The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 27, 1924, Page 3

Monday, October 27, 1924 FARRINGTON ON LEWIS AND HIS TAKING’ FAMILY Declares Crookedness Rans in the Breed (Article Thirteen) By T. J. W'FLAHERTY. Of the many acts of treache- A listed in the debit side. of rank Farrington’s record, none is more damaging in the eyes of the miners of Illinois than this shameful desertion of Alexander Howat, who was put- ting up a splendid battle against the autocracy of the coal. oper. ators’ man in the presidency of the United Mine Workers of America and is still waging the struggle. [ho Farrington's espousal of Howat’s cause was never anything but a doubtful asset to the Kansas mine leader, his about-face, when himself and Lewis made peace, brands Farrington as one who is en- tirely bereft of even the least semblance of loyalty. Alexander Howat, as presi- dent of the Kansas Miners’ Un- ion, fought the infamous. Gov- , ernor Allen of that state on the Industrial Court Law, common- ly known as the Industrial Slave Law. Tho Howat went to jail during the struggle, he finally defeated Allen and killed the slave law. Lewis With Operators. Z In the course of this fight, one of the ablest agents of the coal opera- tors, whose orders Allen was carrying out, was John L. Lewis, International president. Under fire from the presi- dent of the union and the state gov- ernment, Howat and his district ex- ecutive were fighting under heavy handicaps, but the dogged determina- tion which is so characteristic of the | miners, who are the best fighters in the industrial army of labor in Am- erica, enabled them to hold their ground until Goverfior Allen threw up and his associates. At this time it happened that Lewis and Farrington were bitter enemies. There was no charge sufficiently strong for them to hurl at each other. Farrington was merely using the How- at case in order to force Lewis to come to terms with him. Fought Ald to: Howat. The Illinois miners got behind How- “at to the limit of their ability and backed him with some three hundred thousand dollars of their funds. The International president declared this ‘was an illegal use of funds to support a strike the International had not ap- proved of. But so far Lewis has fail- ed to force restitution of the money in the way provided by the constitu- tion. In view of the tnited front between Lewis and Farrington today, it is in- teresting to go back a few years and read the nice things they said about each other. Speaking at a special con- vention of District 21, Oklahoma, on May 15, 1922, Farrington exhausted his generous vocabulary of vitupera- tion in flaying Lewis for his treat- ment of Alexander Howat. Here are & few excerpts from his speech: ae + the men in that district (Kansas) are the victims of the most treacherous, highhanded outrage that has ever been committed not alone -on the United Mine Workers of Amer- ica, but on the organized labor move- ‘ment as a whole, and I say to you that . those who ate defending the conduct of the International Union in that in- stance cannot successfully defend ‘their position if they will strip their argument of all ‘the beclouding, be- fuddling conditions that have been in- troduced in the Kansas situation, real earnest. It Is not enough to have the candidates. counted for us. the voters. vote for us. 208 East 12th Street 64 East 104th Street 443 St. Ann’s Ave., Bronx REPORT IMMEDIATELY! Branded as Disrupter. President Wilkinson of the Oklaho- ma district had charged Farrington with trying Yo disrupt the United Mine Workers, the same charge that Far- rington hurls at his enemies in the distinct. Farrington replied: “My friends, I confess here now before you that if John L. Lewis is the Interna tional Union of the United Mine Work- ers of America, then the charge made by Wilkinson is true!” Again Farrington said: “I would have no trouble in the Miners’ Union if I would get in John L. Lewis’ band- wagon. I could go along just like Wilkinson and Dalrymple and Bitner and Frampton and the rest of that crew.” Evidently Farrington was having enough trouble with the rank and file of the union without having to fight Lewis as well, so he got on his band- wagon. Fighting.Slave Law. Continuing in the same speech Far- tington said; “If there is one indis- jputable thing in connection with the | whole thing that disproves completely, beyond any possible doubt whatever, that Howat was not fighting the In- ternational Union, but that instead he ‘was fighting the industrial court act in that state, that outstanding indis- putable truth is, the fact that Alex- ander Howat is serving & term in jail, that he is now in jail. If he was not fighting the industrial court law, but linstead was fighting the International Union, you ask yourselves what the hell he is doing in jail. “Does the International Union send men to jail who oppose them? They do about everything else to them but I have never known yet that they send (them to jail. . .” Farrington As Jailer. When Farrington made that state- ment he was after crushing the rebel- lion in the Illinois Miners’ Union and had paid out $27,000 to