The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 30, 1924, Page 6

a ee ee i eM Publishea by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118. W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, i. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months ; “spied months B: il (in Chicago only)? 4 "$4.50...6 morths $2.60...8 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER #113 W. Washington Blvd. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL t WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. Chicago, Hlinele weeveeverneeens EGItOrS Business Manager ————$———— tered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Omics at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, <p 290 Advertising rates on application uO Liberal Press Agents One of the most nauseating features of the present political campaign is the indecent willing- ness on the part of near-radical journalists to en- ter the lists on the side of prominent capitalist politicians and their labor lieutenants. Many of those journalists received their training in the labor movement, at the expense of the workers, but the working class organizations with a revolutionary objective and an uncompromising attitude towards the capitalist class are not usually in a position to retain the services of those whose feet they placed on the road to prominence. While attending the Peoria convention of the Illin- ois Miners’ Union a DAILY WORKER reporter was informed by a flourishing capitalist jourNalist, once associated with the Federated Press, that he was ready to sell himself—he did not use these words exactly—to the labor press but the workers were not willing to pay as much for his services as the capitalist class. His virtue was for sale but the workers were not ready to place as high a price on it as the capitalists, therefore he sold himself to the latter. We are prompted to make these observa- tions on reading a Cleveland Federated Press dis- patch from Harvey O’Connor, formerly of the Seat- tle Union Record and now a press agent for War- ren 8. Stone, president of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers. We learn from the O’Connor dispatch. that John L. Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers, has two officials of the In- ternational in Cleveland telling the story of Stone’s refusal to recognize the miners’ union in his Coal River Colleries company. Stone does not deny the facts, and boastfully says that he will run his own business as he sees fit—just as any coal operator would say. Stone is lined up politically with LaFollette. Lewis is a political labor agent of Coolidge. Both are tarred with the same brush. Both are traitors to the working class. There is no choice between them. But O’Connor, instead of telling the truth about those two worthies, enters the fray on the side of his paymaster, Stone, and quotes the latter’s de- fense, which is not even that. The locomotive chief merely attributed Lewis’ interest in the case to political exigencies. After giving Stone’s curt comment on his union- seabbery, O’Connor makes the following revealing comment: “Impartial labor men are inclined to stand on the side lines and watch the battle be- tween these two dominating figures of the labor movement.” Those who are more devoted to their pay checks than to their principles will always stand on the side lines while the crooks battle, but always ready to be placed on either payroll. Journalists of this type are more dangerous to the working class movement than the avowed defenders of the capitalist system. A Complete Repudiation The recognition of the Soviet government by France, once the most bitter foe of the Workers’ Republic, is not alone a recognition of the stabil- ity of the soviet power, but it is also a complete repudiation of the anti-soviet policy of the United States. Thru an agreement entered into between Poin+ care, Herriot’s predecessor, and the Washington state department, the latter was kept informed of every move in the French policy toward Rus- sia. It is an open secret in Europe that Hughes exerted considerable pressure on the present French government in an effort to prevent de jure recognition. It is reliably reported that this pressure went so far as to theaten France with an immediate request for the payment of the big United Siates debt if Paris resumed diplomatic relations with Moscow. But the “lone Baptist” of Tepot Dome, failed in his conspiracy. The most formidable military power on the continent of Europe has finally de- cided to go to Moscow carrying a white flag. The recognition is without conditions and without reservations. : With the news of the belated French act comes the information that JaPan is ready to sign up with Moscow. Poor old Charlie Hughes, the whiskered diplomatic Rip Van Winkle! He will teed all the ofl his friend Albert B. Fall, left in the Tepot Dome to brighten up his corner. Let os hope that some of Jess Smith’s