The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 10, 1924, Page 6

Page Six Qenmernenno— yemrare vie Serer THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER. ae —_—__——— Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING co, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ii. (Phone: Monroe 4712) $$$ ESS SE ES SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: : $3.60....6- months $2.00....8 months | By mail (in Chicago only): i $4.60....6 momths $2.50....8 months $5.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all ‘mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER $113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, {inols | i ED J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DU B MORITZ J. LOEB... | ..Wditors | ess Manager | Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ul. under the act of March 8, 1879. <> 290 ES Caution No Longer Needed Advertising rates on application | Now that Coolidge has been given a decisive mandate to occupy the White House for four years more, there is every liklihood that his highly over- advertised virtue of caution will tend to vanish. | At least we feel certain. that it will be crowded into the background by a maze of new “virtues” which the employing class will invent for its po- litical mouth-piece. We are certain that in California, Mr. Coolidge will cast aside this reputation before he does it elsewhere. Hiram Johnson -has not been losing love on Coolidge for many months. It will be re- called that Hiram Johnson »was offered the vice presidential nomination at the republican conven- tion in 1920 but had turned. it down to permit Coolidge to have it. It will be further. reealled that Herbert Hoover has delivered California to Coolidge despite the tacit and overt opposition of Senator Johnson. Under these circumstances Coolidge need no longer be cautious with Hiram Johnson. A No one will attempt to interpret the fight of Johnson against Coolidge as a contest between progressivism and reaction. Johnson is-as much a progressive as Coolidge and vice versa. Johnson is the man who had Daugherty appoint Wm. J. Burns to a position in which he could utilize all the governmental powers of espionage for strike breaking purposes. Senator Johnson has won the well-earned: reputation of being an artful dodger. The fight between Coolidge and Johnson, if it ever should materialize into a struggle, will simply be a conflict between two reactionaries of funda- mentally one stripe. Had Johnson assepted the vice-presidential nomination in 1920, he instead of Coolidge would now be at the head of the repub- liean party and serving the very blackest interests that the so-called Sphinx of the Potomac is now serving. We sincerely hope that the two cham- pions ef capitalist reaction should succeed in blackening each other sufficiently to make them both stand out before the masses in their true col- ors. - The Baldwin Gonerament The composition of the Baldwin government in- dicates that the British ruling class feels itself strong enough to dispense with its social-democratic camouflage. The new cabinet is all-tory. It is significant that the secondemost important position in the cabinet is given to Winston Churchill, the most notorious anti-labor baiter in Britain, one of the greatest criminals of the world| war and the leader in the movement to unite the} conservatives and right wing liberals against the} labor party. Churchill is chancellor of the ex- chequer. Lloyd George did not even get a look in. That discredited prostitute is now meeting the fate of his type. Raised to prominence and power on the shoulders of the masses, who once took him serious- ly when he attacked the British ruling class, like Woodrow Wilson, he turned out to be one of the most despicable traitors that ever deceived the jmasses, and like Wilson, he was ditched by the very class he served so well when they no longer needed him. The tory government will carry out a “strong” foreign policy. The Singapore naval base will, be developed and Britain will make a gallant attempt to win back some of the prestige it has lost to its greatest rival and most powerful foe, the young and lusty capitalist giant of the West, the United States. But there are one million and ja half unem- ployed in Britain; there is trouble in Ireland, In- dia, Egypt, Mesopotamia, China and in every part of the world where the flag of the pirate empire flies. Ramsay MacDonald pulled somé’ very hot chestnuts out of the fire for the British capiéalists. The tories are now trying their hand at getting the rest. But they will get badly burnt. The British Empire has seen its best days. So has capitalism. The power of the workers is growing, slowly but surely. The Soviet Republic of Russia stands firm as capitalist governments rise and fall, desperately trying to find a way out of the impasse in which they find themselves. Soviet Russia stands as a beacon light to the workers of the world and a ter- rible challenge to the capitalists. The Baldwin government will go, other governments will follow. But the British working class will have their day, when under the direction and leadership of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the Com- munist International, they seize the power which so long has been used against them, and organize the Soviet government on the ashes of the robber empire. The Professors Go to School - There have been many funny sides to the LaFol- lette movement. One