The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 11, 1924, Page 6

$ ‘4 i esa, Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. ——<—<————— Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING 00. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, TL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $2.50....6 months $2.00....8 months By mail (in Chicago only)? ; '34.500..6 monghs $2.50....8 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER #113. W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Hilnole wenseseneee COPS ~enneee Business Manager J. LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... ————_— Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <<“ 290 Advertising rates on application (Sn oT Progressive Victory in Steel Unionism It will be good news for the steel workers and for revolutionary labor generally to learn that the fight begun by the Trade Union Educational League has been waged to a successful conclusion so far as ousting the reactionaries from leadership of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Tin and Steel Workers’ Union is concerned. The labor faker gang known as M. F. Tighe and company, who sabotaged the great steel strike of 1919 and withdrew the union from the national committee, is fired by the membership voting two to one and in some cases more, for their progress- ive opponents. In the great strike the Mike Tighe group of offi- cials took all brought into it by the organization campaign, but contributed very little to make the strike a success. In fact they spread a spirit of pessimism and tried to break the line and make a contract with Bethlehem Steel in violation of their solemn agreement with the other 23 unions for the fight in the national committee. The reactionary officials withdrew the A. A. of I. 8. & T. W. from the national tommittee at once when the strike was called off, and pretended that it did so in order to establish itself as the or- ganizing center of an industrial union in the steel mills. Wm. Z. Foster at that time pointed out the dishonesty of this excuse, and,history since then 7 THE DAILY WORKER Cri aaa | Imperialism’s Labor Department American imperialism has its labor department. Just as does the labor department of the United States government pretend to function for the benefit of labor while actually plotting against it in the interest of capital, so does the labor end of Yankee imperialism have fine words of “solid- arity” and “brotherhood” to cloak the savage ends of exploitation. The labor department of Wall street is going to have a convention at El Paso on November 17th. It is first going to discuss ways and means of preventing the workers north of the Rio Grande from strengthening their fighting lines on the political and economic field, to prevent amalgama- tion of the out-of-date craft unions and to defeat all efforts of the left wing to co-ordinate all forces of labor for a united class struggle against capital- ism. Alhough there will be many progressive meas- ures offered, the A. F. of L. convention is expected to give them—and the workers who have passed them thru their unions and hope for their adop- tion, the cold and stony stare. The A. F. of L. convention will be in the hands of the labor fakers who are, with the yellow socialists, the left’wing of the bourgeoisie. But the El Paso convention will be only the be- ginning of the treachery. Gompers has his proto- type in the Mexican labor movemtnt. What Gom- pers does in the north, Morones seconds as a matter of course in the colony of Wall street which lies south of “El Rio Bravo” and which is called the Mexican Republic. After the El Paso convention the fraternity of labor fakers is going to meet at the Pan-American Labor Congress in Mexico City. If the Pan-Amer- ican Congress does no more than the Gompers- Morones crowd (whith is to say Wall street) lets them, it will have betrayed the oppressed and struggling workers of Central and South America to the clutches of the most ruthless and relentless of exploiters, the ruling imperialists of the United States. It will be the duty of American workers to watch well the doings at El Paso, and to see that their demands upon capitalism shall not be smoth- ered but given voice and power. It is their duty also to insist in tones that can be heard that the has amply justified his criticism. The steel workers still lack industrial unionism and, in fact, lack any «fective unionism at all. If the progressive forces now elected as a result of the groundwork laid in the convention last year by the T. U. E. L., expect to accomplish anything, they will bind themselves much closer than they are now to the fighting left wing of all the unions