The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 4, 1924, Page 6

o Page Sk 7ME DAILY WORKER. | Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mall (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year A@dress all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Ilineis J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOBB. Editors .Business Manager Entered as second-class mat! Sept. 21, 1928, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. S20 On With the Fight, Workers! When the shouting has died away and the lights are turned out and it is discovered that reaction- ary imperialist capitalism has won the election in these United States, there is going to be as many broken hearts among those who make sentimental piffle serve in place of revolutionary principles, as there was in the romantic ditty, “After the Ball.” We can prevision the punctured hopes of many a petty bourgeois, socialist and capitalist indiffer ently, who has been cheering until breathless and hoarse as he marched forward to 1776. We Communists are not concerned with them or their puerile sobbings. We have not been overly opti- mistic of electing Bill Foster and we need no balm, bandages or consolation. Communists take part in election campaigns primarily to engage the attention of the workers while their political consciousness is aroused, and to show them that only by proletarian revolu- tion can their particular class interests be ad- vanced or even protected. That we have reached hundreds of thousands who have heard our program for the first time, is more important than that seats may be obtained in a capitalist parliament. Altho that would help us reach some more. That we heve immensely strengthened our party and aided in clarifying the minds of tens of thousands and brought thousands of them into our party is a success in the election independent of votes cast for our candidates. It is a rock-bottom principle of the Communist International that the parliamentary end of the political struggle shall be auxiliary to the political struggle for power outside of parliament. Our Communist struggle for power in the industries has not slackened, been neglected or forgotten one moment just because of an election campaign. The labor fakers and bosses know that. We mention this because, when the dejected and disappointed workers—the others do not concern us—return from 1776 with a liberty bell not only eracked but busted, we have a program for mili- tant struggle against the employing class. We, the Communists, have the only program of struggle for immediate as well as ultimate demands. * To the workers we offer thé program of forming fighting shop committees, strenthening the unions by amalgamation, using these and other organs to fight against wage cuts, longer hours and the open shop. We—the Communists—have the only pro- gram for relieving unemployment, the only pro- gram for stopping capitalist wars, the only pro- gram for emancipation of the working class. And on the morning after election day, we, the Com- munists, invite all workers into our party for revo- lutionary struggle against the power of capital. 1. W. W. Reads It—Smith Tells ’Em Prominent Communist baiters in the I. W. W. who have for months kept suspiciously silent on the whereabouts of their erstwhile generalissimo, Walter Smith, still have nothing to say altho their chieftain has rather impertinently thrust himself into a fade-out scene. In 1921, Walter Smith, then on the general exe- cutive board of the I. W. W., was the head and front of the anti-Communist forces. He rallied the hosts of ignorance and anarchism and put down with stern hand the “politicians.” Learning that the editor of the I. W. W. paper in New York was publishing matter favoring affiliation to the R. I. L. U. Smith and Carlson—his eager assist- ant—rushed to New York and deposed the of- fender, putting a good anarchist anti-Communist in charge, who promptly made it easy for the pa- per to die. It, is still dead. Smith it was who took the lead against the R. I. L. U. He spent much wobbly money on tele grams and railroad fare to stop George Hardy from speaking for affiliation to wobblies or anyone else. Smith and his crew, some of whom are now at the fore in the injunctionite erowd—Bowerman, for one, framed up the suspension and expulsion of Mike Nowak, Hardy and others who were “sus- pected of being Communists” because they advo- vated working class unity. But the most valiant fight of Smith was against those wobblies who went to Russia for refuge in- stead of going to Leavenworth, thereby forfeiting bonds. No words were too vile for Smith to use against the “bond-jumpers.” However, the fearless Walter was later nailed in California by the criminal syndicalism law and re- leased on $250 bond with several others. He suf- fered a revulsion of feeling on bond-jumping, try- ing hard to get a majority of the group to agree that all should beat their bond. Failing this, he jumped anyway with three others. The I, W. W. paid the $250 besides the loss of international pres tige Smith’s fight against the R. 1. L. U. cost, t Advertising rates on application Pits als BRR * Spal. ent convention had to act. It passed a motion that if Smith didn’t make good the $250, he would be considered a bad boy, and without flare of trump- ets, expelled. . Last Wednesday Smith stepped up with the fol- lowing wire from Centralia, Washington—“Please convey to the delegates at the 16th general conven-|° tion, the information that I have just read in the DAILY WORKER dated October 24, that Iam to be expelled from the organization within thirty days. This will inform your body that same can take place immediately if you desire.