The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 1, 1924, Page 11

(Continued trou from page 6) gans of the proletarian state every- where. The Soviet State differs from bourgeois democracy in that it openly reveals its class character, and open- ly sets itself the task of suppressing the exploiters in the interests of the overwhelming majority of the popula- tion. While bourgeois democracy leaves quite untouched the monopoly of the capitalist class with respect to the means of production, and all material values of decisive importance, and thus reduces the formal rights of the workers to blatant hypocrisy; the Soviet State first creates the premises for these rights by actually securing the liberty of the working class, by rendering of the workers’ organiza tions possible, etc. For the first time in history prole. tarian democracy removes the in- equality of all exploited citizens re- gardless of sex, race, religion, and nationality—it establishes an equality ‘which has never been realized in any capitalist state, Proletarian democracy and its or- gans, which realize the broadest democracy amongst the workers, are in incomparably closer relation with the masses, and enable them to take part im the administrative machine. The right to eleet new delegates, the right to recall them at any time, the combination of executive and legis- lative power, the arrangement of elec- toral districts not according to terri- torial, but according to economic units (according to factories, undertakings, etc.)—all this draws a sharp dividing line between the bourgeois parliamen- tary republic and the Soviet dictator- ship of the proletariat. The proletariat, as leader and van- guard of all other workers, and above all of the peasant masses, strengthens its leading role by legal privileges, which are unavoidable in the first stages of development. These privi- leges must gradually die out in pro- portion to the progress of the educa- tion received by the rest of the work- ing masses, and later by the other citizens of the state, and on the basis of the new relations. An essential part of the seizure of power by the working class is the de- struction of the bourgeois monopoly of arms, and the concentration of arms in the hands of the proletariat. During the course of the struggle the main object in view must be the dis- armament of the bourgeoisie and the arming of the proletariat. The further organization of armed forces, based on strict revolutionary discipline, must be carried out on pre- cisely the same fundamental class principle; it must correspend with the structure of the proletarian dictator- ship, and the principles assuring lead- ership to the proletariat. The victorious proletariat utilizes the power which it has seized, first, to break the resistance of the enemy and to guarantee the further rule of the working class against the attacks of the bourgeoisie. Secondly, it uti- lizes this concentrated power for the expropriation of the expropriators, that is, for the revolutionary transfor- mation of economic, and consequently of all other social relations. As a rule, this expropriation will assume the form of confiscation, that is, by the expropriation of the means of production without compensation and the delivery of these means into the hands of the proletarian state. In this connection the Communist Interna- tional proposes the following funda- mental measures: 1. The expropriation of the large industrial undertakings, of the means ‘of transport and traffic (telegraph, telephone), electric works, etc. 2. The proletarian nationalization of large landed estates, which are to ~be handed over to the administration of the organs of proletarian dictator- their collective cultivation by to the peasantry is determined by eco- nomic expediency, and by the neces- sity of neutralizing the peasantry, and by the social-political importance of the peasantry); the organization of credits for agricultural ovements; combating usury and land specula- tion; the organization of agronomic aid to the peasantry by means of suit- able schools, etc. 8. Proletarian nationalization of the banks. Delivery of all gold re- serves, etc,, into the hands of the pro- letarian state. Security of the inter- ests of small depositors, centralization of the banks, subordination of all large banking concerns to the Central State Bank of the republic. 4. Nationalization and municipali- zation of wholesale trade. 5. Annulment of national debts. 6. Monopoly of foreign trade. 7. Monopoly of the mest important printing establishments and news- papers. In the execution of these measures, the following principles must be ob- served: Nationalization should as a rule not include small and medium enterprises. The chief reason for this is that the proletariat which has just seized power has not the required number of organizing forces at its disposal, especially during the first days of the dictatorship, to enable it not only to destroy the old order, but to bring about a union of the small and medium units of production. The second reason is that the prole- tariat should not provoke antagonism in the intermediate groups. The vic- torious proletariat must find the right course of action to be adopted to- wards these spheres of production which can be subjected to centralized and systematic management, and those which would only be cumber- some st. The latter must be left to private initiative. The victorious proletariat ensures to itself the important pre-requisites for the solution of the economic politi- cal basic tasks by the accomplishment of these fundamental measures, which ‘have to be fulfilled in the early stages of the transition from capitalism to socialism. The manner and method for carrying out these basic tasks will be determined on the one hand by the economic measures necessary for the attainment of this goal; on the other hand by the long continued or re- peated political necessity of civil war or foreign war. According to the con- crete demands of the economic and political position of every country and its international relations an eco- nomic political system can be proved necessary for a longer or shorter period, which undermines the material basis of the hostile strata, and en- sures a rational consumption of ex- isting provisions but ruins productive endeavor of private enterprises (by a system of requisition, etc.). This is linked up on the one hand with prole- tarian forms