of them is the way the pro- fessional classes rallied to the standard of the cracked liberty bell. Among these were the wise professors of political economy in the great uni- versities, and after them they dragged an assort- ment of enthusiastic middle-class students. In the campaign for LaFollette, few were more The Menace of Militarism The menace of American militarism. to the peace of the world was very forcefully pointed out the other day by Comrade Trotsky, the Soviet Minister of War. Speaking on the aim of the Red Army, Trotsky showed that the American imperialists are now building a huge military machine and that they are at work fostering dissensions and division in the ranks of the other national groups for their own interests of world supremacy. Divide and conquer has often been the motto of ruling classes. At home our employing class pur- sues this policy in keeping the workers and poor farmers hopelessly divided, pitted against each other and presenting broken ranks in every test of class strength. Abroad our imperialists are resort- ing to essentially the same practice. Germany will be strengthened against France, France will be thwarted in her effort to crush Germany. France will be supported against British capitalist imper- jalist ambitions. Poland will be backed against Germany and so on down the line of national capitalist groups. But all in all American money, Yankee gold, will be mobilized to unite the very groups now being divided when it concerns a chal- lenge to or an attack against the Union of Social- ist Soviet Republics, y The menace of American militarism is part and parcel of the menace of American imperialism. Militarism is a special violent form of capitalism. Capitalist exploitation rests on the bayonets, on -the threatening cannons, on the policemen’s clubs —in short, on highly organized force and violence of the employing class. . The menace of American militarism is an im- mediate one. It is a most serious one. Yankee militarism is long out of its infancy. It is now a titan. Ameriean military and navab forces ac- twally and potentially are growing at astounding proportions. Our exploiters have sufficient re- indignant at the Communists than these profes- sors for the Communists pointing out the frailties of “democracy,” for their insistence that there ex- ists a dictatorship of the capitalist class and that the only way to defeat its purposes is to overthrow it and establish in its place the dictatorship of the proletariat. No, sir. The professors knew better. They knew that this is a free country where the workers could change things by the ballot, peacefully and by due process of law, etc. They had studied Adam Smith and they had proved, yes sir, proved —that Marx was wrong. They were meliorists, not revolutionists. With this in mind the professors—and the students—went out to vote, and 400 students to watch the polls. A liberal education in the fallac- ies of political economy as taught by liberals re- sulted. Husky football quarterbacks got a rough- housing by the “orderly forces of democracy” in the shape of wallops from hired toughs who threat- ened worse punishment if they “failed to vote right.” Two professors, of political economy, Jerome G. Kerwin and R. L. Mott, received post-graduate lectures upon the futility of parliamentary means as a method of social change when they were kicked out of polling places by policemen who, strange to say, did not fulfill their expectations of "| the role of the state as a neutral agency above dis- orderly class divisions, but who summarily hustled them onto the sidewalk when they protested at the brazen frauds being put over by the election judges and gunmen. ® The professors have been to school and taken a little lesson in dictatorship. Will they revise their attitude toward Leninism and the program of the Communist International? Senator Burton K. Wheeler did not get into the sources to continue this mad race for many years.| White House, but he got a lot of good adventiging Only the working masses can stay theyhand of our|out of it. He is disgusted with the result of the profit-taking and war-making class. ery battle-|election. We have not yet heard from Harry M. ship, every soldier, every marine, every military] Daugherty. and naval air pilot in the uniform of the American eevernment is a link in the chain that is now being forged to bind the workers of our ruling class, The Walla Walla Times, a daily newspaper pub- lished in Walla Walla, Washington, by the Typo- graphical Union, has suspended. The two cap- italist papers are running on an opon shop basis and will continue to do so, the news report states ‘The officials of the labor movement have been much busier driving radicals ont of the unions than Stanley Baldwin offered Sir Robert Horne the to the imperialist plans] post of secretary of labor in the tory cabinet, Sir Robert felt quite insulted. He may have thought that Baldwin mistook him for John L, Lewis. Magnus Johnson can spend the time now that he formerly devoted to attacking the Communists, milking cows and pitching hay, and hoping to be back in clover some day. fighting the “open shoppers” with the inevitable] The Argentine republic has decided to withdraw hi rae Sven the great Typographical Union is| its representative from the Vatican. It looks ag if thi ‘ ly Father is out ofluck these days, (Continued from Page 1.) to perform some dirty work against the working class, In recesses between such