—Walter Smith.” It will be noted that in spite of the attempts by Communist haters to discredit the DAILY WORKER, it is read and credited by them. Jim Rowan is said to get up at 6 a. m. to read every word before going to court. There are some other characters from whom we would like to see tele- grams like Smith’s. There’s John Leheney. Will somebody drag him out of hiding and tell the truth? Where Unity Is Weakness The condition of the mill workers of New Eng- land is deplorable. In a recent address, a Fall River mill agent offered the consolation that the present depression was not confined to the cotton business, but prevailed thruout the United States. e did not tell the workers that the mill owners were getting along very nicely, eating, drinking and making merry and were not worrying partic- ularly about the temporary lull in their profit making pastime. Not so the wage slaves who pro- duced the profits that enables the bosses to take trips around the world when their mills are not busy. Calvin Coolidge, in a radio election address, put out the slogan: “Vote the republican ticket and maintain the present prosperity.” The mill workers of New England are wondering what Silent Cal- vin’s conception of depression would look like. They certainly don’t want any more of the kind they have now. Calvin’s campaign manager is the owner of some of the biggest mills in New England. Monsignor Cassidy, of Fall River, in a speech on the economic situation in the textile industry, offered as a solution of the unemployment problem, co-operation and unity between workers and em- ployers. That is Samuel Gompers’ plan. It is the plan now generally endorsed by the officials of the American Federation of Labor. The trouble with that plan is that it is the cause of the workers’ poverty. It has been in operation since the dawn of the capitalist system. The workers are united with the capitalists in creating wealth, but the capital- ists grab most of it, leaving the workers barely enough to exist on. That kind of unity is not what the workers-need. They need unity among themselves against the cap- italists. They need the kind that the capitalists, the clergy, and the labor fakers are opposed to. They need the kind the Communists advocate: unity of the workers organized as a class to fight against capitalism, for better conditions of life and for the ultimate overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ government, which means the rule of the workers thru the dictatorship of the proletariat. Only then will prosperity mean more of the good things of life for the workers. Only then will exploitation end. Eminently Logical At the “informal” luncheon tendered President- elect Calles of Mexico by the most prominent spokesmen of American business interests, the workers of the United States and Mexico were ac- corded a historical treaf. Mr. Calles was dined and wined by the New York State Chamber of Commerce. Judge Elbert H. Gary, the open-shopper L. F. Loree, Otto H. Kahn, and Thomas W, Lamont of J. P. Morgan & & Co., were amongst the chosen guests. General Calles assured the industrialists, merchants and capitalists that Mexico will give them “the most ample guarantees.” He denied the rumors cireu- lated about him “as a man unfriendly to capital and as one who will carry with him that attitude and transmit it to the citizenry of Mexico, to the detriment of foreign interests.” The message delivered by the new president of Mexico was heartily welcomed by the rulers of American capitalism. A particularly sympathetic chord was struck by Calles at this banquet when he declared: “My program is eminently construe- tive and eminently logical.” The captains of Am- erican finance and industry rejoiced at this con- fession. In fact, Mr. Frederick H. Ecker, presi- dent of the New York Staté Chamber of Commerce complimented the president-elect by calling him “one of the outstanding men of the world.” “Eminently logical!” Yes, it has been the ex- perience of the working class of every country with this type of social-patriot. First of all, the Calles type of “labor champion” rides into power on the backs of the masses. Next, the Calles leadership turns to mouthing the meaningless phrases of the hypocritical social-democracy. It becomes “emi- nently logical” for Calles and his stripe to take a further step and openly serve the interests of the exploiters. There is no contradiction, but only eminent logic in Mr. Calles being feasted one day by the bankrupt social-democrats