liquor is still available to cheer him up. The students of Clemson College, a military neailemy, South Carolina, went on strike in protest against the suspension of one of the cadets. The secretary of war has not yet published the Zinov- iev “secvet orders” calling the strike. Whats-a- matter Jobn? Head too fat? sili ° The Plot That Failed The great “red plot,” sprung by the British foreign office on the eve of the elections, has turned out to be a great big fizzle, Tho Ramsay MacDonald was undoubtedly acquainted with the preparations to spring it on the public he is now in a very embarrassing position, as most of the prominent leaders of his party brand it as a fake. Even Albert Thomas, head of the labor bureau of the League of Nations, declarés it is quite pos- sible that the Second International, to which Ramsay MacDonald belongs, was the active agent in the forgery. He repudiates the charge that the Amsterdam International is guilty of the deed. That the “expose” will prove a boonterang to those that -tried to profit politically by it, is indi- cated by the fact that the British Trade Union Congress has accepted an invitation from Greg- lory Zinoviev, chairman of the Communist Inter- national, to visit Russia and investigate the au- thenticity of the document. The Communist In- ternational will accept the findings of the com- mission as final. Of course the abundant proof that. the Zino- viev letter was a forgery will not prevent the American capitalist and socialist press from per- THE DAILY WORKER After being denied the floor at the I, W. W. convention, the following communication was delivered in writ ing to the convention by the represen- tative of the Red International of La bor Unions (the R, I. L, U.). le ae To the delegates assembled at the 16th General Convention of the I. W. W., and to the membership of the I. W. W. LLOW Workers:—The Red In- ternational of Labor Unions greets with fraternal good will the revolu- tionary workers organized in the I. W. ‘W. and expresses its pleasure that the I. W. W. united after overcoming the recent danger, faces with stout heart the power of capital. The Red International of Labor Un- ions regrets that its message of May 8, addressed to the whole I. W. W. through your then general officers, re- mains. without other reply than an acknwoledgement of its receipt. The acknowledgment dated May 9—stated that our communication was turned over to the general executive board. sisting in villifying Soviet Russia and the Com- munist International. But these liars will be eventually exposed as their prototypes in Eng- land have been. Navy Day in Gopher Prairie It’s a hard job to get the Atlantic fleet. to parade up and down Main street and make all the patrjotic hearts rejoice while awesome workers have their hats knocked off by ebullient sons of profiteers. However, the navy did the best it could to raise the fervor of back-country folk for more and bigger battleships. In the great cities, where the working class has been well fed on such bunk, the absence of armored cruisers was particularly annoying. The best that could be done was some papers on “port adminis- tration” read before the absent minded members of engineering societies who had been inveigled into coming to a meeting in hope of wetting their lips with liquids too costly to float a battleship. The one insidious element was the knee-crooking flag raisings, flag waiving and flag worshippings carried on in ‘the schools to pollute the children of the workers with the virus of imperialism. This is a sort of vaccination worse than cow pus, but no “humanitarian” arose to protest. But with all of the programs of windy flag wavers, “Navy Day” was a fizzle. Considerable excitement was created in Wash- ington recently, when Mrs. Robert Lansing, wife of the former secretary of state, announced to a bevy of female parasites, interested in keeping the Czarist refugees in coffee and doughnuts, that no less a person than the Grand Duchess of Cyril of Russia was coming. The Grand Duchess has a long list of deeds to her credit, not the least important of which is that she is a daughter of the late Duke of Edinburgh and grand daughter of the late Queen Victoria. Cyril, himself has high notions, but lives from hand to mouth in Berlin. It is re- ported that a vaudeville circuit is making hand- some offers to Cyril for an American tour. The Duchess, we assume will be open for engagements, and perhaps for “engagement.” Among those who have endorsed Frank Comer- ford, notorious red baiter, candidate for the su- perior court, is Clarence Darrow, money making anarchist and defender of the “oppressed” for a fancy consideration. Darrow has already endorsed John W. Davis and Robert M. LaFollette as can- didates for the presidency. If Coolidge came to town he would also be endorsed by Darrow. “T blush for my sex,” declared General Dawes, referring to the male members of the republican national committee. Let that stand as