The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 20, 1924, Page 6

j | } a ee ee OUMELEIIT EA OECD CEE IML RA OR I Page Six ‘TME DAILY WORKER. —————— Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING 00. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, TL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months ; aes months B: Il (in Chicago only): a Peas months $2.50....8 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY, WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Iinole J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ, J. LOEB..... {snnmanennnnnen EAICORS weomnebusiness Manager tered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post Omee ‘at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879 290 Advertising rates on application ———— Hearst and Japan When William Randolph Hearst wanted war with Spain he sent one of his best reporters to Cuba, with instructions to send every bit of news that would serve to arouse the fighting spirit of the American cannon fodder against the Spanish “enemy.” The correspondent was ordered to serve atrocities up so they could be devoured with relish in the United States. “Enemies” in those days had not yet learned the art of cutting the arms off babies, raiding con- vents and such other refinements of the art of civilized warfare, later on conceived in the foul brains of the journalistic perverts of capitalism during the late world war. Hearst evidently did not make a phrenological examination of his correspondent. He was a keen disappointment. He turned out to be painfully honest. Shortly after his arrival in Cuba, he wrote back saying that he found no atrocities. He did not even see a big husky Spaniard steal candy from a kid. There was no sign of preparations for war with the United States. His assignment was a waste of money, he wrote, and suggested that he be allowed to return to the United States. Hearst wired back: “You provide the news; we’ll provide the war.” He did. Today Hearst is very busy trying to hasten the inevitable war between the capitalists of the United States and those of Japan. But the cap- tialists will fight by proxy. The actual fighting will be done by the American and Japanese work- ers and by the workers of the world. A war be- tween America and Japan would not be a private affair. The other capitalist nations would step in. Hearst, his army of writers, headed by the notorious pen harlot Arthur Brisbane, and his army of cartoonists, are picturing hordes of grin- ning Japanese flying to this country in hundreds rirplanes to drop bombs on peaceful American es and destroy railroads, factories, and in gen- «.:l wreck the country. iiow many normal human beings can imagine ut even the Japanese militarists could entertain h an insane war plan, is difficult to comprehend. it there is method in Hearst’s madness. He is out ior a big air navy and in order to work up a great ; »pular demand for his scheme he first proceeds t» frighten the people with a horrible picture of + apanese airplanes spreading death and destruc- ton thrnout the country. This war between the Japanese and American capitalists will come, not because Hearst wants it but because of the conflicting interests of the capitalists of America and Japan. This disaster cannot be averted by pious homilies on the evils of war. It can only be averted by the working class of Japan and the United States taking the powers of government a from the capitalists of their respective countries and organizing Soviet govern- ments on the ruins of the robber ‘capitalist system. Anatole France . The French government honored the great master of letters with ceremonies such as usually accompany the passing of great political leaders. Eut there was very little in common between Anatole France and the bourgeois government that paid homage to the greatest figure in modern French literature. Anatole France was a Communist, tho the enemies of Communism will use every means at their disposal for suppressing that fact. He openly took the side of the working class and gloried in the great Russian revolution. His writings were translated into many lan- guages and he was one of those honored by having his books placed on the Index Expurgatorius by the Vatican, the headqué of world supersti- tion and intellectual darkness. Shortly before his death it was reported that J natole France recanted his atheistic views and : urned to the fold of the Roman Catholie church, ', 3 was a lie made out of the whole cloth. France recained his consciousness until very near the end, and the black-robed agents of hell fire and damna- tir. were not able to take advantage of his dying 1 aAvents to cram their hokum down his throat. Pree hundred thousand people attended the berial service of Anatole France. But many mil- 1. os all over the world honor him for his work, vnad future generations will profit by his writings yheu the efforts of the literary lackeys of capital- ism will be buried in the ash heap of history. The Biter Bitten THE DAILY WORKER he shot and killed the union miners—will mourn for him in his present predicament. As a rule, filthy human vermin of the Chafin type are not held in high esteem by their paymasters. When they have outlived their usefulness, they are given the.cold shoulder. The chief gunman of Logan county is no, novice at violating the law and Judge George McClintic is well aware of that fact. But Don Chafin made the mistake of thinking that because he got away with the murder of union mine organizers and striking coal diggers that the protective armor of the scab coal operators would save him from the attacks of the prohibition sleuths. And perhaps this assumption