gunmen and criminals of various kinds to slug and beat up the progressives and he aided the sheriffs thruout the state in put ting them in jail, yet here he was pleading for Alexander Howat, whom he afterwards deserted, at the most crucial moment of the fight for his rights in the U. M. W. of A. Again Farrington said: “I am not trying to destroy the International Union, but am trying to destroy John L, Lewis, the man who is doing more to destroy the United Mine Workers of Americh, than any other man I know of. . . . and he will not have my support as long as he is using the power of his position to crucify men who won't jump thru the hoop every time he snaps his fingers and tells them to do it.” Changed His Mind. Farrington no doubt had forgotten this pledge when he aided Lewis at the last convention in Indianapolis in erucifying Howat even tho every dele gate from District 12, except the pay- ‘HILE attending the sessions of the Fifth Congress of the Communist Inter. ° national, the question moat frequently put to me about America by the leading Russian comrades, was: “How is the circulation of the DAILY WORKER growing?” They know the value of a big circulation for a revolutionary dally, Therefore I cannot too strongly Sg Me a portance of getting into the present “Build the : ‘ Volanteer for Election Day in N. Y. A CALL TO ACTION. N Election Day, November 4, the workers of the various indus- tries will not work in thelr shops as this is a legal holiday, there- fore we ask you to work for the party and for COMMUNISM. We must have hundreds of comrades to report to their section hgadquarters on election day to be assigned to work In the polling places as watchers and as ¢anvassers outside of the polling place. The law permits you to stand 100 feet away from the polls to instruct workers how to vote ahd to pass out literature to thé voters. rades can do this work and should immediately report to the section headquarters and register for this work. who are citizens to act as watchers in the polling places. We must have comrades at the polls to see that the votes are We must have comrades near the polls to distribute literature to We must have comrades near the polls to instruct voters how to REPORT IMMEDIATELY TO THE FOLLQWING HEADQUARTERS. 1844 Pitkin Ave. Brownsville. ALL COMRADES MUST GET ON THE JOB, Report to the Section Headquarters Mentioned Above and. Register for Work! our members and friends the im- the DAILY WORKER” campaign in It is Communist work of the first order and the kind of work that will surely bring lasting results. William F. Dunne, Communist candidate for governor of Illinois. ’ Baditor of the DAILY WORKER. Member of the Cen- tral Executive Committee of the Workers Party, Mem- ber of Executive Committee of the Red Inter- national of Labor-Unions, On a Labor Faker’s All com- We also must have comrades workers vote for the Communist 105 Eldridge Street 1347 Boston Rodd, Bronx 61 Graham Ave., Brooklyn ANSWER. MOBILIZATION! roll brigade were solidly behind the| Kansas miner. Farrington was’ ap- pointed by Lewis, chairman of the scale committee. Even at that Howat thought he could not sink so low as to go back on him after his many promises, but he did. The retraction made by Farrington of statements he made againat John L. Lewis in 1910, was used by John L. Lewis to show that Farrington’s word did not mean anything. Referring to this, Farrington said that he knew the retraction was not true, but that his original statements were true, and that he signed the retraction for par- ticular reasons. John's Thieving Brothers. “I could say that you should support the Kansas Mine Workers,” said Far- Tington, “because I proved that three of John L. Lewis’ brothers were noth. ing but petty larceny thieves; I did that. They were all members of the Panama local union and for years they were engaged in the profitable, but unwholesome pastime of system- atically looting the Panama local un- ion, and it became my duty as presi- dent of that district to send auditors ‘into that local union to find out what was going on, and they made their investigation and their audit, and their audit developed the fact that three of John’s brothers had been sys- tematically looting that local treas- ury for a number of years, and that they and others that were employed in it had succeeded in 4 80 to the extent of something over $3,000. Cause of Lewis’ Hatred. “And, a8 president of that district, it became my duty to force them to make restitution to that local union. And I did it and from that day to this John has not liked me very well. “I don’t mind telling you this, too, that there are lots of men in the Pan- ama local union who believe that John’s brothers were simply operating under the scheme that John himself established when he was the power in that local union, and before he be- came your president. . . . I might say this, too, that there seems to be some evidence that the trait runs in the family, because just as soon as John became president of our Interna- tional he appropriated for himself 30 per cent more salary than he was entitled to under the law. : It Runs