counter- revolutionary jobs, the social democ- |racy acts the ideal lickspittle and fink, bidding for a job in some police- presidium or in the department of that prostitute called “bourgeois jus- tice.” Explains the German Parties. In order that our American com- rades may better understand the so- cial structure and class content and interests of the political parties in Germany, I shall enumerate the most important of these and analyze their class composition. Heading the extreme right is the Fascist “Deutsch-Volkische” party. This party is the result of a fusion of the former “Deutsch-Volkische” and “national-socialist” parties. It draws its strength chiefly from the nation- alist agrarian and _ petty-bourgeois elements, the notoriously reactionary students, and the nationalist sections of the petty officials, The leading lights are Otto von Bismarck, and Ludendorff. The “Deutsch-Soziale’ party is a purely petty-bourgeois party; it is also nationalist and notorious for its anti-semitism. In it we find nation- alistic workers, The spiritual leader of this party is a certain Kunze, who is the personification of uncrupulous demagogy itself; all sorts of shady elements, and degenerate petty-bour- geois are the lieutenants of Herr Kunze. 2 Deutsch-Nationale—Landowners. We now come to the second strong- est party in the old Reichstag—to the “Deutsche-Nationale” or nationalist party. This is the party of the junker, the big and middle landowner. It is flanked by the higher bureaucratic officialdom and commercial bourgeois- ie. Tirpitz, Hergt, Count Westarp, md Von. Kanitz, the food minister, in | he Marx cabinet, are the pillars of |this party. The nationalists have been thirsting for the sole control of |the government for a long time; as it lis, without a minister in the Marx | cabinet, they have the judiciary com- |pletely in their hands, and are the executioners of the white terror. In reality only the industrial wing of the nationalist party, is the “Deutsche Volkspartei” (people’s par- ty), which is based on the heavy in- dustry and city bourgeoisie. It was this party that really represented the nationalists in the Marx cabinet, and furthered their its. Catholics in Center. The government party, the “Zen- trum” (center) is the clerical, Catho- lic party. It is the unholy defender of the holy Vatican, the counterpart of the Austrian Christian party. F The German Chancellor Marx (Wil- helm) is the political twin brother of Seipel, the Austrian chancellor. Both are the quintescence of mediocrity, which has been called upon by the rebellious masses in subjection. In this party we also find big indus- trials, and, sections of the petty bour- geoisie; its main strength is drawn from the Christian trade unions, bourgeoisie to keep the suffering and|. which are especially strong in Silesia (Continued from Page 1.) cial activity or inactivity of the ezarist aristocracy living in London, was decorated with red bunting and pictures of Lenin smiled knowingly at the guests from the walls. *_* @ ey reception committee consisted of workers, who smoked cigaret- tes and chatted informally with the guests, among whom were such notables as George Bernard Shaw, H. G. Wells, and prominent labor leaders. Ramsay MacDonald was invited but sent his regrets. Perhaps his regret was accentuated by his bungling of the “Zinoviev” letter, now admitted even by MacDonald to be a fake. 8, @ EONID Krassin is going to Paris to occupy the old Russian palace, which housed the old and cunning in- triguers of the czars. The French government which swore by the Holy Rood that it would never, never recogniz® the wicked Bolsheviks, is giving the Soviet envoys a right cor- dial welcome. Rakovsky was very disappointed that he did not find any secret documents. They may appear in the Hearst press later on, when some impecunious nobleman gets his price. N Italy the Fascist dictatorship is sliding rapidly dowphill. Benito’s machine 1s cracking. He tried to play the role of a black Lenin and failure yawns before him. It will not work, dictatorship of the few by the many. There are two kinds of dictatorships. The capjtalist kind, domination of the many by the few and the Soviet kind, which is the domination of the few robbers by the many producers until such time capitalist robbery is completely e! inated, when the dic ‘will nat- urally cease. The latter succeed because it is in the interests of the which is the’ and on the Rhine, The representa- tive personalities of the “center” are Erzberg, Wirth, Marx. Jews Democratic. In Germany too we have a “dente- cratic’ party, It draws its \demo- cratic inspiration from the Jewish in- dustrial and banking bourgeoisie, and from the democratic-reput‘ican city bourgeoisie. It is a sad and charac- terless crew, trying to play the part of a democracy that does not and can- not exist and of a republic born of proletarian weakness -and / indecision, and social democratic treachery. These are the bourgeois parties that openly acknowledge their bour- geois composition and, bourgeois in- terests, ; There is yet the social democratic. party, which still is able to mislead millions of workers with the lie that it is serving the interests of the pro- letariat. Its shameless and cynical betrayal of the working masses is by now so notorious that we need go into no details or recapitulations. Parties Unite on Dawes Plan. We said above that in reality there was unanimity between all the bour- geois parties, including the social de- mocrecy, as to the advisability of forming a big coalition for the carry- .