \C. I. the showing made by-the party Tina achievements and their attempt to belittle them is symptomatic of the falsity of their whole theory. It is a warning signal to the party. The C. B. C. theses does not over- state the case when it says bluntly that the policy of the minority leads | to the lquidation of the Workers Party. Of course, no one will say that this is the conscious purpose of the minority. We are sure that the com- rades of the minority have no other object than to advance the cause of Communism. But in their over-zeal to find a short-cut to the goal of a popular mass Communist: Party, they | |have already. put their feet on a path |that leads backward and not forward. “In dealing with questions of policy,” said Comrade Zinoviev at the Fifth | Congress, “we have to consider ‘ ob- | |Jective effects and not subjective in- tentions.” It is by this-standard that we measure the policy of the minority and condemn it, and declare openly | our firm intention to fight-it to death. | We do not need ‘to wait for the comrades of the minority to’ get con- trol of the party and put their: policy | into effect in. order to prove that: it is a false policy. The minority has already proven it, not only in words, but in deeds. Seven Facts Which Prove the. Liquida- tion Tendency of the Minority Policy. On this point facts can. speak ifor themselves. In order to bolster up | their false and dangerous policy of demanding a farmer-labor party at all costs, right or wrong, “dead or alive,” whether the workers are interested in it or not, the minority is forced ‘to minimize and deprecate even the mod- est achievements of the Workers Party and to invest the “class farmer- labor party” with virtues it does not and cannot possess—uniess it is a genuine Communist Party. The minor- ity has already started out on this course as the following facts bear wit- ness: 1. In order to minimize. before the in the election campaign, the minority proposed in the C. E. C. ‘meeting of | Noy. 14 to answer the Communist In-| ternational’s inquiry about our vote in the following words: “Workers Party | vote very small; will not. exceed twenty thousand.” They took. this stand at a time’ When we already knew that over ten thousand. votes had been counted for us in NewYork City and the state of Minnesota. alone, and when we already. had evidence of wholesale frauds against-us. 2. In order to minimize our. elec- tion achievements before the party, the minority opposed and ridiculed the C. E. C. estimate of 100,000: votes {including ‘the votes Stolen from us) and voted against our motion “That we issue a statement claiming 100,- 000 votes and citing incidents in which votes were stolen from us.” 3. Comrade Rutheniberg had such luke-warm interest in getting the facts about the size of our vote that it took two meetings of the political commit- tee and more than a week’s delay be- fore we could get a letter sefit to all party units asking for reports of votes counted for us and evidence of frapds against us in order that we could prove the contentions of our official statement. Ordinary office. ro ‘ine work was given the right. of way over. this important matter. 4. Comrades Minor and Kz ise, chief spokesmen of the minority in the recent Chicago membership meet- ing, ridiculed the showing made by the party in the elections, Comrade Minor sarcastically comparing it to the S. L. P. 6. Comrade Bedacht, at the same meeting, said, “Our party was less be- fore the masses during the election campaign than at any time during the Past two years.” 6. Writing in the November Work- ers Monthly, Comrade Ruthenberg attributes qualities to a “labor” party |that only a Communist Party can possess. He says: “A labor. party speaks in the name of labor. It calls upon the workers for action. Or if it is a’ farmer-labor party.it calls upon the workers and farmers and speaks in their name.” 7. Writing in the December Work- ers Monthly, Comrade Ruthenberg associates “class © political action” exclusively with the. farmer-labor party. We, who believe the) Workers Party represents “class politieal ac- tion” are disdainfully swept aside in the folowing words: “‘A group in our party, wnder«the leadership of Com- rade Foster, is of ‘the opinion that the movement towards class political action by labor is dead and that, thera: fore, the Workers Party must abandon the ‘slogan ‘For ‘a Class Farmer-Labor | Party.’ ” The Struggle Against “Farmer-Labor- ism” Is Only Beginning. The. struggle between. the Central Executive Committee and the minority over. the quéstion of future policy is only beginning. The party has not yet had‘time to study the two theses. Bnt- already the comrades of the minority have given us seven concrete examples of the objective effects of their good intentions to build a mass Communist party “quickly” by means of the magic formula of a “Class Farmer-Labor Party.” And this is only. the beginning. So false is their policy and so far afield will they be compelled to go to defend it, that before the discussion | period has come to a close, the whole party will be able to understand, on the basis of evidence which the com- rades of the MINORITY will supply, | that their policy would lead the party into the swamp; The minority thesis fails to say the party did right to raise its own banner in the election campaign because the comrades of the minority have no en- thusiasm over the -great historical ‘significance of the banner of Com- munism haying been raised for the first time in a national election in America, and because it must belittle and deride the great achievements of our party in the campaign in order to convince the party and the Communist International that the Workers, Party is a fajlure, that it cannot speak to the masses in its own name, and must, therefore,. hide itself behind another organization and another name. The comrades of the minority have started out on a false path, but the party will not follow them. When the Party has studied and discussed the question and considered the objective effects of the false policy of the minority it will give such a decisive angwer that “Farmer-Labor Commun- ism” will never raise. its head again in the Workers Party. RESOLUTION ON DISCUSSION ADOPTED BY N.E.C. OF Y. W.L. To All Nuclei, Branches, City Central Committees, District Executive Com- mittees and Other Units of the Young Workers League: Dear Comrades: We are enclosing a résolution’ passed by the National Executive Committee of the Young Workers League, which outlines ‘the basis for the discussion of the issues, problems and tasks that confront the Third National Convention of the Young Workers League of America. This resolu- tion should serve as a guide in.the discussion, which the National Execu- tive Committee urgently desires to be thoro, unhampered and as widespread as possible. The resolution follows: Resolution on Convention Discussion, 1. A special section of ‘The Young Worker, up to the time of the conven- tion, shall be set aside for discussion of the statement of the national execn- tive committee. 2. No editorial comment or signed ttude of the minority toward our elec- you act like a Communist? If you're not. “smunism to every single member of _ It Into a single unit. y future policies. “80 you CAN follow it? You Are a Communist! A hes are most likely in the Workers (Communist) Party. But do. In Russia one of the conditions of membership is that the appll- ant must be a subscriber to the official party organ. You can’t get in” 1 This is to insure the best presentation of the principles of Come In the future it may be a condition of membership in.our-party for | every applicant joining a nucleus or English branch. . Today there is a great disoussion in our party on our past ant Are you--as a Communist—following. every, phase _ of this discussion in the DAILY WORKER? AN Oe If you are not—your duty is clear. Send. in ee —— to. the | -effiolal organ: of YOUR Communist Party. articles dealing with the statement shall be published in any other organ the party—to clarify it-—to cement a subscriber (local - bulletins, papers, DAILY WORKER, Freiheit, Uj Elore, etc.); the written discussion to be limited to the columns of the official organ of the Y. W. L.; the Young Worker. 3. The discussion of the statement issued by the national executive com- inittee, printed in the Dec. 15 issue of The Young Worker, shall be given ‘immediate ‘preliminary ‘discussion in the nuclei and branches of the league. 4, ‘After a period of discussion of the statement in the branches and nu- cle! well as The Young Worker, general membership meetings shall be called, for thepurpose of further dis- cussion of the 'N. B. C, statement. No general membership meeting on this subject shall be held without a two weeks’ advance notification being sent to. the national office. 5. In those cities where more than one, branch. exists, it shall be the duty of the city executive committee to set the dates of the nuclei and branch meetings where discussion of the N. E, C. statement on work and policy shall be discussed. | Meetings held. without the approyal of the C. E. C. will be considered invalid, Where only one branch exists, it shall be. the duty of the branch executive committee to cet the date for discus- sion. . 