in the Family. “4 5 T am telling you these things in order that you may know that there cannot be any peace or harmony between John L. Lewis and myself, because John L. Lewis has an undying hatred in his heart for the president of the Illinois miners, be- cause it became my duty as president of that district to expose and to bring to account his three brothers who were syatematically looting the Pan- ama local and he has never forgiven me for it and I don’t suppose he ever will.” * THE YOUNG WORKER Trail Those were*harsh words indeed for one official of the U. M. W. of A. to say of another. No charge made by the progressive miners against John L, Lewis are more serious than those made against Lewis by Farrington. Yet these two labor agents of the coal operators and the republican party have found it possible to bury the hatchet in the body of the United Mine Workers pf America, which is now bleeding to death over the wounds inflicted on it by these two capitalists’ executioners, Case of Hanging Together. Farrington and Lewis tan come to- gether and forget the past because they have a common basis for agree- ment against their progressive oppo- nents. Like the robber capitalist na- tions, who, tho always quarreling among themselves, unite at the first sign of danger from the ranks of the working class, the two rival “tuchuns” of the miners’ union can put up a united front in order to save their jobs out of which they can buy grand homes, automobiles, orange groves and shares in the coal companies that are fighting the very union whose in- terests they are sworn to serve. As Farrington retracted this charge against T. L. Lewis, he also swallowed his accusations against John L. Lewis and those already given here are not the, worst by any means. To use a popular phrase: “The worst is yet to come.” ‘ Saved Walker's Hide. It may be of interest however, to learn in whose behalf Farrington claims to have retracted his state. ments against T. L. Lewis in his writ- ten apology which was afterwards used by John L. Lewis against him. We have already shown in previous articles that John L. Walker saved Farrington’s bacon on more than one occasion.. This pair evidently had.an entente or an understanding to come to each other's aid whenever the for- tunes of either one were in jeopardy. It was a sort of “gentlemen's agree. ment” something like the kind of a secret agreement sometimes made by capitalist nations with each other; the kind that would not look so well in print. It. appears that T. L. Lewis had something on John L. Walker in 1910. Walker was then president of the Ill. inois Miners’ Union. It is reported that T. §. Lewis threatened to “get” Walker unless Farrington, Walker's friend, withdrew the charges he made against Lewis"at the “Belleville ‘con: vention and in writing. Knew Apology False. At the Oklahoma convention where Farrington made the speech from which the above quotations are taken. he admitted that he knew the charges made by him against T. L. Lewis were false, yet he signed a complete and unqualified retraction. Why? The following reply does not answer the question. It Only raises another: What had T. L. Lewis on John L, Walker? Farrington was asked by Delegate Doyle, as the special Oklahoma con-| vention asked Farrington the follow: ing questions: Delegate Doyle: “Referring to the controversy that you mentioned in your agreement in 1910, the retraction that you made, were you not then, at that time a member of the Interna- tional executive board, when you made that retraction?” Farrington: “Yes,” Delegate Doyle: “And you made it, did you?’ Farrington: “Yes, sir.” legate Doyle: “In the interests of John L, Walker?” Farrington: “No, in the interests of the Illinois miner: ; Delegate Doyle: “John L. Walker was president of the Illinois miners at that time?” Farrington: , “In the interests of the Illinois miners at the behest or re- quest of John Walker, who was at that time president.” Forgot His Promises. The loyalty to the cause of Alexan- der Howat which Farrington so loud: ly proclaimed at that time was soon discarded, when the Howat case no longer served his crooked purpose in ACT ON THE y 4443 W. Washi Blvd., Chicago, Iilinols SUGGESTION! this Brick (jaR~ ( to THE DAILY WORKER his factional fight with Lewis. When the labor takers of the United States felt the growing power of the Trade Union Educational League led by William Z. Foster, endangering their graft, they closed up the ranks and joined forces against the ‘common en- emy. Fear Basis of Pact. This is the secret of the “peace” between Lewis and Farrington. There is no-reason to believe that they love each other now any more than they ever did, but they love the progres sive miners less. They fear the‘How- at case as the rallying center for the mass protest against their treacherous acts. Therefore Farrington decided to let Lewis have Howat's head while he }Rot his axe ready to chop off the pol: itical head of Duncan McDonald, torm- er secretary-treasurer of the Illinois Miners’ Union, who is feared and hat- ed by Farrington as Lewis hates Howat. Other interesting correspondence be tween