|the mobilization of all ing out of the Dawes plan. The social democrats consented to sit in the same cabinet with Tirpitz, Hergt and Westarp.. The nationalists on their part declared their willingness to ac- cept the helping hand of the social democrats in the rather difficult job of subjugating’ the German proletar- jat and reducing it to the status of colonial slaves. Why then, in the name of Ebert, did this splendid coali- tion scheme fail to realize? The ans- wer to this question is contained in the small word fear. The social dem- ocrats fear the wrath of the misled proletarian masses; the nationalists fear the disappointed followers whonr they demagogically promised, only a few months ago not to vote for the Dawes plan, and never to ally them- selves with the social democrats. But we have lived to see both nationalists and social democrats voting for the Dawes slave plan, and ‘both social’ democrats and junkers proclaiming their willingness to coalesce for the dirty work, The Communists have re- peatedly demanded the dissolution of the Reichstag, but the bourgeois par- ties and the social democrats always voted this proposal down—only to go into dissolution themselves a few weeks later — though they never ret the devil more than new elec- ns. How do we Communists look upon the coming élections? The Dawes report stands accepted—on paper. That was the sole function of the Marx cabinet after the. May elections. Von Tirpitz and Kautsky, Hergt and Crispien, all shook hands on the hang- man’s pact. MacDonald, Herriot, General Nollet, and Morgan were jubi- lant. Capitalism, they naively be- believed, was again saved! But. . they have forgotten in their calcu- lations the most important factor of the whole scheme, namely the work- ers. They have forgotten that there is a limit even to the great patience of the German worker; they have for-, gotten that even the memory of the social progress. *-ee ENNIS Batt of Detroit is not so sure whether the Russian revolu- tion is a success or not—yet. But Dennis is a practical politician. He no longer talks Communism or denounces the Workers Party as an “aggregation of reformists.” Dennis supports cap- italist politicians for election and runs for office on the G. O, P. ticket. In Russia they don’t do such things, Per- haps the Russian leaders are not as well fed as Dennis, but it is safe to say that if their heads are not as fat, neither are they so empty. see ‘HE Washington group of the ©. P. P. A. met and decided to hold on to what they had, which is nothing but their jobs. Johnston expressed himself as contended with the situa- tion, Why not? The machinists are taing good care of him. Senator Wheeler is not so contended. He is not president of a labor union, and must watch his step. He is sore at! the labor leaders, sore at the farmer leaders, sore at all groups except the socialists. The latter did fine,-he says, and deserve praise. They've got it— in the neck, / s 22 DC. P. P. A. will hold.a national convention in Washington late in nuary to “consider” the formal launching of a political party. In the meantime nothing will be done to pre- judice the action of the delegates, or anticipate their wishes. In other words nothing will be done. Lawrence Todd, Washington correspondent for the Federated Press, who had a gay old time puffing wind into the LaFol- lette gas bag, appears to be rather pessimistic just now. In a recent dis- patch he says: “Sentiment will be sounded whether the state and local workers want a new merely the creation of a ©. P. P. A. which in the German Communists Fight Morgan C laboring masses sublimates and re- tains a sort of chronicle of the wrongs and sufferings and betrayals inflicted upon them. The monarchists, fas- cists, junkers, anti-semites, national- ists, clericals, Jewish bankers, and the jackal social democrats were all agreed on the Dawes plan, the entry of Germany’ into the imperialist League of Nations, the London Agree- ment, the abolition of the eight-hour day and the substitution of the twelve- hour day, the white terror, and the un- serupulous, cynical, brutal explotation of the German proletariat. In one voice they all proclaimed the new “era of peace at home and abroad,” which meant and means the crushing of proletarian resistance at home, and imperialist hounds against the only proletarian state, Soviet Russia. Workers Suffer. But between the wish and its real- ization, there is a long and dangerdus path for the bourgeoisie. The few months that have passed since the conclusion of the London Agreement, have intensified the economic crisis in Germany. Unemployment is grow- ing from day to day; the cost of liv- ing is rising rapidly; the eight-hour day, has been voluntarily relinquished by the reformists, and the twelve- hour day is no rarity in Germany to- day. And then, the cruel winter (of which the silly poets sing that “he knows no classes”) is on the thresh-! old, with some more misery and suf-]crats, marched into Saxony and Tur- fering, more hunger and more death] ingia and crushed the workers there; Every month of|the Communist Party grew. With the the Dawes’ paradise means more suf-|Vvotes of the social democrats, the fering and destitution for the work-|Communist. Party was outlawed and for the proletariat. ers. But, again, the growing crisis is|lutionary workers and functionaries also manifesting itself on the field of} of the Communist