of economy and stems thereby the growth of productive forces in a high degree, and occa- sionally renders them impossible (war conffiunism). At the close of the open civil war, that is, after the installation of the political rule of the working class, the interests and necessities of the rational economic policy will be de- termined, whereas the methods of war Communism are pushed aside and finally absolutely discontinued. Thus the economic system in the initial stage of the transition period will be as follows: There is a large variety of economic forms, extending from socialized big industry and agricultural estates to In conformity. with these various economic forms, we find on the one Program of the Communist International all the logical consequences thereof. This determines the fundamental tasks ef the economic policy of the proletariat, which holds in its hands the large and economically decisive branches of industry. While taking advantage of the economic péwer of big industry and transport, as well as of the power of the state machinery, it is necessary to regulate private economy and the stimuli of private economic activity in such 4 manner as to ensure in the long run, the least painful method of removal of these forms. The adaptation to market con- ditions and the regulation of market canditions are most important in this respect, The proletariat, thru the market relations and thru competition with the backward types of economy, as well as with the constantly emerg- ing elements of the new bourgeoisie, such as tradesmen, capitalists, etc., must abolish these economic forms. Adaptation to the market inevitably entails the adoption of capitalist forms and methods of economic activ- ity (calculation of costs, money pay- ments, organization of commerce, even to the extent of organizing stock exchanges, and banks, etc.). Never- theless, these capitalist forms as ap- plied in the enterprises of the prole tarian state are essentially of an anti- capitalist character in the same way as the formation of the proletarian standing army ensures the strength and growth of its anti-capitalist char- acter. On the other hand, the appli- cation of these forms and methods harbors the seeds of their own sup- pression; the more rapid the victor- ious - progress of large scale prole- tarian production, the less the import- ance of the market relations; the larger the growth of systematized economy, the less necessary become the capitalist forms of economic activity. In view of the survivals of capitalist influences and of the heterogeneity of the working class itself, it becomes necessary for a time to adopt capi- talist methods in the socialized en- terprises in one form or another (the bonus system, piece work rates, etc., ete.). On the other hand the proletarian state must do its utmost to support and eneourage all and every form of transition to social economy on the part of small producers. The question of the promotion of co-operation among the peasantry is of great im- pertance, and particularly in agrarian countries. If under capitalist condi- tions and bourgeois dictatorship peas- ants’ co-operatives inevitably become transformed into collective-capitalist organizations, and the so-called “agra- rian socialism” is but a miserable re- formist utopia, because co-operation becomes merged into the general sys- tem of capitalist economy—then un- der the proletarian dictatorship, under a wise economic policy, under the growth of large socialized production, peasants’ co-operation will inevitably merge into the economic system of the proletarian dictatorship. ATTEND! Box Seats $1.50 New York City Readers, Attention! Entertainment and Dance BY THE Greek Branch, Workers Party of New. York Monday, Nov. 10, 1924 AT 8:30 P. M. TERRACE GARDEN 58th Street, Between Lexington and 3rd Avenues, Ticket for Sale at Greek Branch, 345 W. 39th Street; Jimmie Hig- gins Book Shop, 127 nary Place. Drama “BLACK AND WHITE,” Sreamded by the Greek Workers’ Dramatic Club. The class struggle, in the period of the proletarian dictatorship, to a con- siderable extent assumes the charac- ter of an economic fight between the rival economic forms, which may for a certain period grow side by side. The chief task is to ensure the steady removal of the backward economic units which are hostile to the prole- tariat. In this connection the funda- mental policy should be a wise com- bination of state industry and peasant co-operation against merchant capital and.the first seedlings of industrial capital. It is also necessary to make such use of state finances,and taxation as to regulate the distribution of pro- ductive forces even in those branches of industry which are not in the hands of the proletarian state. The proletariat must devote par- ticularly careful attention to- and the utmost precaution concerning recip- rocal relations between city and coun- try, and set up no barriers to the indi- vidualistic working motives of the peasantry. It is natural that the extent of mar- ket relations and together with that the application of the methods of the new economic policy depend on the relative extent of capitalist large scale enterprise in comparison with small enterprise, that is, on the de gree of national economy under con- sideration. (To be concluded next Saturday) THE GROWTH OF THE INTER- NATIONAL POPULARITY (Continued from page 5) Turkey and Persia, of Afghanistan and China, of the colonies and depend- encies thruout the world. The op- pressed masses sympathize with the Soviet Union because they sce in it an ally in the cause of emancipation from imperialism. Therefore the growth of the international popularity of the Soviet power signifies the growth of the hatred of the opress- ed masses of the world for imperial- ism. Such are the facts. It can hardly be doubted that these hatreds will not serve to strengthen the “pacifist-democrati¢’ regime of present day capitalism. The other day the Ameriean Secre- tary of State, the pacifist and Kolcha- kist, Hughes, issued a most reactionary declaration gainst the Soviet Union. No doubt Poincare’s laurels do not give Hughes any sleep. But tt can hardly be doubted that the reaction- ary pacifist declaration made by Hughes will only serve to further the influence and prestige of the Soviet Union among the toilers of the entire world. Next Sunday Night and Every Sun- day Night, the Open Forum. Vote Communist This Time! ATTEND! Orchestra 50c