The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 15, 1924, Page 5

power when it pene- trates the masses." —Karl Marx. PENSHOPPER DAWES and Strikebreaker Coolidge will man- age the affairs of the country for an- other four years. What does it mean for the workers and poor farmers of America? Increased aggression for the working class as a whole and a smashing campaign of reaction to de- stroy the organized labor movement. Comrades and fellow workers! You must have no illusions as to the kind of a deal that you are going to get now from American capitalism. If you felt the months and years as pre- ceding the last election as mere ag- gression, you should expect im the coming | Months a regular orgy of oppression. If the past stands out in your mind as a period of capitalist reaction, you should now time your mind to a regular triumph of “open shop” and strikebreaking.. Because this. is the beastly thing that Ameri- can capitalism has again foisted upon you in a more open and defiant manner, A Challenge to the Workers. The victory of Coolidge and Dawes is a challenge of defiance to every red blooded, militant and self-respecting worker. . It serves notice on the labo: movement in unmistakable ‘term either to be “good” and “nice” or éls to get on its hind legs and—fgnt. Which do you want to happen Reber way do you, as a class, stan - ty ee solving it, either. Your enemies will not wait at your pleasure. They are all prepared, all set for the oppor- tune moment to deliver the striking blow. Are you going to prepare? The statement on the election re sults published by the Central Execu- tive Committee of the Workers Party on Nov, 7 shows the way, It points to the only possible solution of the working class problems today. It is more organization, more concentra- tion of labor’s forces on the economic and political field for real struggle against the capitalists—against Open- shopper Dawes and Strikebreaker Coolidge—-under the leadership of and in alliance with the Workers (Com- munist) Party. Class Struggle Under the Lead of a Revolutionary Party—The Only Possible Road. The so-called “wise,” the disillu- sioned, and the weak will, no doubt, say: No. The above is not the solu- tion. Why? Because the Workers (Communist) Party is not yet strong enough, not yet popular enough to be able to mobilize the masses for an immediate and successful struggle against capitalist reaction. These pro- fessional pessimists and black-seers will probably point to the small Com- munist vote in the elections, a vote, by the way, which the capitalist gov- ernment will never take the trouble of counting. And the ignorant and backward will also say: No. Why? Because the Workers (Communist) Party is too “Red,” too radical, too impossible to be the leader in practical, result-pro- ducing fights. To which we reply: Bunk. If the above were true, then the American working class would do well to imme- diately disband all its organizations and make up its mind that it is going to be crushed. Because there is no other organized labor group in Amer- ica, outside of the Workers Party, that has any constructive program at all to expose capitalist reaction immediately, effectively and practically. 7 And again. It it were true that the Communists and their party were so much “impossible” that the masses will not turn to them for leadership even in the hour of bitter need and tn money. of things and will, therefore, do noth- ing—absolutely nothing— which may endanger or even disturb in any way the rule of the capitalists. means that none of the official and “aecepted” leadership of labor will do a darn thing to organize the workers NO SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT THE DAILY WORKER. VEMBER 15, SECOND SECTION This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker, 1924, Sound the Ala rm aoe By Alexander Bittelman An Analysis of the Election Results the absence of any other leadership, TOME S625 Well, then the only thing the American labor movement could do would be to form immediately one general universal grave digging asso- ciation, and begin digging one frater- nal grave for the entire working class. Why do I say that? Here are my reasons. In order to “be. willing and capable of leading a real struggle against a government of open shop- bers and strikebreakers, one ‘must be ready to hurt capitalism and to give the capitalists 4 good run for their The’ Workers (Communist) Party, Precisely because it ig a revo- ee Party, because it is out to estroy capitalism altogeth and willing to ok Gees cos working class fi This is my firs engage in every good ght against the bosses. t reason, And here is my second one. Gom- bers and LaFollette and the socialis ts are all in favor of the Present order | President Ebert: “We are all ready for the elections. Go ahead.” Which for effective, practical struggles. Now, the question is: Will the work- ers and poor farmers be compelled to get on their hindlegs and fight? We say: Yes. Dawes and Coolidge will take care of - that. Will the “accepted” and so-called moderate leadership be willing to lead this fight? We say: No, and we chal- lenge anyone to deny it. Then, what’s the conclusion? The masses will fight, and will welcome honest and sincere leadership from whatever source it comes. If the Communists and their Workers Party realize their opportunity and prepare