perhaps the only contribution made by Hell an’ Maria to the vocal part of this campaign that will strike an answering cord in the hearts of the Americax workers. A: good way to celebrate election day, after you vote for William Z. Foster and the rest of the Com- munist ticket, is to hustle around and get a sub- scription for The DAILY WORKER. Election days do not happen always, but The DAILY WORKER is on the job every day in the year ex- cept Sunday. Ramsay MacDonald should follow the example of Silent Cal and say nothing about the Zinoviev forgery. Had he kept his peace, he would not have so much to explain later on. Even the Chicago Tribune reporter now seems to be convinced that it’s a forgery. If it is as hard for a rich man to goto heayen as it is for acamél to go thru the needle’s éyé, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., may damn himself. for all eternity cursing the publication of the tax reports, God has surely got the goods on his Sunday school teacher. The united front between Len Small and ‘the Ku Klux Klan fills the governor’s cup of infamy to the brim. The association of Small with’ the |™. knights of the night shirt, leaves him morally shirt- less, so to speak, The recognition of the Soviet Republic by Fray on the seventh anniversary of the Communist, reyo- lution will not dampen the ardor of the November 7th celebrations in Russia. \ Perhaps internal difficulties interfer- red: with or prevented executive ocon- sideration. In any event we hope the convention will hear from the of- cials upon the matter, as not only has later inquiry gone unenswered, but we note that our communication, or even the notice of its receipt, has never been given to the membership Misunderstanding Has Arisen It naturally follows, by reason of the membership not being permitted access to this or any other commun: ication to them from the R. I. L. U. in explanation of its principles and its invitation to affiliate, that the members are scarcely in a position to act. The convention is consequently handicapped, however, informed its personnel may be. But as the conven- tion does have both the power and the duty of providing the members | with full information on both sides! of any question so vital as interna- tional affiliation, the executive bureau of the R. I. L. U. asks your consider- | ation of some important points, briefly | stated, upon which we feel that mis-| understanding has arisen that can be| and should be removed. It is an inevitable result of the in- ternational organization of capitalist | production that the working class_ seeks, in fact is compelled, to organize itself internationally. Nevertheless, | some members of the I. W. W. taking | too limited a view, have questioned the necessity of international affilia- tion. if it came from workers with no rev- orous labor fakers of the Gompers type |policy which is ‘politely termed “ab- , /@narchists and syndicalists have need who teach submission to capitalist in teresis. But we are astonished when such expression comes from workers olutionary tradition, or from the trait: | gress, during July this year, the war and the Russian revolution have upset all the blue prints of rev- olutionary theory, to stand all anarch- ist and syndicalist theory up in the light of working class experience and examine them throughly and object- ively. The result would show what an ex- amination of the anarcho-syndicalist international shows, namely, that it has nothing In common with revolu- tionary industrial unionism—does not believe in that structure, that Berlin is a Tolstoian, utopian, pacifist group, impotent to oppose imperialist cap- italism, and lives solely for no nobler Sours in view of the fact that |purpose than to slander and attack the revolutionary Soviet Government of the Russian workers and peasants, Beside this broader aspect, the char- acter of Berlin’s anarcho-syndicalist group may be shown by the facts cited in recent months by the English and Spanish I. W. W. papers. R. I. L. U. Misrepresented But some fellow workers will. ex- claim that there are also differnces between the I. W. W, and the Red In- ternational of Labor Unions. And we will agree. Yes, there are differences. But they are not basic. Above all, there are far more important princip- les we have in common Moreover the differences are those which the I. W. W. itself at present recognizes as allowable differences of opinion ex- isting among its own membersip. And if it be asked. if the workers in the R. I. L. U. are permitted to have these differences, we reply, certainly. The I. W. W. is asked to affiliate with the R. I. L. U. upon the basis of active revolutionary class struggle against capitalism, and if it will fight together with us upon that program, then the basis of cooperation will be estab lished. The R. I. L. U. has been misrepre- presented to the I. W. W. in many ways. The European custom of call- jing any labor union, either craft or industrial in form, a “trade” union, has been seized upon by enemies and confusionists. Yet from its very be- ginning the R. I. L. U. has based its organization upon industrial unionism. At its first congress it declared: “The chief problem of organization consists in passing from the system of craft unionism to industrial. The slogan, ‘One Union for One Industry’ should become the slogan of the mil- itant revolutionary unions.” Again at the second congress it asserted: “The most important task This would be comprehensible |ts the creation of centralized indus- trial unions.” While the third con- said: “The trade unions should be welded into industrial unions and the indus- trial unions of the various countries should be united on an international whose foundatién reason for organiza- ‘scale.” It warned however, as the ex- tion is summed up in the words of Marx—“Workers of the world, unite!” Nor does international affiliation ex- clude intensive organization in the national field, in fact it. would im- mensely assist the I. W. W. to greate organization. Granted, then, that there should be the closest possible international or- ganization of revolutionary industrial unionists, there has been some ques- tion as to the method of attaining it. Affiliation Healthy Move Labor union centers on a national seale ‘naturally united sectional un- ions. The I. W. W. itself was formed by the amalgamation and affiliation of existing organizations. Just so, on the international field, the healthy and na- tural method of extending organiza- tion is by affiliation. But some voices in the I. W. W. say: “Let the world come to us. Unions across the seas, the I. W. W. will not unite with you, but will fight you, and take away your members one by one and absorb the ruins of your once proud organiza- perience of the I. W. W. with the does not possess any mysterious power which might take the place of our revolutionary activity and strug: gle.” R. |. L. U. for Industrial Unions All of these provisions are known to the detractors of the R. I. L. U. But we have not been permitted to See them set forth to the I. W. W. membership. These quotations show that the R. I. L. U. not only favors dn- dustrial unionism as a theory, but fights to realize it by amalgamation of the craft unions. Against this argument, false analogy has beeii opposed. The craft unions, composed of living, thinking, dynamic workingmen, are compared to out-of- date sailing vessels, composed of in- sensate, inanimate timbers. Yet the R. I. L. U. points to the storm of rank and file revolt inside the craft unions, compelled by the conditions of capital- tions.” This is the policy of absorption advocated by some who have held gen- eral administrative office. This method is even being put to trial. And what is the verdict? The verdict is written in the “Open Letter to the Membership of the I. W. W.” dated from Hamburg, Germany, on August 30, 1924, and signed by ele- ven members of the I. W. W. And from the verdict of these members the lesson is drawn that the policy of affi- Mation should prevail instead of the sorption,” and which is proven to be both shameful to attempt and impos- sible to accomplish. There remains the question as to what existing international center best represents the cardinal principles of the I. W. W. Is there one which approximates the I. W. W. in strue- ture, method and revolutionary spirit and goal? Yes, there is-only one, al- though there are three internationals. Internationals Analyzed The first, the International Federa- tion of Trade Unions, the Amsterdam International, is the property of the social-reformists—although a fighting left wing is beginning to challenge their title, But Amsterdam as or- ganized at present is completely dis- similar and unattractive to the I. W. ‘There is an anarcho-syndicalist in- ternational at Berlin, which all hon to blush for. The first principles of the I. W. W. admitted of neither an- archism nor syndicalism, but as these theories have been from time to time imposed upon the I W. W.4t would be well for the convention and for the ism and stimulated and organized by OMRADES! The present cri In China powers In this crisis has created an unusually serious situation. The imperialist intervention in China must be stopped at all costs, The slogan of the revolutionary workers and followete of the Red Inter- Red International Appeals R. 1. L. U. adherents. We interpret it as indicating that ‘the spirit of the workers will not much longer brook the restraining bonds of the craft sys- tem. The R. I. L. U. asks merely that the I. W. W. members who are also members of craft.unions, unite with the R. I. L. U. adherents to organize the growth of that spirit and give it revolutionary expression, At the same time the greatest efforts of the I. W. W. should be to organize the indus- tries that it has by experience found to be its most fruitful field. This has been suggested by many I. W. W. among them Fellow Worker George Williams