of New York and the next day by the billionaire bankers and manu- facturers. We feel certain that the working masses of Mexico will not discard an ounce of vigilance. If over it was necessary for the exploited farmers and »ppressed Mexican workers to be on guard, it is viply necessary now with the ascendancy of Gen- find out he was an india-rubber crutchh. The pres- eral Calles to the presidency of the republic. THE DAILY WORKER ‘Si ADEM AONE a NH Tuesday, Novemper 4, 1924 TT Labor’s “Beggars on Horseback” The following sketch of the con- duct of the British labor party lead- reached the DAILY WORKER from London after the election which resulted in the defeat of MacDonald and his policy of subservience to the ruling class... That his fall did not re- sult from his unwillingness to go the limit ‘in catering to the wishes of the aristocracy can be seen from this article. ow ‘HE stories which flooded the cap- italist and yellow labor papers after the elevation of Ramsay MacDo- nald to the position of Prime Minis- ter to His Majesty King George, re- minded one very strongly of the sen- timental stories of the “poor but hon- est” boy who rose to fame and wealth by. his great inherent qualities. MacDonald's christian piety, his “beautiful home life,” and his ideal- ism which scorned the riches of the world for the greater riches of doing good for his fellowmen, all of these were blazoned forth as making up the essence of this noble character. The fact that MacDonald started life as a poor boy and that he had the fear of Christ hammered into him by his fanatical Scotch parents were taken as proof that here was a man who was marked off from the common run of politicians, and that his term in office would be marked by the fin- est idealism and devotion to the cause of the workers, and “humanity in general.” The Pious Fraud But what a different story can be told now of the pious MacDonald and his gang of second rate ward politi- cians. Only one thing marks them as being different from the politicians of the capitalist parties: They were more yuigar, more petty, and dis- played more of a cringing spirit to royalty and the trappings of the court that Baldwin, Asquith or Lloyd George ever did. No sooner did they assume office than they immediately started out to ape the capitalists in their dress and manner of living. The tailors of Bond street who had shuddered lest the coming of a labor government would destroy their trade in the manufacture of court dress were pleasantly sur- prised when the whole gang of ren- egades flew to them to be fitted out in the pamtomine dresses usually worn when the bourgeoisie appears more than a year at a time cared only that they should be properly outfitted once they were in office. Men who knew the sufferings of the workers, who knew how bitter the struggle for bread is among the work- ers who had suffered to elect them, had only one thot: To get knee ROSS CAMPBELL, BRITISH COMMUNIST brecches, silk stockings, and cutaway coats so that they could be “pre sented” to the symbol of tho brutal imperialism of Britain, George the 1-5 and Mary the 4-5. Liked To Get Mugged Then the rush to get photographed! Shown exhibiting poster advertising the Workers’ Weekly, official organ of the Communist Party of Great Britain, which was branded by the capitalist press as “a most traitorous publica- tion.” The Communists considered this abuse the highest form of flattery, coming as it did from the upholders of the capitalist at the court of their royal parasites.| System, which the Communists are out to oie & Campbell was n “Labor” ministers who had been clec-| Charged with sedition, but the government di ot prosecute, ted to parliament from districts where} Owing to pressure from the left wing of the Labor Party. A workers had beeh unemployed forj general election resulted. MacDonald photographed as he warm. ly shakes hands with Baldwin, leader of the conservative party, at a cathe party staged at Hamton Court Palace soon after the “labor” cabinet’ had been formed. Henderson, Thomas, Walsh photographed in court. dress and the photos printed in the picturv papers for the enjoyment of the tron workers, railwaymen, and miners who had elected these scamps thinking that they were thereby going to rid themselves from the evils they were suffering under. Then we have the infamous bribe accepted by MacDonald from his “ad- mirer” Grant who afterwards received a baronetcy. The interest on the $150,000. he got amoynts to © about $7,500 a year. That this pious, idealist- ic Christian would stoop to common acceptance of bribes does not seem to shock the editors of the yellow labor papers who are defending MacDonald for taking the bribe on the ground that others have done it before him! To these reactionary scoundrels the only sorrowful part of the vile tran- saction is that they were not the ones to get the money. The MacDonald gang showed by their conduct that they were of the same calibre as the average ward politictan who gets elected to office for * the boodle there is in it. The “poor but honest” drivel concocted by the im: aginative pen