Lewis and Farrington will be given in subsequent articles and also to oust the progressives, particularly those in the Springfield sub-district. Farrington’s success in securing the suspension of Duncan McDonald is likely to prove his Nemesis. Why he fought McDonald and how the Iilin- ois miners are fighting for McDonald's | reinstatement will be the subject of a special article, Carry Out London Protocol. PARIS, Oct. 26—The French for- eign office today published an inter: | allied decree suppressing allied ex-| ploitation of Ruhr. and Dusseldorf. | bridgehead gages, mines and coking. Plants on October 28, in accordance} with the London protocol, Also, the decree authorizes German customs and forest licensing authori- ties to resume functioning immediate- ly. {liberals are no longer willing to sup- the attempts of the Illinois “tuchun”}. jmembers have a two-fold character, | being chairmen of (Continued from page 1) the general defense told the conven- tion that the form of the defense work is changing and ffem now on publicity will be the I. W. W.’s big- gest defense weapon. Morris said the port the I, W. W.. defense, and ad: vised a cOmpulsery assessment on all I. W. W. members. Joe Fisher, suspended secretary- treasurer of the Industrial Workers of the World, recommends the abolish- ment of thé general executive board of the I. W. W. and its election in the future by the membership. Fisher says in his report just printed by the| IL W. W., that by changing the char. acter of the general executive board, | future controversies will be con- trojied and the sickness of “indus- trial patriotism instead of revolu- tionary Actr.” will be avoided. Sees Dang? rous effects. Fisher says in part. | “The present makeup vf the G. B. | B. tends toward far-reaching danger. ous effects upon the general organiza: | tion of the I. W. W. The G. EB. B. their industrial unions and G. BE. B. members at the Samé time. This leads to petty po lities in a contest for advantage.” | In speaking of Bowerman’s actions | as G. E. B. member, Fisher pointed to “the defeat by Bowerman, Trotter and 'Vangstess of a motion to con- tinue the éxposure of the Burns’ de tective agency in Solidarity.” Fisher further censors these men for “The motion introduced by Bowerman and Trotter to rescind action previously taken by the G. E. B. in expelling Burns’ agents, Spear and Haines, } alias Harrts.” “When the G. B. B. was called into} session by thé generai organizer to, ~ (Continued from page 1) growth of the vicious, scab-herding methods of American capitalism. As to taking up the fight for the exploited Negro, the Communist move- ment is not ashamed of its activitier in that direction. The fight of the Negroes is our fight, and the fight of all workers, of whatever race or color. We are not ashamed of enlisting Ne- groes in our ranks. We only wish Spolaitsky’s figures were true. Now about the “secrecy” business. Apart from Spolansky’s confused non- senso in the Chicago Daily News, there are a number of erroneous con- ceptions which have gone abroad, and Which have been diligently spread by the friends of capitalist exploitation. These need to be cleared up. An Open Movement. The Communist movement is now an open movement, and was an open movement when it started. The Com- |munist Party and the Communist La- jbor Party were organized in 1919, ad- hering to the Communist Internation- jal, and making their appeal to all workers. In January, 1920, ex-Attor- ney Palmer, a willing tool of capital- ism, began his series of spectacular and brutal raids against radicals, mak- ing liberal use of “under-cover” men, stool pigeons, finks and frame-up ex- perts, of the type of William J. Burns and Jake Spolansky. These raids have already been exposed in the DAILY WORKER. Nearly 7,000 war- rants of arrest were issued and up- wards of 10,000 workers were arrest: ed—a great part of them members of the Communist and Communist Labor parties. The Labor Defense Council is still defending cases arising out of these raids and is collecting funds at its office, 166 W. Washington street, Chicago, to carry on the fight. These mass persecutions forced the Communist parties to organize under- ground to escape annihilation, The movement was forced to lead an un- derground existence for three years, not by romantic mystery or secret in- structions from Moscow, but rather by the brutal, vindictive terror of the New Manifesto Against I. W. W. Page Three ES consider. the charges of disruption which had been preferred against some of the G. E. B. members by Wil- lam Hanley and John M. Reilly, they imored the meeting entirely, and -vent om with their tump session,” Fisher's report continues. “Finally the G. E. B. members were forced to en- force the last general convention rul- ing on matters of a controversial na- ture, and Rowan, Ryan, Trotter, An- cerson and Bowerman stand suspend. ed member# of the I, W. W. until this gerieral convention.” “The injunction applied for by Fowermaa and inspired by Grady and cthera hag done much to bring the L W. W. imto disrepute and has ef- feetively paralyzed its functioning as }a labor organization.” Recommendations by Fisher. Fisher recommends; “1. That the constitution be made j€daptable to meet the existing com |ditions from time to time. “2, That the one-year clause be stricken out from the constitution. 