inthe General. Office Bul- letin for June. For One ‘Front ‘of. All Labor. The Red International believes in unity. It holds that the goal to be aimed at in this respect is the com- plete unity in one great fighting orga- nization of every Jabor union in Amer- ica. But it is pure fiction to assert that the R. I. L. U. wishes to “liquidate” the I. W. W. and “drive” its members into craft unions. Yet this tale has been circulated, in spite of the fact that no document adopted by the Red International of Labor Unions in its whole existence has every intimated such a thing. Moreover, en practice it should be noted that other inde- pendent industrial unions in America which have been affiliated with the R. I. L. U. not only remain, ,but are strengthened. In addition, considering the loyal activity of R. I. L. U. adher- ents in the I. W. W. in fighting for unity and against the danger of dis- ruption and injunction, anyone who questions the R. I. L, U. desire for unity of the I. W. W. merely reveals himself as completely uninformed or entirely mendacious. There should be no mistake as to the origin of the R. I. L. U., in view of the publication twice, once in Feb- ruary and again in April 1920 issues of the “One Big Union Monthly” of the very first call, which was issued by the industrial unions of Russia and which reads as follows: “The Central All-Russian Council of Industrial Unions invites all econo- mic organizations based on the real and revolutionary class struggle for the liberation of labor through the proletarian dictatorship, to solidify anew their ranks against the inter- national league of brigands, to break with the international of conciliators, and to proceed in unison with the Central All-Russian Council of Indust- rial Unions toward the organization of Hands Off China! To all followers and sympathizers of the Red International of Labor Unions in the United States of America, France, Germany and Italy:— a truly international conference of all socialist labor unions and veritable revolutionary workers’ syndicates. We beg of all economic lahor organiza- tions that accept the program of the revolutionary class struggle, to re- spond to our call and enter into direct touch with us.” This was signed by nine officials of the Russian in- dustrial unions, including Tomsky and Losovsky. That was the beginning of danger of job unionism and federal-tthe R. I. L. U. ism also warns, that—“The form itself} The R. I. L. U. does believe, none the less, that the formal “non-polit- ical” and actual anti-political attitude of the I. W. W. is harmful to itself and to the working class. The R.I. L. U. believes that this attitude would be discarded if the membership fully understood the distinction between a Communist Party and the reformist socialist party, from which, quite nat- urally, the I. W, W. members derived their conception of a workers’ polit- ical party. The two are so different, however, that they cannot be com- pared. Your disagreement with this view is no bar to affiliation, of course, but we merely assert important facts which, being known, should guide you. A revolutionary Communist Party is not territorially based, but is founded upon shop nuclei organized at the point of production, It does not accept the permanence of capitalist parlia- mentary forms, nor does it deceive the workers with the hopes and pro- mises that by voting in capitalist and the part played by the foreign national of Labor Unions in every country must be: HANDS-OFF CHINA! spective countries in the inn: men* of your country. All revolutionary and national trade union tlonary shop councils and all followers of the Red Interna‘ional of Labor Unions should, together with the revolutionary and political organiza- tiens of the working class, take most active part in organizing “Hands- Off Chin jocieties. The laboring masses should be fully informed about the ‘Imperialist The “Hands-Off China” 1 tain the closest contact with the workers, whom they are to inform on Iwtervention in China, their activities. There will soon be issued a periodical information bulletin on the - the activities of the “Hands-Off CHTna” societies. . situation in China a You must meet the intervention of the capitalists of your re- affairs of China, reactionary militarist olique against the national revolutionary govern- ment of Sun-Yat-Sen, with a solid front of resistance and with’a storm of mass protest. You must turn this protest campaign into a compre- hens've revolutionary movement directed against the imperialist govern- and their support of the &y organizations, the revolu-” nizations are to main- We hope, comrades, that you will proceed with the organization of such societies without delay, and that you will succeed In. winning the attention and support Of the broad masses, thereby compelling the gov- ermments of your respective countries to abandon their imperialist policy it t towards China, With fraternal greetings, Y General Secretary