of this country organized in the T. U. E. L. This is a-prime necessity, as the steel strike showed that eyen that huge effort needed the support of the niiners and railroad workers. It is imperative for any progressive force in any union in America to work as closely as possible with the other mil- itants of the T. U. E. L. It is just as important that every revolutionary unionist in America should lend ‘every effort to any progressive action in the A. A. of I. 8. & T. W., for until the steel mills—the rock bottom of American imperialism, are organized no union in the whole country will be safe. All power to new life in steel unionism! * They Admit It Chieago’s Association of Commerce is going to see that charity ends at home, as well as beginning there. It has organized a nice, new bureau to look after the unwary business man who is mooched oy all sorts of organizations for “aid to the poor.” The new bureau is to investigate before issuing credentials. to any organized beggars other than the big tag-day drives, which are already subject to veto by these bosses, although these drives don’t matter so much as they only fish for dimes on the street corners. The new bureas is to look after such things as “charity balls,” “benefit performances” and “sub- seription lists.” The. proceeds of these things, it is alleged, “do not always reach the charities under whose names they operate.” The Association of Commerce is going to pass a law—without con- sulting any parliament—that anybody wanting to run an affair for the poor, must get the O. K. of the Association of Commerce, or the business men who take the Association’s word for it will give nothing. ~ We have no wish to protect the business men from getting gyped, neither do we care for the so- called “charities” which cannot get by the invest- igators. We merely point out that it is admitted that proceeds from many charities never get to the “deserving poor.” In addition we observe that the rich ordinarily give to no charity that doesn’t pay something back to capitaliam. The Red Cross, the acme of bourgeois charity, was heavily supported by the rich. It saved the crippled man-power for the factory and it fur- nished supplies and aid to counter-revolutionary attacks on Soviet Russia, When capitalists support the “Thanksgiving dinner” for which the Starva- tion Army lassies beg the nation in the name of the “deserving poor”—they depend upon the 8. A. to see that the proper ideas are fed along with their sloppy stews. The capitalists want to get the poor to “eat out of their hands” and rendered sub- missive. Just let any poor devil go into the Sal- vation Army and demand to be fed! He may be poor, but they will decide he is not “deserving.” Capitalism asks returns even for its so-called charity. That if.admits some proceeds do not get to those for wliom it is designed and that it means to stop it, all this is merely capitalism insisting on ey in the conduct of its business of keep- the poor im the right frame of mind, ‘ . ‘a ~ an tty ete neenenacerr sine antaeniemnsh + . Pan-American Congress shall act as an instrument of liberation of the’ workers of Central and South America. The Austrian Strike When the Allies beat the Central powers the Austrians got rid of the House of Hapsburg but were given the House of Morgan instead. The Hapsburgs. soaked the Austrian workers but gave them a good show every once in a while. Morgan does not even pay his slaves a visit. He does his business with them by radio. Austria was down and out when the war was over. The country was so reduced that the city of Vienna, once known as the queen city of Eur- ope, did not have room to draw a good breath. The population of Austria outside of Vienna, was not as large as the membership of a gang of Chicago hijackers. But Vienna was still a great transportation cen- ter. Railroads passed thru there. It was essen- tial to commerce and industry that Austria should be put on its feet. So the League of Nations got Morgan to advanee a few million dollars, with which to purchase the leaders of the social demo- cratie party, which was the dominant. political party in Vienna. A catholic priest was selected as premier of Austria and between the catholic church and the socialist party the House of Morgan was doing fine. But— There are always “buts” in this contradictory capitalist system of ours. In order to pay the in- terest on the loan advanced by the House of Mor- gan, thousands of workers had to be thrown out of employment. But workers must eat under any kind of a regime even under a social democratic- clerical one. They struck and tied up the Austrian railways thus cutting the trade arteries of Italy and Checho-Slovakia. Mussolini‘ and the