Party were thrown The workers are|into prison and our press prohibited, industrial strife. shaking off the lethargy of the last few months. They are beginning to discern ‘the plunderers who are about to unite in a common attack against them. They are demanding higher wages and the eight-hour day; they are protesting against the Dawes plan and the white terror; they are rebel- ling against the traitors of the social democracy. All this, of course, means trouble for the Dawes plan—and all the bourgeois parties, including the social democrats, know this. They also khow that today a different Com- munist Party is leading the revolution- ary pfoletariat than a year ago. In October the German proletariat was an inch away from power; all the symptoms of a revolutionary situa- tion were there; but what they lacked was a Bolshevik leadership, itself ideologically Clear, brave, determined, cunning, able and willing to lead. The treachery of the social democrats in October, 1923 has taught the revolu- tionary workers a good lesson. The present leadership of the German Communist Party will know how -to take advantage of the weaknesses manifested by the bourgeoisie and their social democratic lackeys. We .|have at least a good nucleus of a Bolshevik general staff. Attempts to Crush Communists. The bourgeoisie and the social dem- ocrats know this only too well. No, sooner was the Reichstag dissolved,’ than the bloodhounds of the social democratic chief of police, Richter, AS WE SEE IT - - democrats, That it would endorse the socialists is—from the present indi- cations of sentiment around head- quarters—quite unthinkable. The drift is toward more conservative and opportunistic tactics.” bet ae ‘HERE you are. The socialists were the most useful allies of the bout- geois politicians and the labor fakers in killing the labor party movement. That issue is now as flat as a pan- cake, as the statement of the Work- ers Party points out. When the so- clalists had done the dirty work for the middle class leaders, they were cast aside like squeezed lemons, They are given the same treatment that MacDonald was given by the British Monday, November 10, 1924 oalition started the chase after Communist’ ' deputies who, thru the dissolution of * Reichstag had lost their immunity. Comrade Hollein, who last year had spent many months in a Poincare | prison, has been arrested together | with two other deputies: Maslowsky and Eppstein. The homes of thege and all the. other leading members of the Reichstag and party functionaries were searched in truly vandal fash- ion. The bourgeois press is decorated — with ten inch cynical headlines: | “Communists outlawed; lively ‘chase after them.” The social democratic “Vorwarts” does not ever attempt to conceal its joy at this “lively chase.” But they are all cadly mistaken. The Communist Party cannot be de- stroyed, cannot be throttled out of ex- istence. In this election all parties are united against the Communist Party. Ludendorff and Kautsky, Von Tirpitz and Breitschied are raving the same mad cry against the only prole- tarian party in Germany. But these gentlemen forget that in 1919 the so- cial democratic Noske had had. 15,000 workers murdered; the Communist Party grew in spite of Noske. In 1920 the social democratic Severing sold out the Ruhr workers to the en- emy, and stilt the Comunist Party grew. In_1921 the same Severing crushed the workers of Middle Ger- many; the Communist Party grew. none the less. In 1923 General Mul- ler, with the aid of the social demo- _ the state of siege declared; 8,000 revo. and still the Communist Party grew. And today the social democratic chiefs of police are arresting and persecuting the leading and most ac- tive party members in the hope of exterminating’ Communism in Ger- many, in order that the social demo. crats may have a free hand in the colonization of the German proletar- iat. b Communist Program. The German Communist Party’ wiil not and cannot be silenced, it will continue to rouse the masses and mobilize them for the inevitable strug- gle. The industrial and economic coh- flicts, and the new strike movements will inevitably bring political strug- gles in their wake. The slogan of the German Communist Party continues to be: Rejection of the Dawes pla | or any other colonization ‘plan; the | expropriation of the factories, ships, mines, railways and large estates and the control of same by the working masses under a revolutionary work- ers’ government. The Communists demand furthermore, an alliance, not with the pirates of the League of tions, but with Soviet Russia; freeing of the proletarian political prisoners and the united front of all workers against the bourgeois and their social democratic lackeys, With these slogans, and without hiding its true revolutionary counten- ance from the masses, the German Communist Party will enter the elec- tion fight. A By T. J. O'Flaherty capitalists after they had served their purpose. 4a 1 ek ete v! HETHER the takers who control the C. P, P. A, organize a de- finite party or whether they continue as now playing with the democratic party and with progressive repub- licans, one thing is sure, and that is that they will not organize a “labor party.” The only party in the States that fights for the of the workers and farmers is Workers (Communists) Party. party is broad enough for every in industry or on the farm, who to fight against the capitalist and for*the establishment of a ers’ and farmers’ government. 1