themselves for the fob, they'll get it. What the Communists have got to do now and immediately is to clarify in their minds the true meaning of the United. Front tactics, reaffirmed and elucidated by the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, and get down to work in the ranks (from be- low) of the working class. Meaning of Election Figures. The father and son of “open shops” teen million votes. Without further analysis of this figure one can safely say that a good portion of this vote GERMAN ELECTIONS and strikebreaking received over six-|- is made-up of the well-to-do farmers, the “rich middle classés of the cities and the petty-bourgeoisie generally. What does this ‘fact prove? It proves that the petty-bourgeoisie, in the cities and on the farms, accepted the leadership of big’ capital, -repre- sented by Coolidge and Dawes, and rejected its own leadership, repre- sented by the LaFollette movement. It is hardly necessary for me to. go here into proving that the LaFollette movement is objectively a movement of the petty bourgeoisie. This is true in the same sense in which the Com- munist Party is objectively the only party of the working class, but not as yet in the minds of the working masses, that is, not yet subjectively. The same is true of the LaFollette movement which is objectively a movement of the petty-bourgeoisie but not yet so in the minds of the Detty- bourgeois masses. These latter are large sections of labor, it being lorded over by such leaders as the Tammany Hall labor fakers, and its fear-of hard ‘times were the election to be ‘thrown in congress, Terror of big capital, political ignorance and Gompersian leadership combined to give a strikebreaking government a large section of labor’s vote, The democratic party, whose candi- date received nearly eight million votes, is still a national politicat party. The expectations that this party would be. reduced by the elections to & sec- tional political group of the South alone have proved false. Davis car- ried most of the southern states and in addition received more than one- fifth of the total vote in the industrial centers of the east and middle west. In-all these centers Davis ran second his vote there being made up mainly of the betty-bourgeoisie and of workers. Political thought is now speculating on the probable future of the demo- cratic party. William G. McAdoo is again raising the banner of “liberal- ism” in the democratic Party. Gom- bers is drifting back to the idea of making the democratic Party the real progressive” party for organized labor to support. What will eventually happen to the democratic party is hard to tell. One : thing is certain, that as long as the _| “solid” south remains one of the bases coming crisis and the sharpening class struggle, may very well split the democratic party, the south going eventually to the republicans while the democratic organization of the east and middle west, and as much as there still remains in the north- west, may join with the LaFollette movement in the formation of a new “Progressive” party. Now, as to LaFollette’s vote. This will. be scanned very carefully and anxiously by every political party in the country. He received about five million votes. What does this vote indieate? First, we find that LaFollette ran second in California and in practi- cally the entire agrarian northwest, altogether nine states. 33.5 l= 2. oo oO a4 34.9 27.7 40.- still accepting the lead of big capital as seen by the Coolidge vote. Why? There were three main rea- sons for it. First, the slight revival in industry and agriculture, which re- sulted partly from favorable changes in the world market and partly from artificial manipulations by big capital for election purposes. This slight revival somewhat pacified the petty- bourgeoisie. It began to hesitate about wishing serious governmental changes. Second, the terroristic cam- paign of the republican party, con- ducted practically by the entire press, that if it is not Coolidge it will be “chaos,” the election will -be thrown into congress, which the petty-bour- geoisie understood as a threat by big capital to shut down industry and gen- erally demoralize the economics of the country if Coolidge was not elected. Third, the fear that LaFollette is a little “too radical,” to be a practical leader in the game of making profits. The above mentioned three reasons, coupled with big capital’s unlimited campaign funds and its control of practically all avenues of publicity and information, have partly con- vinced and partly terrorized the petty- bourgeoisie to vote for Coolidge and reject, for the present, at least, their own natural leader, LaFollette. ; A good portion of Coolidge’s vote is made up also of workers. Which is not surprising, of course, consider- ing the political backwardness of LaFollette Total 1,257,000 aeeeencees 858 864 Davis 106,000 17, 152 392,547 896 489 711 374 600 000 424 37, 253 242, 45, 9 1,142,401 52,963 So, SNA EGS 316,289 50,633 10,000 63,664 87,847 36,750 1,841,188 Coolidge LaFollette seove 727,000 seseenececees Aeavcenecaavesensnees * State South Dakota ........ Wyoming ... NO@VAdA ......ccecesesserees North Dakota ........ Minnesota sre... Montana ........0.----00+ Idaho Study the above table and notice that in the agrarian northwest La- Follette polled 33.5 per cent, more (Continued on Page 8.) Gn