Checho-Slovak government threatened to send troops into Austria to guard their trains. The League of Nations does not like this idea for obvious reasons. Neither do the Ger- man workers who have greviances of their own. They may pool their greviances with those of the Austrians and set hell popping in Europe. The German workers who are already feeling the heavy hand of the Dawes plan are considering following the example of their Austrian comrades and tying up the German railroads. Thousands of German workers are being dismissed. The international capitalist imperialists can purchase the socialist leaders and the labor fakers but they cannot eliminate the class struggle. The Austrian strike may be the signal for a new era of working class revolt on the continent of Europe. The Coal Rivers Colleries owned by members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, is is- suing orders to union miners on the direction of Warren 8. Stone, evicting them from their homes, on the union owned mine property. One of these days the employes of the labor banks may go on strike! The workers of Austria are most ungrateful. In- stead of working and starving loyally like nice little soldiers of the League of Nation, they have gone on strike. Strikebreaker Dawes may bring his Minute Men of the Constitution over there p save his plan, + Harvey O’Connor Has His Day In Court ) (We herewith publish the following rejoinder from Harvey O'Connor, Cleveland correspondent of*the Fed- erated Press, to an editorial that ap- peayed in the DAILY WORKER of October 30; taking O'Connor to task for his tacit defense of Warren S. Stone, director of the notorious scab Coal Rivers Collieries company.) “Editor, DAILY WORKER:—Your paper, in a leading editorial of Oct. 30, described me as a ‘press agent for Warren S. Stone,’ and as having ‘entered the fray on the side of his paymaster, Stone.’ “Your remarks are very misleading to the thousands of your readers and I must ask the liberty of making a correction. So far from being a press agent for Stone, I have met the man but once and that but for a few mo- ments. The only connection that can possibly be traced between Stone and myself, is that we both work for the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, he as president and I as an asssitant on the Brotherhood’s Journal. “The Journal has not commented in any way on the Stone-Lewis controv- ersy over the Coal River Colleries except on the page known as The President's Page and written by Stone himself. Certainly no orders or intim- ations have ever been transmitted to me in regard to the Collieries dispute, nor has any pressure of any kind ever been exerted on me in any way in writing of this dispute. “As Cleveland correspondent for the Federated Press, I have attempted to portray faithfully and impartially the news events of the local labor move- ment. That is my duty, neither more nor less. Certainly as a news repre- sentative of the Federated Press, it is neither expected of me nor allowed to me to defend or attack Stone. As you very well know, it is not the function of a Federated Press correspondent to retail his own opinions in his news dispatches. It is that very tendency in capitalist newspapers which has led the labor press to form its own news service, in order to escape opinionated and colored news stories. “Referring to the Cleveland dispatch to which you take such violent ex- ception, I must say that I believe it is of great value to the labor press to know what reasons Stone advances in behalf of his stand on the Coal River Collieries. ' It is up to labor edit- ors to comment as they please on this defense, but certainly not to attack the correspondent, who, serving with- out pay, has made it possible for labor newspapers to know what Stone has to say. “May I close with this observation? Being ‘in Cleveland, I naturally have access to Stones statements that the correspondent in other cities does not posses. If I were in Indianapolis, I would have similar access to Lewis’ statements. But am I to be assailed for -handling such legitimate news as originates in Cleveland? In writing of the Lewis-Stone dispute, I have leaned backward in anattempt at fairness. In that and all other controversial mat- ters, nothing more can be asked of the newspaper correspondent. It the editor wishes to comnient on the re- Porter’s article, that is his province. “Harvey O'Connor.” . ees Reply—On October 30, we com- mented on a news article in the Fed- erated Press service, with a Cleveland date line, sent in by Harvey O’Connor, assistant on the editorial staff of the Locomotive Engineer's Journal of which Albert F. Coyle is acting editor under the direction of Warren Ss. Stone, now