The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 5, 1924, Page 10

Séven Years Ago -— : War! Millions of humans in uniform set against each other, armed with most modern and effective instrum- ents of murder and destruction, mov ing by the order of little groups of big capitalists to conquer the world for them. That was the picture of the world in 1917, Capitalism, born in a revolution and destined to die by one, had been mov- ing rapidly toward the elimax of its development. The ever-increasing in- profits to unheard-of propertions. New capital was accumulated in ever great- er haste. Yet most of the chance for home investment seemed to be ex- hausted. and the hunger for. foreign fields of exploitation: grew apace. . While the increasing intensity. of exploitation had raised -the productiy- ity of labor tremendously, the share of labor in its products grew relative- ly smaller. This discrepancy could not but develop into a conflict, which would either change production from one of profit for a.few, to one for satisfying the needs of many—or it would throw the world back into bar- barism, Capitalism, driven by an ever-in- creasing hunger for profit, reached out into unconquered territory. With its native proletariat armed to the teeth in attempts te eolonize all the world and to transform it into one huge profit mill for one dominating group of capitalists and to reduce the working class portion of the human race tc robots, that was the aim it set out to accomplish. This process of transfor- mation to be achieved by a series of imperialist wars which were to settle the question of the supremacy of one group of the warring capitalist nations and at the same time are to solve the problem of military conquest of the earth. This stage ef capitalist develop- ment, altho of recent date, could not surprise the world by its appearance. Marxism, Communism, had laid bare the very entrails of the capitalist sys- tem predicting the phenomena of im- perialism. Unlike the augurs of old, the Marxians base their predictions not on the windings of the entrails, but on a scientific analysis ef the ori- gin and character of the food passing thru the body ef capitalism. This food was seen to be the lifeblood of the working class; it was seen to cir- culate the body of.capitalism as profit, turning into new capital; it was seen to fatten up that body of capitalism to a degree that it became they succeeded in uniting these Com- tensity of exploitation had : urge was met. half-way by the a menace to the working class. So that the working class had only two alternatives: To destroy capitalism as the dominating force of society, or to be swallowed up irretrievably by the profit-hungry monster. Preparing for the crisis and helping to hasten its advent, the Marxians, the Comunists, had organized and educat- ed the most conscious portions of the working class for the constantly in- tensifying struggle against capitalism Imperialism was shown to be a menace to society itself. As an answer to a call by capitalism for imperialist war, was issued the call for the proletarian revolution. Thus the fear of the working masses for an imperialist war was alleviated by the hope for a revolution. “The capitalist governments will not dare” -—-that was the opinion of the masses on the very eve of the first of a series of imperialist wars. But they did dare, The call for the war went out. The governments followed the urge of their profit-hungry ruling class and transformed the world into a shamble. Most of the official leaders of the working class failed miserably in awakening the only fit echo to this call for war—the call for a proletar- ian revolution, But there were exceptions. The Marxians, the Communists, tho con- fronted by an unprecedented wave of patriotic paroxysm, upheld the revolu- tionary banner of the proletariat. Es- pecially active inthis respect were the Bolsheviks, the left wing party of the Russian socialists. With confer- ences at Zimmerwald and@ Kienthal, * PSSA san TEA ARIS sa TN: SAT SE munist forces internationally and to create a nucleus around which the revolutionary resistance of the prolo- tariat of the world against the im- perialist governments and the imper- ialist war could be organized. Imperialism had its weakest spot in Russia, The capitalist class of that country was only just developing. In many instances the Russian capital- ists were only the administrators of foreign capital imported into Russia. semi-feudal desires for expansion. of the eld autocracy of. the Romanoffs and. their immediate backers, . the great landowners. Thus backward Rus- sia, too, launched its ship of state.on the high-seas of the. imperialist war.’ At. the head of the government: stood a thoroly. rotten autocracy whose morality sometimes:.was even too much for the none too delicate nos- trils of an always-devoted bourgeoisie. Side by side with this rotten and cor- rupt autocracy and ‘its machinery of state, the capitalist class (the bour- geoisie). stood, supporting the autoc- racy and revelling in its position as his majesty’s most loyal and devoted opposition. That was the upper strata. But below this thin veneer of wealth and power there were the. masses of Russia—a not very numer- ioiateemneml The crash came. Strikes developed in Petrograd; thé troops sent against the strikers fraternized with them. The army deserted; the crown slipped off the head of the last of the Romanoffs of Rasputin’s infamy. For years the bourgeoisie had act- ed as his majesty’s loyal opposition. But never did this bourgeoisie dare to even think of revolution. But now that they were confronted with a fait accompli, Miluikoff, the outstanding leader of the bourgeoisie had coined the slogan, “Rather defeat than revo- lution!” But here’ the workers and peasants in uniform had made the rev- olution. The very ground was shak- ing upon which:this bourgeoisie stood.. Danger lay.in hesitation. So they acted. ‘They’ deserted the ‘front trench of defense of the old order—czarism;* and’ retreated to a stronger line of defense, a capitalist provisional government. The bour- geoisie had in the Duma representa- By Max Bedacht abandoned their posts after the first victory. But they did not. Simiilitan- eously with the usurpation of ‘power by the bourgeoisie, the revolting workmen and soldiers created the in- strument of a revolutionary govern- ment of their own, a workers’ and soldiers’ council, a Soviet. The bourge- oisie had its general staff in its Duma committee, while it found its instru- ment of power in the existing machin- ery of government. Counter-reyolution- ary as it was, the Duma