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The German Elections and the Communist Party By PAUL SCHWENCK. The German reichstag was dissolvy- ed on the 20th of October. At no time has its character as a screen for the dictatorship of German and inter- national heavy industry been revealed more clearly than during the last five months. The secret bargaining and negotiating which have been conduct- ed during this time, particularly in connection with the Dawes’ plan, con- stitute a record. It would be quite a mistake if one saw in the eagerly conducted bargain ing merely the business haggling which is usual between the various groups of capitalist interests. These, of course, were only a side issue. The main business was that of filling all the important positions of state pow- er with representatives of German and international heavy capital, and to kick out the lackeys of the bour- geoisie, the social democrats. The in- solence with which the parties of the right have acted, proves how excel- lent has been the preparatory work of the social democrats, which they have carried on with such eagerness because they hoped thereby to make sure of their partnership in the busi- ness which is so fateful for the work- ing class population. Ebert Acted to Hold Job. The question of “distribution of the burden,” which the social democrats want to put in the foreground in or- der to delude the masses, has played mo part in this. This question had already been decided quite definitely against the workers, with the active help of the social democrats, with the acceptance of the Dawes’ report and of the laws connected with it. Reichs President Ebert would certainly not have regarded this struggle after soft jobs as an occagion for dissolving the reichstag if his own position had not been endangered. The heavy capital- ists and the agrarian dictators be- lieve they can now dispense with his assistance, which has been so ex- tremely valuable hitherto. In order to maintain his threatened position was, as a matter of fact, the sole reason which induced him to decide on dis- solution. If the parties of the right had guaranteed his re-election next year, Ebert would have accepted any conditions, no matter how disadvant- ageous for the proletariat; and the social democrats would have made no difficulties for him, even if they there- True Editor’s Note.—Every day until publication has been completed, the DAILY WORKER will publish a new chapter from the book, “Len- in: The Great Strategist of the Class War,” by A. Losoysky, secre- tary of the Red International of Labor Unios. The thirteenth chap- ter is entitled, “True Proletarian In- ternationalism.” * *¢ @ S with agrarian problem, so also with the national problem, Len- in has given’ us a new conception ‘of its significance. The international so- ciallemocracy attempted. the solu- tion of this problem in a purely ra- tionalistic manner. The social-democ- racy protested formally against the colonial policy of the bourgeoisie. It became apparent, however, right at the beginning of the last war, that in- ternational reformism is putting the so-called national interests above the class interests, and is accepting the point of view of the bourgeoisie in the matter of colonial policy. Long before the revolution Lenin had been studying the national problem. Dur- ing the war he had been writing against the great Russian chauvinists, exposing the false position of even many of the left wing elements of the labor movement, When Lenin came to power he com- menced to put into effect his own Policies. In doing so, it must be ad- mitted, he found resistance even in the ranks of his own party. Lenin by ran the risk of the discharged fune- tionaries entering upon a disagree- able opposition to the party executive. The new elections will take place on the 7th of December. The elections for the Hessen and Prussian diets will be held at the same time. All parties, with the exception of the Communists, enter the election campaign with the handicap of having voted for the Lon- don pact, with all its resulting misery for the working class which is already making itself felt. Unemployment, short time, rising prices, falling wag- es, lengthening of work time and pressure of taxes—all these are heavi- ly oppressing the broad masses. This is an extremely unfavorable fact for the parties from the social democrats But the to the German nationalists. social democrats believe they have al-,of work time.” seady hit upon the right trick by seeking to make it appear as if the ourgeois block and the government of the bourgeois block, which was so brilliantly prepared by them and by hem alone, would mean the setting up of the dictatorship of capital. They wish to make the mass of electors for- set that capital has already for long exercised its dictatorship and now be- Neves that it can dispense with the help of the social democrats. They wish to make it appear that only by the bourgeois block government would there be carried thru “the taxation privileges of the property owners and the ruthless burdening of the broad masses by reduction of wages, in- crease of food prices, and lengthening ALL SERVANTS OF MORGAN. had fought with particular energy wwainst the attempt to carry on a nationalistic and Russifying policy un- der the cover of internationalism, It is known that Lenin was the spiritual father of the international Policies of Soviet Russia. But it is not so well known that he had been following with particular attention Soviet Rus- sia’s eastern policies. From the work- ers of those countries which