president of the Brother- hood of Locomotive Engineers and head of the Coal Rivers Collieries com- pany, @ mining corporation, owned by members of the Brothertod and now operating non-union. O'Connor's story told of the action of John L. Lewis in sending two miners officials into the Cleveland district, to work against Stone. They visited local un- ions, retailing the story of Stone’s at- titude towards the United Mine Work- ers of America, and his refusal to sign an agreement with them on the basis of the Jacksonville Pact. Two Wrongs Not One Right The Federated Press dispatch: sug- gested that Lewis was acting in the interests of Calvin Coolidge’s can- didacy, which is quite possible and characteristic of the notorious labor faker Lewis. But that does not jus: tify Stone. In fact our attitude to- ward both is one contempt and bitter hostility for their betrayal of the labor movement and their open collaboration with the capitalist class; Stone sitting at the same table with the Wall Street bankers and Lewis the agent of the big coal operators and radical-baiter extraordinary. The correspondence between Stone and the officials of the United Mine Workers has been wide pub- licity. Its puts Stone in the same light as any other coal operator, who refuses to recognize the union on the ground that “he does not want any agitators interfering with iy | bus- ineas.” wie \ Substantial Connectian - Harvey O'Connor tries to minimize his connection with . But it is @ rather substantial ion; much about the same as existing be- tween Ellis Searles, of the Un- ited Mine Workers J and John L. Lewis. In other words O'Connor ts on Stone’s payroll! rs ett am connection with the scab mines, but it is a well known fact that the acting editor of the Locomotive Engineer's Journal is often called on the carpet, by. Stone, for allowing matters offen: sive to the railroad companies to ap- pear in its pages. This is particularly true of articles in criticism of the New York Central. Railroad, with which Stone is on very good terms. In fact that road has applied for floor space in the building now under construc- tion by the Brothethood in Cleveland. As the subject of this article is not Warren 8. Stone but Harvey O’Con- for, one of Stone’s paid editors and therefore one of his press agents, we will not go deeply into Stone’s record. We are anxious to know however, how a jurnalist calling himself rad- ical or even progressive, can afford to resent public censure when he sins either by omission or commission on the side of a union leader, who refuses to recognize a brother union, in the operation of his coal business. We hardly credit the defense that corres- pondents of the Federated Press are expected to be political eunuchs, with- out the right to present the news from the point of view of the working claas. If O’Connor’s presentation of the Lewis-Stone controversy is not a de- fense of Stone we cannot understand what it is. Stone’s Sins Against Labor If the Federated Press and its cor- respondents find themselves in such a position that ‘they must pass over such crimes as those committed by Stone against the labor movement in the interests of self preservation, the sooner such a polluted source of in- formation is dammed, the better for the American working class. O’Connor refers to “opinionated and colored news articles.” We refer O’Connor to the stuff sent out by Lawrence Todd, Federated Press correspondent in ‘Washington, which was nothing but motive power behind the DAILY and inspiration of every conquests. women of the working class who of this country to poison the minds reader—and especially the DAILY WORKER agents and committees—are tried and proven sugges- tions and accomplishments to drive the DAILY WORKER to further Here is POWER—the power of brain and effort of men and single month of August of 1924! used by only one newspaper of the many in the powerful Capitalist Press LaFollette propaganda from start to finish and permeated with hostility to the Communist moyement. Our non- opinionated friends usually are opin- ionated in favor of the right wing in the labor movement. “In writing of the Lewis-Stone dis- pute, I have leaned backward in an at- tempt at fairness,” declares O’Con- nor. We quite agree, but it was in the general direction of Stone. That is the trouble. What the DAILY WORK- ER is after is not “fairness” but the truth. And the truth in this cage would put down Lewis and Stone as two labor crooks, both equally guilty and both deserving to be pillored be- fore the bar of working class opinion. Tuesday, November 11, 1924 —— There is more good news that “or- iginates in Cleveland” which Harvey O'Connor has not found it possible to \ send out for the benefit