3, That the G. E. B. as at present constituted be abolished, and G. E. B. be elected by and from the general membership. “4. That a elearing house system be established im the l. W. W.. “6. That all credentials and sup- Blies for the delegates of all I. U.’s be issued from the general headquar- ters, and delegates must remit all finances to general secre 'y-treasurer, “I further recommend to the dele- gates on the present contrayersy: “That after thorough investigation is made by you delegates in this pres- sent controversy, all those guilty of- ficials and members who eupport those who violated the princtple and carry jon the dissention in the I. W. W. must be expelled thru the refxrendum vote of the entire organization.” working class niovement alfve and) functioning at all costs. However, it is ridiculous supergti-| tion or ignorance to believe that a Communist party must always be un derground. In France, Germany, Eng- land and other countries, we have Communist parties with hundreds of thousands of workers in thir ranks, quite openly organized. It is only in the most backward countries, such as Roumania, Jugo-Slavia, Poland, Hung. ary, Finland, and in Italy which is plagued with fascism, that the brutal- ity of the government has condemned the Communist parties to an urder. ground existence. Have Nothing To Hide. The Communist underground organ. ization was not a means for hiding anything from the workers. The Com munists said this clearly and emphat- ically, far back as 1922, in the vey Labor Day manifesto which Spolan- sky misquotes: “The Communists are not a sinister secret band of conspirators. Our aim, the liberation of workers, the abolition of wage slavery, working class contro) of industry, and state power, can only be achieved if the great masses of the workers stand with us. “Workers’ rule is only possible when the milliong of workers support the Communist program. It is an essen- tial feature of the Communist pro- gram to convince the majority of the workers of the truth of the ideas of Communism. “We have nothing to conceal from the workers. We once more appea! Snolansky Casts His Lot with Burns {determined to keep a revolutionary, to get ready to have the whole work- img class face the same declaration from the Hamrocks, Hardings, Daug- hertys, Pershings—-that the organized workers must be crushed ‘for the best interests of the state’—and in this in- stance also ‘no law will be consult- ed.” The conditions of the class struggle made it absolutely necessary for the Communists to exist ‘as an under- ground organization during the years 1920-1922. But the change in condi- tions has made it possible, and there- fore, ‘necessary, for the Communist Party to be dissolved as an under- ground organization. Today we no longer have an underground Commu- {nist Party im the United States. The Communist forces have united in the Workers Party of America, which is fraternally affiliated with the Commu- nist International. The Workers Par- ty fights openly for Communist prin- ciples. It is leading the fight against reaction, in the trade unions, in the shags and factories, in all phases of the poiitical and industrial struggle. Its candidate for president in this election is William Z. Foster, leader of the great steel strike of 1919, the man whom “Pat” Hamrock once de- ported from Colorado, for the best in- terests of Rockefeller and Rockefel- ler’s friends. y (This concludes the series of ar- ticles by Manuel Gomez. A. new series by Karl Reeve, will begin in the DAILY WORKER tomorrow.) —. Wood Turners to the workers to look upon the perse cution of the Communists as a matter | concerning all workers as well. | “The Communists aré today outlaw-| ed because the capitalists are planning | to outlaw the whole working class. | When Wiliam Z. Foster was forcibly | run out of Colorado, Adjutant-Gener-.| al Hamrock declared that he did so/ ‘tor the best interests of the state.’ And then he added, ‘No law was con- sulted.’ Capitalists Break Own Laws. “The capitalists break their own United States government in the serv. ice of American capitalism. It is true that the Communists did not meekly surrender when attacked, but were NAME STREET. CITY. “ PEO a year S CHICAGO ~$ Boo ayear F450 6 montis § 250, F months THE NEW SUBSCRIPTION TO BUILD THE DAILY WORKER sautinasatais laws whenever their interests demané it. If the workers will not defend the advance guard, the persecuted Com munists, then the workers will have FPITES 850-6 montis § 2.00 Organization Meeting! Matison Men, Variety and back-knife operators, Machine hands, Cabinet makers, Finishers and Gilders who are working on lamps. All above mentioned workers attend-, ing this mass meeting will be ad- mitted to our union free of initiation fees. THURSDAY, OCT. 30 8 P.M. 3420 W. Roosevelt Road, 8rd floor. By joining the Wood Workers’ Union of Chicago you are bettering your conditions, I montis A ae