hold in subjection other nations, he used to demand not only platonic sympathies. for the oppressed, but practical politi- cal and technical measures” of sup- port to the revolutionary masses which are struggling against the yoke of imperialism. For Lenin the demand for “self-de- termination of nations up to the point of separation” was no mere demagogic phrase, but a real law of practical poli- cy. If we follow the line of policy pur- sued by Soviet Russia since its exist- ence we find that this was the actual policy of Lenin put into effect. He was never satisfied with general prin- ciples alone. He carried out his ideas in all details. Lenin took part in the debate on the national question which took place in December of 1922. He wrote: “I haye already mentioned in my writings on the national question that there is no use in considering this problem ab- stractly. It is necessary to distinguish between the nationalism of a people which oppresses, and the nationalism of a people which is itself oppressed, that is, between the nationalism of big nations and the nationalism of small nations. We, as representatives of a big nation, are almost always guilty of endless wrongs against the small na- tions, And furthermore, unconscious- ly for ourselves, we perpetrate outrag- es and give offense. The internation- alism of the so-called big nations, of one who is oppressing others, must consist not only in formally accepting the principle of equality of nations, but also in creating conditions for the abolition of the wrong doings of the great nation. He who does not un- derstand this will not be able to as- sume a correct proletarian position on this question. He will assume snb- stantially the point of view of the pet- ty bourgeoisie, being liable at any mo- tment to follow the lead of the bour- geoisie. What is it that is of import- ance to the proletariat? It is not ouly important but absolutely essen- . : confidence in itself. How can this be secured? To establish the principle of formal equality will not suffice. On- ly thru our d thru the agtual con- cessions that we’ make to other nation- alities, which will wipe out the ories of former oppression by ruling..classes, can we establi g Fe eel necessary self-confidence. I believe |. that a Bolshevist or a Communist needs no further explan A true eientyecs nora pers + careful and tory, and in this given instance it would be much better to yield too much than (Vorwarts, October 21, 1924.) : Program of Communist Party. The Communist Party of Germany, as against this, has a clear position. Its policy has demonstrated that it is the only party which energetically stands for the interests of the work- ers in town and country. It is be- coming more and more recognized that the C. P. of Germany is the only workers’ party in Germany. Its unre- lenting fight against the London pact is from month to month becoming more and more appreciated by the masses. The emergency program which it has set up against the en- slavement plans, is becoming recog- nized more and more as the only way out. The Gotha demands, which the C. P. adopted as its own, are finding a great response in the factories and work places. The campaign for an amnesty for political prisoners is ex- ercising effect beyond the confines of the party. Under these circumstances the C. P. of Germany welcomes the opportunity to lay before the masses in the election campaign its attitude and demands. White Terror Against Communists. The bourgeoisie, and its petty bour- geois social-democratic appendage, fully realize the advantageous situa- tion of the Communists. They also perceive the danger which the Com- munist Party constitutes for them and they have therefore sought for a long time, by means of the most rulthless employment of white terror, to weaken and to cripple the Communist Party of Germany. They will re- double their efforts in this direction, The fact that immediately after the announcement of the dissolution of the Reichstag numerous comrades, who hitherto have stood under the protection of the immunity afforded to members of parliament, have been subjected to domiciliary searches and persecution—some comrades have al- ready been arrested—gives a foretaste of what is intended. It is intended to make use of the most trifling pretexts in order to rob the party of its best forces. and to hinder the Communist Party of Germany in its election cam- paign. No stone will be left unturned in order to prejudice the Communists in the eyes of the electors. The difficulties which thereby arise for the Communist Party of Germany will serve as a stimulus to all its members to redouble their energies in order to frustrate the socialdlemo- cratic bourgeois plans. : ————_—___.. Proletarian Internationalism too little to the national minorities, The interests of proletarian solidarity, and consequently of the proletarian class struggle, demand that we consi- der the national question not merely in a formal way. We must take into consideration the difference of concep- tion and ideas between the great na- tion and the small nation. Nothing is so detrimental to the development and consolidation of proletarian solidarity a8 a sense of national injustice. Noth- ing calls forth such bitter reactions from the national minorities as the sense of being oppressed by our own proletarian comrades.” This quotation shows the whole ge- nius and simplicity of Lenin’s deep the oa , Register Now—208 E, 12th St Subscribe for “Your Daily,” the DAILY WORKER. na hee ee ee Se aaah neeneentitdian tie 8 OS A A EDR EEE NP appear - a ————— nil |