6, ‘No tunisigned: articles will he ac- cepted for the discussion columns of The Young Werker. Young Workers’ League 2h amation National Executive Comm By JAY LOVESTONE. The opposition to the. party continu- ing the use of the slogan of and-cam- paign for a mass farmerlabor party divides itself into two main classes. First, are those who are opposed on principle to a farmer‘labor party. Second, are those who contend that they are not opposed on principle to a farmer-labor party but that, within the last few months, the conditions have changed and ‘that the time has come for the party to discard and throw overboard its | farmer-labor united front activities. Anti-Marxist and Pseudo-Marxist , Opposition, With the first school of opposition we will waste no time. This school is frankly anti-Marxist in method and purpose. The Communist ‘Interna- tional in its decisions on the American question,’ has dealt with this school effectively and at length. The second school of opposition makes a pretence at being Marxian, at least in its method. This group of opponents of the Communists, utiliz- ing and accelerating the movement towards independent working class Political action thru a farmer-labor party, talks about “conditions having changed.” This group contends that the political and economic conditions of the country have so changed as to require the Workers Party to make a sharp change of its united front tac- tics on thé political field by cutting itself loose from the farmer-labor slogan agitationally and organization- ally. Five Contentions—Five Fallacies. The contentions of the latter group of opponents to the farmer-labor policy laid down for the party by the Com- munist International in its last deci- sion can be subdivided into five prin- cipal points: 1. They believe. the ‘LaFollette movement has swallowed the farmer- labor movement thru the fact that the various farmer-labor parties have lined up with the LaFollette outfit during the last election campaign. These comrades insist that the union of the farmer-labor party movement with the LaFollette movement during the elec- tions has signed the death warrant land marked the doom of the farmer- labor movement as a distinct political movement. 2. ‘They believe that the La¥Follette election venture was such a great sucr cess as to ensure not only the com- plete destruction of whatever organi- zational strength the farmer-labor but to have: brought about even’ the total liquidation and utter extermina- tion of. the mass farmer-labor senti- ment existing in the country before the LaFollette nomination. These comrades would have us believe that the movement for a political united front of the workers and poor farmers now views the LaFollette conglomera- tion as the fermer-labor party. These comrades would have us belieye that, therefore, the hundreds of thousands of farmer-laborites of yesterday don’t want and are not interested now in another political movement. 3. Or they believe that the LaFol- lette movement has received such a crushing defeat in the election cam- paign as to spread paralyzing pessim- ism, bitter disappointment, a’ shatter- ing of hopes in the ranks of the farm- erlabor masses; thus making it im- possible for the Communists to rally these masses out of their supposed present sloth of depression, - These comrades would have us believe that the setback received by the LaFollette campaigners has extinguished the farmer-labor, flames that many. once hoped could be kindled into sweeping the country like a prairie fire, 4. They believe that within the last few months the economic conditions which served as the basis for what was once the peak of the farmer-labor united front movement have changed so fundamentally as to remove the grounds for such a farmer-labor united front movement and have destroyed the soil in which such a movement of the masses can grow and flourish, 5. ‘They. believe that since June 17 the process of the political radicaliza- tion of the masses in the United States has reached such a high state of development and that the Workers Party has won the political leadership over so many masses as to make it possible and practicable for the Com- munists to make a mass appeal to the workers and poor farmers to join.the Workers Party directly, follow it polit- feally or rally around it extensively in the everyday economic struggles. This contention translates itself into the conclusion that the Workers Party no longer needs a united f on