perverts is just the usual camoufiage. that is alwaye spread over the ugly sores of capital ism. The officialdom of the British labor party are typical products of the present rotten system. They only mouth phrases in opposition to capitalism because that is necessary to get the votes of the workers, Saw The Main Chance ‘ In reality they are in polities be cause they want to ape the capitalists. And they are only in the labor party because the opportunity was never offered them of becoming part of the capitalist political parties. Besides even if they did join capitalist parties there is every likelihood that. they could not rise as high as they have done on the backs of the innocent workers in the labor party. The MacDonald “labor” cabinet ex- hibited all the traits of the newly rich. They aped the men of wealth they had coveted for years, They dis played themselves in such a ridiculous light that the cunning ruling class of Britain knew even from this exhibi- tion that they had nothing to fear from these middle class aspirants for the display and pomp of the royal court. Soviet Rule Has Big Publishing Agency 1 Functions and Progress. 'HE Gosisdat (State Publishing | Agency) is probably one of the) largest publishing agencies in the world, and certainly turns out the} most varied type of publications. It) was formed in 1919 by the fusion of| the publishing department of the All-| Russian Central Executive Committee | and the literature department of the. Education Commissariat. At that time the civil war was still raging on many fronts, and consequently the literature first issued by it was mainly | propagandist, altho even then, V. V__ Vorovsky, who was at the head of) the agency, tried, as far as possible, to promote the publication of scien-| tifle and contemporary literature gen-| eraily. | With the cessation of the civil war and the introduction of the new eco-| nomic policy, the Gosisdat extended | its work very cdnsiderably, and at the) present time its output is ten times | as great as it had been before 19°1. Whilst other publishing agencies issue mainly their own special literature, the Gosisdat’s publications are of # universal character, and altho, on the whole, it works on a commercial vasts, nevertheless it is compelled te issue everything necessary for edu cational purposes, whether profitable or not. Its main alm is not profit but the supply of good literature. The Gosisdat, however, has never bad, and has never attempted to at- tain, w monopolist position. On the contrary, Jf another Soviet publishing agency chooses any special line (ns, for instance, when tha State Techni. cal Publishing Ageney or Gosterhhis- dat started publishing a series, the New Village), the Gosisdat at once cute down its own corresponding pub. ications, but the demand for hooks is so great that, generally speaking, there is room for moro than one agency in any one subject. Publications. The chief publications of the Gosis- fat are now of three types: social economic works, seentific literature, and text books. Text books form 60 per cent of the total output. The so cla! economio works published include the works of Marx and Engels and the best books on Marxism, As for seien- tifle literature, in includes the re- sunrption of the publication of 40 sci- entific journals (mostly at a loss, but very important for sefentists), andthe publication of the works of the Rus- sian scluntists and — actence books. The latter are p arly im: portant, being in great demand by workers and peasants, The popular science series are of three rain types: (1) For those of no educo- tion, and who are only just able to read; (2) For those who have at-/Value of Turnover in Gold Roubles. tended elementary schools, and who| Year Total Gosisdat are, to some extent, accustomed to} 1922 6,900,000 3,500,000 read: and (3) For readers whose| 1923 -18,000,000 11,500,000 education is about up to the standard Books Sold. of the secondary schools. Year Total Gosisdat The books published include works on © biology, physiology, engenics, physics, chemistry, aviation, ete. In addition, special series have been published such as the Darwin Library, and the Biographical Library, which include the lives of great scien- tists, artists, fiction writers, poets, so- cial workers, ete. The Soviet Book Trade. The progress of the Soviet book trade is shown in the following table: 1922 ., 3,000,000 8,000,000; 1923. 