of the work- ing class. It is that a so-called co- operative is organized in Cleveland to sell this scab coal, and unless we are mistaken one of the editors of the Locomotive Engineers’ Journal is an officer of the selling organization, This would be interesting news, but per haps of O’Connor told the story he would find his connection with Stone terminated. i i Again The DAILY WORKER as. sures O'Connor that between Stone _ and Lewis, the workers have only a choice between two evils. ps “Friends of By DUNCAN McDONALD Now that the election is over and prosperity floats serenely over “our” country and all those elected to office are “friends” of labor, everybody should be happy. On Labor Day last a hundred labor “leaders” called on the President of the United States and pledged their support. The fact that he had acted as a strike break- er in Boston, vetoed the salary in- crease for the postal workers and vetoed the bonus bill seemed to make no difference to these labor leaders. Another aggregation of 'abor lead- ers pledged their support to John W. Davis and again we see him being heralded as a friend of labor. The fact that he had appeared in the United States Supreme Court in be- half of the Coronado Coal Company against the United Mine Workers and at every opportunity represented the corporate interests of the country made no difference. Still another aggregation boosted LUMN sian rears ineenepae tp Twice every week—this column uncovers to your view the WORKER. Here for the interest not only believe—but ACT! 15,000,000 POUNDS OF PAPER! HE Chicago Tribune has used 15 million pounds of paper in one, Fifteen million pounds of paper of the workers, The elections have proved the POWER of this press. The backward state of Labor is ad- ditional evidence. The workers are blinded by the millions of pages sent out everyday-by the POWER of the lying press. But We Are Also Beginning to Speak in Millions! Not yet in millions of pounds of paper used each month. Today the DAILY WORKER uses approximately 60 thousand pounds of paper a month. 15 million! 60 thousand—against 15 million. Doesn’t it open to view POWER to you? Working class But what we could do with POWER that would put fear into the hearts of those who live on the labor of others? Some day the working class will own papers that use 15 million pounds.of paper a month. All of the papers—all POWER of the press, the near future wills to the working class. Today we have an infant giant—a growing DAILY WORKER that uses 60 thousand pounds of paper. POWER is being felt. No organ of the working class i: And already this mere beginning of io whole-hearted- ly hated, so bitterly fought—because 60,000 pounds of paper makes possible millions of printed pages. (including foreign language Commu: of printed pages in the last three wi October 12 to 18 October 19 to 25 October 26 to Nov. 1 Already we are printing million: the workingmen’s battle. But active The DAILY. WORKER has printed nist papers) the following millions leeks of: »452,300..printed pages 1,628,000 ©. ~ 746,800 by 4 pages! Millions of pages to fight workers in the Labor Movement— BUILDERS!—are making possible the day of 15 million pounds of paper a month. Builders are bringing POWER! With subscriptions and bundle orders increasing the circulation of the DAILY WORKER is growing. BUILDERS!—of the DAILY WORKER and the Labor Movement are re- sponsible. Builders like these (is your name among them?) who have sent in NEW subscriptions in the last two and a half days—Thursday, - Friday and Saturday of last week: The Builders of he Ldn Movement SAN FRANCISCO, Cal.—Frank J. Kratofil. . CHICAGO, Iil.—J., Thumbor; P. Zdencay (No. Chicago) DIVERNON, Iil—Tom Parry TAYLORVILLE, Ill—John Luki MOLINE, IIl.—V. Lindquist (2) ALLSTON, Mass.—J. Kajander FINDLAY, Mass.—Elsie Pultur (2) LAWRENCE, Mass.—H. B. Tutunjian DETROIT, Mich—Jack Godman, Edgar Owens; W. Wirta ST. PAUL, Minn.—Fred Siegel; Gustav Skandera DULUTH, Minn.—C. J, Williamsen TRENTON, N. d.—J. Lehman ( 2) BROOKLYN, N. Y.—Wm, Peterson; C. 0. Peterson; J. Cooper NEW YORK, N. Y.—M. Horwitz (2-Agt. Bronx English No. 2); Jimmie Higgins Book Shop (2); A. Simonidis (2); L. E. Kather- feld (14) RIDGEWOOD, N. Y.—S. Lemanowitz AMBRIDGE, Pa—S. Hrencevich RANKIN, Pa.—M. Bi WEST BROWNSVILLE, Pa.—F. SUPERIOR, Wis.—Helen Heino + Borich A ead: Stiagly-—Biet Wheat 'g: Danaailt The Workers Monthly had a large first month’s printing. Many thous- and copies were printed above the orders of hand (with a litle anxiety, because of the cost!) to be ready for a continued demand after issue. . And we thank whatever Gods a Bolshevik believes in for the inspiration! | Bundle orders continued coming in with every mail and subscriptions are giving the “Bricks” for the DAILY WORKER a merry race. And still they come! Bricks are coming to “build the DAILY WORKER” and sub- scriptions are coming to add to the strength of the Workers Monthly whose success was Instantaneous on the appearance of the first issue. Without question the high standard of the very first Issue of this splendid magazine has gstablished its permanence and insures Its future growth. Congratulations from workers the country over are spreading good cheer in the office. The Workers Monthly will add further POWER to the building of the labor movement. To the POWER of the DAILY WORK- ER add the POWER the Workers Monthly to make for some two- ' lerude politics witnessed in a ¢ J Labor” Win the peerless leader from Wisconéin as “a friend of labor” nothwithstanding the fact that his. principal backers were sugar trust magnates, bankers, wealthy mérchants all of whom are against labor. “Coming nearer home we find other labor leaders boosting the. unsavory Small as a friend of labor even though all the hard roads in the State were built with scab labor at a rate of pay less than would sup- port a Chinese coolie with rice, Heads and Talls. No matter which of the capitalist candidates got elected he was .& friend of labor as they were all en- dorsed by some aggregation claiming to speak for labor and drawing -a goodly salary for their effort. It was @ case of “heads I win, tails you lose.” The labor vote was peddled out to any one who had a job to offer or the necessary cash to contribute to the ones who speak for the labor move- ment in America. ° If there was needed an example to show the fallacy of the American labor movement in politics it was furnished in ‘the recent campaign. Even Gompers who has trailed the democrat donkey in every election for years broke from his moorings and half heartedly supported LaFollette. This may account for the fact that the Bull Moose candidate only car- ried his own state. * The corruption in Washington un- der the unholy regime of’ Coolidge, Fall, Daugherty, Burns, Denby and the rest of the crooks, some of whom are still in power, would be sufficient in any other country to drive the par- ty into oblivion for all time, but here in America it seems to be a badge of honor to get caught with the goods and insures the guilty ones another term in office. Selling the public do- main for such ‘a cash consideration seems to furnish sufficient lubrication in the form of oil to enable the ma- chine to roll on noiselessly to suc cess. * Finances Get Mixed. The situation in the national capitol) is only outdone by the rottenness in Illinois where it seems to be a badge of honor to get caught in the act of stealing two: million dollars of the taxpayers’ money to get merited recognition. Never before in the his- tory of Illinois politics has there been a situation so replete with corruption as has been evidenced. under« the Small government in Illinois. ne Fattening at the public crib for years and years, Small seems to fe- gard Illinois as his very own and the money in the state treasury gets so mixed up with that of the governor it cannot be separated. The printing bills charged to the state are said to mount to the millions immediately prior to the campaign. It is a com- mon rumor that one hundred thou- | sand dollars worth of postage has been charged up to taxpayers and used to send out campaign literature. All the members of the famfly are on the payroll down to the forty- cousins, Every mayor, newpaper . man, flunky and -petty-fogging poll- tician is on the payroll of the state as “rabbit shepherd” or some other useless occupation. tee : Hard Roads vs. Hard Cash, ‘The hard roads have been built with non-union labor, non-union cement, — and the stories of how the contractors had to “kick in” in order to get. ¥ jobs, furnish some interesting m: for grand jury action if it were not that it is done by one in high. posi- tion. The trading of pardons for labor support is about the rawest sort’ The paid workers have now foctaains the army of unemployed in th¢ vicini- ty of Springfleld to an alarming ex- tent. The day after election one cow see them lined up on the streets long sad faces, apparently regretting the fact that the election is over and winger coming on. ae 192 mines out of 397 in Ilinois are idle and some fifty million tons coal lie on top awaiting disposal at; time when the rush season is on, this makes no difference. ‘The “ of labor” got. elected. ES To Finance Big Electric Pt (By Rosta) MogcOW, Nov. 10.—'She r Works \Planning Commission hag ; proved a general scheme of financing big electric construction works in ‘the working year 1924.25, ie A total sum 16,860,884 rubles to be pop Fe which td