the political field with the non- junist organizations of the workers and peor farmers. The writer proposes to examine each of these contentions and to show that not’a single one of them holds water; that the conditions have not changed fundamentally; that insofar as recent months have seen ‘a. change in the politico-economic situation, the change has been distinctly in favor of the party extending and intensitying its farmer-labor united bili cam- paign. “Why and Wherefore of | Allian yeh } HAS LaFOLLETTE SWALLOWED THE FARMER-LABOR MOVEMENT? movement had attained up to June 17,’ the farmer-labor sentiment and de- mand as a political force. It is true that in the election cam- paign the farmer-labor movement was swept along with the LaFollette tide. The farmer-labor party sentiment had for sundry reasons not yet been crys- tallized strongly enough organization- ally to be able to beat back the alli- ance of the petty bourgeoisie and a large portion of the trade union bureaucracy. In a measure we, the | | Communists, were responsible for this organizational weakness of the farmer- labor .movement. thru our failure to pursue an aggressive campaign of organization over the heads anu oppo- sition of the Fitzpatricks, Nockels, and other so-called progressive labor leaders. But perhaps the outstanding force of the causes impelling this turn of the farmer-labor sentiment into the channels of LaFollette’s. venture was the belief among a great section of the farmer‘labor masses that by their lining up with the LaFollette combina- tion ‘in the election campaign they would hasten, if not actually achieve, the successful launching of a farmer- labor party. Meaning of the Alliance. The fact that, during the election campaign, the farmer-labor movement did not put forward. national political standard bearers of its own does not mean that the LaFollette campaign organization has. swallowed and di- gested the farmer-labor elements to such an extent as to enable one cor- recily to pronounce the farmer-labor movement dead, the farmer-labor sen- timent extinguished beyond redemp- tion. Only the politically purblind can maintain that an election alliance can swallow at once and paralyze for many years at least, all of the farmer- labor sentiment that it took many years to develop, a political’ mass sentiment that was developing unin- terruptedly at an accelerating pace especially since 1918. The fact that so many farmer-labor organizations lined up for LaFollette and allowed themselves to be sub- merged during the few months of the election campaign does not mean that they have totally read themselves out of the political life of the country. Marxists view all political situations as entities and not merely from the immediate superficial’ appearances at hand. It may be true that such an event does not by itself’ tend to accelerate the swift crystallization of a farmer- labor ‘movement ‘on a’ nation-wide scale. Yet no one who makes the slightest pretense at the use of Marxian historical method in analyz- ing and evaluating the political and economic "movements of classes’ will *|is now well-known. than the horizon of the. then-given situation.” Amongst meushévists skepticism and doubt rise in direct proportion to the “drawn-out and laborious character” the development of class movements tends tu assume. Farmer-Labor Strength. The fact of the matter is that a mere election union does not by itself mean the organizational liquidation of a movement. Least of all, does it follow that such a campaign alliance means the pprooting of. the idea and of sentiment for a farmer-labor party. In certain sections of the country |many farmer-laborites maintained a |hostile attitude thruout the campaign to the LaFollette encroachmeiits: on their organizations. . For instance, in Minnesota, Magnus Johnson 2nd Olson running on the farmer-labor party ticket polled a higher yote than La- Follette, The majority by. which LaFollette, running on an independent ticket, was beaten by Coolidge was much larger than the majotity on which those running on the ‘farmer- labor party ticket were béaten. Let us quote from the Minnesota Trade Union Advocate’ of\-Nov. 13, 1924: “In the states where -a ‘well- organized progressive movement. ex- isted, the LaFollette managers came in and sought to launch a new move- ment without regard to the effect it might have on the established farmer- labor organization. This resulted in misunderstanding and antagonism which was never successfully over- come... “The result of this unwise policy LaFollétte snot only ran behind the state ticket