43,000,000 21,000,000 | Still more rapidly has the book) trade increased in the provinces alone, | thus, while in 1922, the value of the! Gosidat’s sales in the provinces! amounted to 850,000 gold roubles, in| 1923 it reached 1,800,000 roubles. H Similarly, the number of book trad- ing establishments have increased from 100-150 in 1922, to 850-400 at the beginning, and to 900 at the end of 1923, It is interesting to note that| whilst the number of book trading establishments in the capitals in- creased but very slightly during that period, they were doubled “in provin- cial towns, and increased by 4-5 times in the county (uyezd) towns. Private Capital. The share of private capital in the total book trade of the U. S. S. R. is not more than 10-12 per cent, but the number of private enterprises in the capitals is about equal to the state and co-operative enterprises, and in provincial and county towns, the pri- vate enterprises constitute only a half of the state and co-operative enter- prises. Of the state enterprises, the Gosisdat accounts for 60-65 per cent of the capital The Fire in the Flint. By ART SHIELDS. Federated Press Review. Where the Ku Klux Klan and the peon farm landowners xls over a gub- ject black race the plot of'this story is laid. The description of Central City, Ga., would apply to a score of other cotton belt towns. The story begins with the return of a brilliant young Negro doctor to the south after nine years training in northern medical colleges, at the front and in Paris, He returns, full of ideal- ism and the ambition to found a hos- pital for the members of his race. He did not realize how the south had changed since the war and thot his old father had been right when he used to advise him that only bad Ne- groes got lynched. That is the begin ning. ‘The story ends with the doc tor's lynching. It is a stark tragedy. The author, himself a Negro, offers no obvious sol- ution for the race confijct. But thru the pages of The Fire in the Flint oné sees a race rising to the light out of squalor, ignorance and suppression. And one gets the point of view of the young doctor who would rather be- long to a group rising to something better than one trying to keep the place it had. J Underneath this tragedy of the Ne- gro race, whose women are freely rav- ished and whose men murdered when they resist oppression is a darker|seared and torn men and women he tragedy of the white race which is|met. Their humanness always found spiritually destroyed by its role i an sympathetic, even when it was has poisoned his character and made him a moral coward generally. Two organizations are dramatically pictured in this book. You see the Ku Klux Klan in its clownish regalia, but savagely earnest in its determination to kill those Negro agitators form “up nawth.” The sheriff is kleagle and Peon landlords are leading actors. }On the other side is the Negro cotton tenants’ union, organized to get a fair- er price for their cotton, and doomed to go out in a welter of blood. Walter F. White has.done a ser- vice in this book. He gives an under- standing of the race problem which is specifically needed in the. labor movement that is now confronted with the tide of Negro workers moving in- to northern industry. The Fire in the Flint, by Walter F. White; Alfred A. Knopf, New York, $2.50, The Book of Bums. By Esther Lowell. Jim Tully. has given the world a wholesomely ‘unlovely tramp autobi- ography in Beggars of Life: ‘Tully, reputed ex-wobbly and pugilist, writes of his youthful days without sentimen- tality, without excuses for the brutal code of the road. He took to the jungle and side-door pullman as the only escapo from grinding slavery in an Ohio factory. . Tully paints vivid portraits of the slaver. Thru Judge Stevenson, a relic|Amy, the Beautiful Fat Girl, whose of the bygone southern gentlemen, you !500 pounds of flesh housed a warm, understand what has happened to the|human heart. Or Oklahoma Red, the white man of liberal sympathies, “bed gary,” who met death failing to _ The southern white liberal’s fear to| make a freight. oxpress himself on the race problem—| The sketch of democratic landslide and he had reason to be afraid—|tactics in Chicdgo is brilliantly done, not bitterly; for young Tully earned his $15 by voting in five wards and won a place in the grand pageant of the victory ball in the Coliseum. But he minces no words over the pre- Volsteadian politicians and the dis- tinguished ladies of the red-light dis- trict who graced the ball. ‘ Tully testffies that hoboes have found among prostitutes fine friends who took them in when hungry and broke and gave them food and a road- stake—especially if the bo was young and red-headed. The story of Edna the golden-haired, who killed the fath: er who had ravished her and gtven the brother his chance,is a little jewel- drama in itself, Tully writes, “The nonproducers of the nation are tramps in one sense or another, clubwomen, the obese gambler tn bonds, the minister in a fashionable church, all are tramps’-who happen to have beds and bath, and the economic security that men go mad to obtain.” He disclaims interest in the sociology of tramps and suggests eliminating greed from our social system, Tully offers no solutions, only that he is “a weary writer who has boen living in the memory of adven- ture.” ‘The autoblography shows that. he knows the injustice of society built on profits but that he either does not know or cannot succumb to any of fromulas for change. Beggars of Life, by Jim Tully; bert & Charles Boni, New York, Go To the Can, , MADRID, Nov. 3.—Genoral Beren- suer, formerly Spanish high sioner to Morroceo, and General Sa- rabia began serving six months’ sen- tence today for attending a banquet where republican speeches were made, The prattling parasitic )