committee found a willing accomplice in the old machinery of state. The revolution- ary masses of workers and soldiers on the other hand, had their general staff in the leading proletarian parties, but they lacked an, instrument, of power and struggle. . They had to create one, x « ‘The Soviets. of workmen and sold- ders came into existence in answer to that need. They became the organiza- ;tional instrument through which the tion a natural general staff. All that |fight against the old order could be was needed was a little change of|carried on and,. with. the final de- roles and the same drama could con-/feat .of this order, they became the tinue under a new name. Yesterday-|basic structure of the new one. The the landowners were the.masters, with |Soviets represented the authority of the. bourgeoisie as loyal satraps. To-|the forces of revolution, just as the day the bourgeoisie threw over its|machinery of government under the shoulders the cloak of authority and |czar-and: under Miluikoff or Keren- received the oath of loyalty from the|sky were representing the authority new satraps, the rich landowners. The} of the counter-revolutionary forces. A KRONSTADT BOLSHEVIK SAILORS Arrive in Petrograd to Fight Kornilov. ous but class conscious proletariat. and and large mass of poor, starving and overawed peasantry. os The corrupt bureaucracy of the au- tocracy could not supply the leader- ship—and the under developed indus try of Russia could not supply the ma- terials necessary for a successful pro- secution of the war. The collapse was inevitable. It came with a crash, The Russian workers, whose organ- izations were suppressed and whose leaders were persecuted even in nor mal times, found the war an added} weight on their shoulders. The police became the all-powerful taskmaster, driving a dissatisfied proletariat back into the treadmill of capitalist profits. But this proletariat had a revolution- ary tradition. The only attempts of mass revolt against upspeakable and unbearable czarism in the past were made and led by this proletariat. The increased pressure upon them could not subdue them but could only in- crease the counter-prassure én ‘the same ratio. . The army in the field, the masses of exploited and oppressed peasants in uniform, the strongest basis of czar- ism, began to crumble. Corrupt gen- erals, even up to the minister of war, Suchomlinoy, betrayed them; corrupt officials stole their equipment or the money appropriated for them; reac- tionary officers tortured them; and their fathers and brothers at home on the land were ruined by the food poli- cies of the government. Under these sufferings of the soldiers, the proverb- jal loyalty of the Muzhiks was crushed and autocracy found that bayonets may be good to lean upon, but are not |found their graves in these good to sit upon. enero Panes AAO PEM ECR 8 lal monet ainsi ennai ifor life against the revolution. jyet the world at large and the ex- masses, the suffering workers and “}revolution; fight: to the finish was inevitable. ‘Hither the old order would succeed in defeating the Soviets, then revolu- tion was doomed and the old govern- ment would remain in power—or the Soviets would be victorious, would destroy the old order and its govern- ment; then these Soviets would be- ‘}come the government of the new or- der. The hesitating leadership of the Soviets, that of the Mensheviks, pre- vented the facing of this conflict. They desired to solve it not by a victory of the Soviets, but by their abdica- tion. Thus the conflict between revolu- tion and counter-revolution manifest- ed itself not so much in the struggle between the Soviets and provisional government, but in battles for lead- ership of the Soviets between the henchmen of the bourgeoisie, the Mensheviks and the representatives of the Revolutionary proletariat—the Bolsheviks. °- F The Mensheviks at first denied that support of the provisional government was tantamount ‘to a betrayal of the but when the language of the facts began tothunder so lond that they could no lon;®: claim ignor- peasants, altho they had set out in/ance, then they maintained that a vie- grim determination to throw down from the pedestal of its power, czar- ism, were to continue to suffer, to con- tinue to be exploited and oppressed. The whole machinery of state remain- ed what it was. The component parts changed color—that was all. The monarchists of yesterday became the republicans of today. The imperial colors were replaced by red. The old police officials had their uniforms al- tered to fit new requirements, but jthey and their system continued in power. Under the cloak of republican- ism the forces of the old order fought And ploited at home were persuaded that this was the revolution. No matter how dignifiedly these pseudo-revolutionists played their role jin this comedy in the open, secretly they conspired for the return of the Romanoffs. The day after the proc- lamation of the provisional govern- ment in March, 1917, Miluikoff, who to this very day parades his staunch republican qualities in Paris, proposed the proclamation of Alexis, son of the deposed Romaneff, as czar and the oppointment of his uncle, Mihail Alex- androvitch, as regent. In the council- revolutionists” could beat more freely |; and the betrayal of the very revolu- the tion they pretended to lead could be} ¢ounter - revolutionary plots, revo proposed more shamelessly. revolution would tory of the bourgeoisie is necessary and consequently their support of it was justified. , The revolutionary masses did not share this treacherous opinion. They refused to fight on the battlefields of imperialism for Corstantinopole while their revolutionary land committees at home were sent to prison by the former czar’s jailers wearing red cockades. The logic of the struggle drove the Soviets into the hands of the Bolshe- viks. Created for struggle, the So viets followed the most aggressive leadership and elected Bolsheviks on ail committees, : Now the decks were cleared for action. The conflict became a clear onebetween the working class fol- lowed by the poor peasantry and the allied bourgeoisie and landowners, with the Mensheviks and _ socialist- revolutionaries as their henchmen. The revolution could proceed. Like lightning penetrates darkness so was the counter-revolutionary at- titude of the Mensheviks and socialist- revolutionary leadership of the So- viets illuminated for a moment by the Korniloviade, Here were the com- manders of the army using their man- Here \was the lution threatened in its very people entrus- ted with its defense, Excitement rose to fever heat, The on Page pre: