The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 25, 1924, Page 9

By ALEXANDER | BITTELMAN VERYBODY is preparing for the coming struggles. but the work- ers and the poorest sections of the farmers. The working masses of Anjérica seem to be living now in a fool’s paradise, dreaming dreams and cherishing illusions which can profit no one except the enemies of the working class, Big Capital on the Job. Big capital knows its mind and is . proceeding in a business-like fashion to entrench its positions. Take the Dawes plan. What is it if not a clever device by the big capitalists of Aemerica to extend their power abroad in order to make more secure ‘their domination at: home? Or, take~-the ‘presidential election campaign. See how cleverly the big capitalists have manipulated the affairs of the two old parties. Both have nomi- nated for their presidential candidates servants of Wall Street: Both have formulated programs which, despite some differences in language, equally suit the interests of big capital. Thus, no matter which of the two is elected president, republican or democrat, the interests of monopo- ljzed industry and finance capital will be in safe keeping. » Then see how resourcefully — big capital is directing the election cam- paign. First the manipilations of the grain market, All of a sudden there was a general rise in prices of wheat and corns The capitalist press seized upon this “news” to usher in a new era of prosperity for the farmers of the United States. Was it real pros- perity for the toiling masses of the farms? Of course not. The only ben- eficiaries of this short-lived boom in the grain market were the grain speculators, big bankers and a small section of the rich farmers. But the psychological effect upon the farming masses was no doubt political confus- ion and hesitation, which was all that the big capitalists were aimng at. Another example of the political ' strategy of big.capital will be found Preparing For the Comin in the recent decision of the federal,’ supreme court “upholding” a provis- ion in the Clayton Act. -which pre- scribes jury trial in certain contempt cases, namely, contempt cases which arise out of violations of anti-strike injunctions. On the face of it this ruling of the supreme court seems for workers who violate injunctions the right to a trial by jury. An impor- tant concession to labor, isn’t it? The capitalist press is already sermoniz- ing on the magnanimity and impartial- ity. of the supreme court, attempting to prove that by this ruling the. in- junction ceasés to be an unconstitu- tional method for breaking strikes. But what is:the truth? The power of the courts to issue injunctions, has not been touched at all. The courts still enjoy ‘that right. And once an injunction has been issued, all the powers of the government automatic- ally come into operation to enforce the injunction, that is, to break the strike. Even upon superficial examination this ruling of the supreme court will be found to be nothing else but a po- litical maneuver by big capital to con- fuse and demoralize the workers. Big capital is on the job. It knows what it wants and it knows how to get it. Small and Medium Capital. The small and medium capitalists have become very conscious of late of their respective groups and sectional interests. They, too, know what they want, and are working pretty hard to get it. The LaFollette movement is a good indication. As between the big and small capi- talists, the latter are naturally less resourceful than the former in de- fending their interests, for the simple reason that smal! capital is not a dom- inating class. ‘Economically it is com- pletely in the hands of big capital. However, when driven by necessity to Political action independent of the big capitalists, the smaller capitalists in alliance with the labor bureaucracy have managed to execute a maneuver which strengthens considerably, the | Class, 3 This is, the LaFollette movement. Led and dominated by the petty bour- geoisie this movement ‘has. succeeded in drawing. into its wake large sec- tions of workers and poor farmers. The petty bourgeoisie is leading, the masses are following. And what is the result? The bourgeois middie classes are forg- iug for themselves a political weapon to be used in. their own ‘interests and against’ the interests of the working Why, even now, when LaFol- lette still needs the votes of the work- ers, he finds it possible to say, in a speech delivered recently in Omaha, Nebraska, that he “will not indulge in \ill-advised” experiments with govern- ment ownership of railroads.” What does it show? It shows that in order to placate the bourgeois middle classes ‘LaFollette is even now ready to-go back on his own platform, to repudiate the only plank in his ‘pro- fram which deals with important la- bor legislation. The middle classes, too, are prepar- ing for the coming struggles. What About the Workers? They are not preparing. They think they have found a political movement —the LaFollette combination—which will stand by them in time of need. Empty dreams. Baseless hopes. _ [Il- lusions that are bound to be shattered at the first touch of reality. The working masses of America are living in a fool’s paradise. Gompers and his crew don’t have to worry, As long as they can continue in “labor” banking, in class-collabora- tion with the capitalists through vari- ous schemes of-arbitration on the eco- nomic field and in alliances with the petty bourgeoisie on the political field, these agents of capital in the fabor movement are safely entrenched in power. True, this power of theirs is not absolutely secure, but as long as the masses do not actually revolt and begin fighting on their own initiative, the Gompers crowd need not become hysterical. ° But the masses will revolt. The in- political. power and prestige of the] dustrial depression is continuing. Un- middle ‘classes. employment is growing. The general , |gles. Struggles standard of living of the American working masses is going down. We are fast approaching a situation where capital in the United States will again resume the offensive in new wage- cuts and open-shop campaigns. What will the masses do? They Will Demand Leadership. They will demand leadership in struggle, and they will find that lead- ership neither in the trade-union bu- reaucracy nor in the LaFollette move- ment. What will be the result? Spon- taneous, unorganized struggles by the rank and file in defiance not only. of the, capitalsts but also of the labor bu- reaucracy. The masses will be driven to fight irrespective of whether they have or they have not an organized and conscious leadership. They will create, if necessary, their own organs of struggle and will proceed to defend themselves. What will be the duty of the Com- munists? What will be the task of the Workers Party? To assume leadership of these strug: To assist and encourage the masses in resisting the offensive of capital by the creation of direct rank and file organs of struggle (shop- committees, councils of unemployed, labor congresses, etc.), by compelling the amalgamation of craft unions into militant industrial unions, and by as- suming direct charge of the daily pro- letarian struggles against capital. The workers of America are enter- ing upon a period of sharp industrial and political conflicts wth their old leadership completely bankrupt. The Workers Party, as the vanguard of the American working class, must there- fore prepare itself in time for the ful- fillment of its duties. In entering this election campaign under its own name and with its own program and candi- dates, the Workers. Party has merely laid the basis for more militancy and @ greater measure of self-assertion of the organised Communists of America in the everyday struggles of the Am- erican working class. Im other words, we only made a beginning. Now, let us follow it up. Edo Fimmen Exposes Anti-Soviet Lies (Extract from a speech déliverea by Edo Fimmen on the 12th of Septem- ber at a sitting of the Presidium of the Railwaymen’s Union in Moscew.) | should have been very pleased had I been able to appear officially in the name of the Transport Workers’ International at the negotiations with the R. I. L. U. but unfortunately there still exists in the International of Transport Workers a very strong sec- tion which is of the opinion that con- nections with the Russian organiza- tions can only be’ set up under cer- tain definite conditions. I am glad to have the opportunity of being in Mos- cow in order to become acquainted with the achievements of the Russian proletariat. IF cannot at present give a definite opinion as to the impression which Moscow and. Soviet Russia have made. upon me. In spite of this I must gay that everything which 1 have seen up to now has made a very great impression upon me. The first thing which came to my mind, was that the silly gossip ohne hears in Eu- rope, that Soviet Russia there ex- ists not a dictatorship of the prole- tariat but a dictatorship over the pro- letariat, is a brazen lie. The Eu- ropean workers would be very glad if they could enjoy the same freedom as the workers in Soviet Russia. I hope that the European amginom? | including the non-party and even the]. social democratic workers, will be- _ come more and more convinced that}. the bourgeois press and even a por- tion of the labor press is deceiving them regarding life in Soviet Russia. The broad- masses of the workers will sooner or later learn the true state of. affairs, and when these masses have learned the truth regarding Soviet Russia the struggle for the unity of the trade union movement will re- ceive a great stimulus. You know that two years ago I was still like all other leaders of the Eu- ropean trade union movement, an op- ponent of the Russian trade unions and of the Russian Revolution. Now, however, I am personally convinced that this was a great mistake. I will not say that everything «which has been said in Soviet Russia regarding the West-European trade union move- ment, and everything which you have undertaken in relation to the European trade union movement, was right in every detail. Many mistakes were also committed on our side. - Your im- patience is quite understandable. The workers in the West have not shown 80 much courage, they have not made f0 many sacrifices as the Russian pro- letariat. There the trade unions are partly bound by tradition and Partly by their leaders. There they still ser- iously “believe that it is possible to achieve something by negotiations, by going cap in hand to the bour- geoisie. Therein lies the greatest mistake of the European trade union movement. I understand therefore why the Russian proletariat so sharply criti- cise the leaders of the West-European trade unions.- They have a right to criticise them so sharply. I. myself became convinced of this in “1922, when I began to follow events in Ger- many. The bourgeoisie replied to the Hague Trade Union Peace Congress with the occupation of the Rhur, and the European proletariat not only failed to take up the struggle for the liberation of the German proletariat, but it did not even make a single at- tempt to do so. On the whole, I maintain that the Russian tactics were correct. It will only be possible to achieve anything when all sections of the trade union movement are working hand in hand Only then will it be possible to over- throw the bourgeoisie and to estab- lish Communism. When I arrived at this conviction I commenced the fight for unity. I set myself a definite aim and to this aim I will devote all my powers. I am convinced that unity must come, or else the labor move- ment is lost. Two or three years ago there was in the Amsterdam International a united front against the Russian trade unions. Today the situation is other- wise. Today there exists in the Am- sterdam International a revolutionary minority which considers it necessary to unite with the Russian trade unions. This minority varies from 10 to 40 per cent in the different organ- izations. But whatever it may be it is still a minority, and so long as it is only a minority, the Russian trade unions cannot be accepted. With us in the Transport Workers International the situation is as fol- lows: _ The question regarding admis- sion of the Russian unions to the In- ternational Congress of the Transport Workers was dealt with at the sitting of the executive. The minority fought “|for admission, but the decision rested with the majority. This minority, however, is growing continually stronger and will soon be the major- ity; the International Transport Workers will- then be pleased to ad- mit the Russian unions into their ranks. I have devoted myself entirely to this struggle, I have entirely bro- ken with the past and am convinced that we, along with the Russian or- ganizations will be able to make a step forward on the road to world revolution. “Pacific 231° Spurns Conventional Rules By ALFRED V. V. FRANKENSTEIN “Pacific 231,” a description of a loco- motive in action, -was the novelty on the pregram of the Chicage Symphony orchestra last Friday and Saturday. “Pacific 231” is the work of Arthur Honegger, one of the so-called French “Six,” famed for their disregard of the conventionalities of music. The title is the name of a certain type of French heavy duty railway engine. ly, and then “the change from the Honegger describes it chugging slow- lyric to the pathetic” in the aspect of a train weighing three hundred tons rushing along at a hundred. and twen- ty miles an hour. He does this by a tremendous, powerful crescendo. The only thing one misses in his descrip- tion is the persistent, jolting rhythm of a train. The symphony of the evening was Rachmaninov’s second. This is far below the standard of the composer's other works. It is too long for one thing, and too reminiscent of Brahms at his platitudinous worst. Two lively and beautiful works opened and closed the concert, a fan- tastic bouree by Samuel Chabrier, and a set of dances from Borodin’s “Prince Igor.” ee pcm Na?