of Minnesota, but the confusion and antagonism created by. it is held responsible for the failure to elect at least the candidates for senator and governor . “Only a few counties of the state were carried by LaFollette and in these instances he ran ‘béhind the nominees of the farmer-labor party for United States senator and governor. “Many theories are advanced in explanation of these differences, It is claimed by some that the vicious attack on LaFollette caused many to withhold support, while others main- tained that the policies of the LaFol- lette movement in Minnesota, repelled farmer-labor supporters. “There is no doubt. but what the LaFollette movement in the state had ambitions to displace the established farmer-labor party, . and while: this intention was disavowed towards the end of the campaign, the entire pro- ceeding of the campaign committee from its inception was:-eondemned by many who showed their opposition’ at the ballot box. Coo! yote over than of LaFollette will be twice as latge as that of Christiangon’s oyer Olson.” In Washington, for example, the farmerlabor party maintained its dis- contend that a setback or a defeat now and then means the collapse of an upward working class movement: At most.such setback may only delay and.make more difficult the develop- ment of mats political consciousness, but they do not eradicate the inherent conditions of American capitalism making for the development of a tinct organization, ran its own state and congressional candidates. and merely endorsed LaFollette _ and Wheeler. More than that. There. is good reason to believe that the léad- ers of this farmer-labor party would likely never have sought to secure the endorsement of their organization for LaFollette or be tempted to drive powerful united front of the workers and poor farmers on the political field. Skepticism—A Menshevist Disease. Thus Lenin in his introduction to “Karl Marx, Letters to Kugelmann,” said: “The Marxian doctrine has welded the theory and practice of the class struggle into an INDIVISIBLE WHOLE. -He-is no Marxist who, to justify existing conditions, distorts the theory which soberly confirms the objective situation, who goes so far as to adapt himself with the greatest possible speed to any temporary lull in the revolution (!), to throw quickly overboard his ‘revolutionary illusions’ and to set. about collecting the ‘realistic’ shreds,” It is a truth long known to Bolshe- viks that only the ordinary empiric does. not look at developing class con- flicts and movements “any further their followers into the LaFollette election camp if the Workers Party had not cut itself loose from the na- tional farmer-labor party on July 10. The bungling manner in which we handled our change in policy then was especially harmful. In Montana, the farmer-labor party also maintained its own organization and engaged in a sharp contest against LaFollette’s. senatorial candi- date, United States Senator Thomas J. Walsh. In this conflict the farmer- labor party was able,to appeal to a goodly portion of Montana organized labor, because of the declared hostil- ity of the Montana. State Federation | Blvd of Labor to Senator Walsh as an enemy of the workers. In Washington county, Pennsyl- vania, and in Denver, Colorado, the farmer-labor parties likewise main- UPON ONE POLICY WE ARE ALL UNITED and that is to Pree a hes ts MOST complete discussion upon because we have the DAILY WORKER. future party policy is possible. today Every party member who reads the DAILY WORKER, yes, and every one that does not” because he cannot read English, will understand this to be an advantage of prime importance to the theoretical development of our members. eg But the DAILY WORKER serves the party in many other ways. | It is an all the year around weapon against the foe, it is an educator, it is a propagandist—and also, it is a bond, a chain, which ties. member to member, city to city, district to district. helps to centralize our party into the We must keep the DAILY WORKER and make it 5 do this we must give of our dollars It is the DAILY WORKER that effective machine it should be. for 1926. ° If we! expect to generously today. win, then the DAILY WORKER must live and prosper. With the DAILY WORKER, forward to victory, or—nothing. It should be easy to choose. $10, $5 and $1. The Central $5 POLICY. And while the party seeths with discussion. over our future ‘policy INSURANCE POLICIES are in the hands of the branches. “They are Executive Committee has decided every, member shall buy. Every member should buy no less. than a and tasks, there