of the Red International of Labor Unions. A. Lozovsky, Thursday, October 30, 1924 a to [.W.W. elections and by passage of laws in capitalist congresses they can by peaceful means supersede capitalist rule with their free workers’ com- monwealth, A Communist Party teaches nothing of the kind. It doés, i nevertheless, when possible, utilizé the wide interest in elections and legisla- tive bodies, to point out to the ex- ploited masses that all history shows that the ruling capitalist class will not surrender power without a despe- rate struggle, and that, in order to win, the workers must destroy capital- ist parliamentary forms and substitute —until the need no longer exists—a form of government completely ait. ferent in.form and content, a prole- tarian dictatorship thru a Soviet goy- ernment of workers’ delegates to wipe out resistance of backward ‘and cap italist elements. 5 The attempt by anarchist elements in the I, W. W. and by capitalist ele- ments outside it, to misrepresent such a proletarian dictatorship in. Soviet Russia as being against the interests of the workers, is a preposterous {n- vention. It is known by every intel gent worker, even slightly acquainted with historical materialism, that every political party. and every form of goy- ernment, is a reflection of and- is founded upon the material interests of some economic class. What class interests are reflected in the. Com: ‘munist Party, if not those of the work- ing class? These arguments would, of course, have no place here, but oppo- sition to the R. I. L. U. upon them, compels it. o A thorough consideration of the principles and program. of the R. I. Ly U. would, we belieye, result in afffiia- tion. There is allowance made for vari- ation of conditions peculiar to any country. But if differences exist, the I. W. W. could and should contend for its point of view in the interna tional, just as does an industrial un fon within the I. W, W. Affiliation would mean much benefit to the I.) W. W. just as present isolation means much limitation. Fellow workers, the revolutionary workers of other lands have too long awaited the organic solidarity with them of the I. W. W. The issue of unity is not a problem of mere s¢a- demic interest. Daily, the contrdiic- tions of capitalist imperialism, imten- sified by the world war, threaten ii wars, or on pain of starvation, perel tate great masses of exploited into revolutionary struggle against a rul- ing class savagely fighting to maintain it supremacy. History compels’ not only the one class, the capitalist, to fight, but also the workers are driven to bitter struggle. In America the case is not different, tho until now a more favored econo mic position has given that illusion. But there is no more security. Un- employment and crisis are becoming chronic as in Europe. By enslaving Europe with the Dawes’ plan, Ameri- can capitalist imperialism openly ‘an: nounces its ability to reduce Ameri- can standards. The I, W. W. shares with other labor and revolutionary groups the attacks of capitalism. Scores of its members are in prison, and scores more will go if the I. W. W. remains true it its revolutionary goal. The ranks of the industrial un- ions are weakened by the loss of a few |thousand members in the last year. Above all, imperialist. rivalry for ex: | ploitation of China threatens immie- | diate war with Japan. r Communists.and militant workers:in the left wing of the craft unions are sharing the attacks of reaction. argument in favor of sectarian separa: tion can weigh more. than the great need for united action? Can vener- ation for a statute which has outlived the conditions that gave it birth, now justify the I. W. W. beforethe working class for inaction, disunity and stand- ing aside from the struggle? At any moment we may be called. upon by the capitalist government to destroy.a workers’ Germany or a revolutionary China. At any moment .we may “be asked to submit like sheep to another world war or to. turn such a war into a revolutionary struggle for capitalist overthrowal. These are questions | which require an unequivocal. stan from an organization which speaks of revolution... ~ . i Upon all these questions, as well as upon the problems of the daily struggle, the R. I. L. U. trusts t the I. W. W, will find a way to if not organically, at least upon ifie points of offensive or defensive struggle with other revolutionary workers. in America and throughout the world. ‘ hy The R. I. lL. U. hopes that not only this brief message may find space in the I, W. W. papers which reach the membership, that @ period of tree iscussion may be opened, and points of differences with the R. U, thoroughly, aired in published com- thunications to and from both organt- zations. When this is done, the R, I, L. U. is confident that the tion: ary workers in the I. W. W. on ‘| their own initiative, unite with who fight for the overthrowal o italism under the banner of the International of Labor Unions.