is one POLICY upon which there must ‘be unanimous agreement. That is the POLICY to DAILY WORKER FOR 1925, BUY A POLICY to | pieposrong THE pdr abi December 3, 1924 E tained their own organizational inde pendence. Opposition to LaFollette Reviving. It is clear that the strong opposi- tion shown by the LaFollette machine during the election campaign to the existing fdrmer-labor organizations has only succeeded in sowing among the masses the seeds of strong oppo- sition to LaFollette domination over them. Thus, we find again the Minnesota Trade Union Advocate of Nov. 20, 1924, declaring: “Just what attitude Senator LaFollette and his progressive colleagues who were en- gaged in the recent campaign will take in the formation of a néw party remains to be seen. It were much better that they withdrew entirely from the movement if they insist on a mongrel organization of liberals without any definite economic prin- ciples upon which to build, and to guarantee permanency.” The same journal goes on to say: “The organ- ized workers of Minnesota are com- mitted absolutely to a political party of the wealth producers; and have a. definite and determined course of action developed.” It is as yet only a few weeks after. election, But already there are multi- plying signs of a strong revival of aggressive opposition to LaFollette domination in the ranks of the farmer- labor movement. It is only natural that the first tangible crystalliaztion of disillusionment with LaFolletteism should manifest itself in Minnesota where the farmer-labor movement had a strong substantial basis in the eco- nomic organizations of the workers. It is only a matter of time when similar anti-LaFollette manifestations will be displayed in other sections of the farmer-labor movement. LaFollette “Swallowere” Disintegrating. And while the farmer-labor move- ment is already, only a few weeks after election, raising its head out of the LaFollette campaign debris, the LaFollette movement itself is showing } } increasing signs of disintegration. The Gompers right-about face, the hasty | | retreat of Wheeler into the democratic party, the unspeakable cowardice of William H. Johnston at the American Federation of Labor convention, and the degrading vacillation and _hesi- taney of the LaFollette congressional leaders only auger the probable dis- carding by the petty bourgeoisie of their plan to organize their own new party. In the face of the multiplying signs of the decline of LaFollette’s strength and the increasing signs of a farmer- labor revival, it is the plainest folly to contend that the election alliance of the farmer-laborites with the La- Follette organization means that the latter has swallowed the mass farmer- labor sentiment and. destroyed, for years, the farmer-labor movement—as a means of enabling the Communists to rally about their own political party, the Workers Party, masses of workers and poor farmers over whom it is seeking to establish its leader- ship. Party Activities Of Local Chicago Wednesday, Dec. 8. C..C. C. meeting, Workers’ Hall, 722 Blue Island Ave. Italian Cicero, Circolo Giovanile Hall, 14th St. between 5ist and 50th Ct. Douglas Park Jewish, 3420 W. Roose- velt Road. Italian Terra Cotta, 2475 Clybourn jt Englewood English, 5414 S$. Halsted Thursday, Dec. 4, South Slavic No. 1, 1806 8, Racine St. Finnish Branch, 2409 N. ited St. 1ith Ward Italian, 2439 S. Oakley Biya. 3ist Ward Italian, 511 N. San; mn St. : South Side English, 3201 8. abash. Russian No. 1, 1902 W. Division St. Scandinavian Karl Marx, 2733 Lithuanian No. 41, 4138 Archer Ave, Friday, Dec. 5, Industrial organizers’ ae ting, Room 307, 166 W. Washington St., oo: Polish North Side, 1902 W. ton Bt Greek Branch, 722 Blue Island At Saturday, Dec. 6. Metal Trades T. U. E. os Group, 7:30 Pp. m., 722 Blue Island Ave. NEEDLE TRADES GROUP. A special meeting of the needle | trades Party and Young Workers’ League members has been called for SUNDAY MORNING, DEC. 7, AT 10:30 A. M, AT 3322 DOUGLAS BLVD. Every member of the Workers’ Party and the Young Workers’ - gue in the needie trades is in- _ structed to be present at this meet- ing. There will be a complete di sion of the policy in the n trades, past and present and » this clarification every comi ie expected to put his energies to the end of developing the systematic work and organization within the needle trade unions. ALL PARTY MEMBERS ~ AND. ORGANIZATIONS JOT DOWN THIS DATE Fourth inseroauibndl bataar for political prisoners of Europe, | and America will be held jointly by International Workers’ Ald and La- bor Defense Council, Feb. y