would be correct but for the fact that the coal operators apparently have no longer any use for Don Chafin. John L. Lewis is too busy trying to send Calvin Coolidge back to the White House to bother about organ- izing the slaves of Logan county. The old officers of the West Virginia Coal Miner’s Union have quit and the coal operators of the Logan industrial battlefield are no longer faced with the dreaded enemy in the form of the union. Don Chafin was a necessary evil to the coal barons in, time of stress. When shooting is to be done, it is handy to have a professional murderer around. But in times of peace even a scab coal operator is:particular about the kind of human animal he is compelled to associate with. Don Chafin is sentenced to serve two years in Atlanta. The coal miners will find some con- solation in that. But it is not cheering to know that the coal operators no longer have need for Don Chafin. If they had the gates of Atlanta would open for him. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for the DAILY WORKER. Branting and the King Dr. Hjalmar Branting, leading Swedish social- ist and big gun in the Second International now known in the political underworld by the alias of the “Labor and Socialist International,” again is premier of Sweden, having been called upon by His Majesty the King to form a cabinet after the conservative government was defeated. During the war the term “King’s socialists” was applied by the ieft elements in the socialist movement to those who took service in the capital- ist governments as ministers. Vandervelde in Bel- gium, Henderson in England and Thomas in France were conspicuous among those who became part and parcel of the enemy’s governing arm. Today “King’s socialists” are a drug on the market in Europe. The kings seem to get along better with their socialist politicians than with the so-called conservatives and liberals. The reason is not that the so-called socialists are more humble in the presence of royalty. The real reason for the popularity of the socidlists as servants of capital- ism and royalty is to be found in the fact that the capitalist parties have lost the confidence of the working class and that the capitalists are now re- lying on the social traitors who still use the phrases of socialism to keep them on the backs of the work- ers for another while. When the conservatives fail to make the cap- italist machine go, the socialists are called in to carry on the work. As the Communist Interna- tional says, the socialists are the last bulwark of capitalism. The Brantings in Sweden, the Blums in France, the MacDonalds in England, the Eberts and Scheidemanns in Germany, the Adlers in, Austria, the Vanderveldes in Belgium, and the |Hillquits, Bergers and LaFollettes in America, jare the last line gf defense of the capitalist class against the rising tide of proletarian revolution. The Daily News knows by this time that Spol- ansky sold it a gold brick in his “Red Exposures.” A Whirlwind Finish The first Communist election campaign will come to a close on November fourth. Its closing days will be marked by an intensification and in- crease in the number of campaign meetings now being held all over the country from coast to | coast. Never before in the history of our party have so ;many and so uniformly successful meetings been held. The Foster-Gitlow meetings are the spearhead of our election campaign. Foster and Gitlow being the candidates of our party, crystallize in the minds of masses of workers the Communist issues put forth by our party, Great organizational support for our party, as a result of the present campaign meetings, cannot be immediately expected. The LaFollette hysteria is at present too widespread. The Communist exposures of Coolidge and Davis, and especially of LaFollette, are a great contribution to the American Communist move- ment. When the La¥Follette movement with its polyglot program fails to retard the inevitable economic trend of capitalist society, and when the LaFollette movement stands exposed because of this failure, millions of workers hitherto influenced by it will recall the Communist criticism of the LaFollette movement and the predictions being made about it in our meetings. In the concluding weeks of the. election cam- paign, tremendous efforts must be put forth to make the final meetings a whirlwind success. Not Dou Chafin, notorious antiJabor gunthan of|for some time to come will we have such an op- Logan county, West Va., was recently sentenced to two years in the federal penitentiary at At- lanta for violating the Volsted Act, or in plain language for common bootlegging. Don Chafin’s record in West Virginia is a bloody portunity to carry to the masses in American in- dustry and on the land the message of Communism. The teachers can strengthen their fight against McAndrew by really class conscious action against s.-~—,, October 20, 1924 The. Carpenters’ Convention By MIKE ROSS. 'HE twenty-first general convention of the United Brotherhood ‘of Car- penters and Joiners of America is over. As militants in the labor move- ment it would be well for us to ana- lyze that convention and see what prospects it holds for the class con- scious workers, Next to the miners, it is the larg- est labor organization in the United States. The latest report of the sec- retary showed that it had 367,000 members. From a_ strategic standpoint the building industry falls behind mining, transportation, or the steel industry. While strategically not as strongly istuated as other industries, the build- ing trades are the most powerful in the American Federation of Labor. They are the backbone of the A. F. of L., being nearly. half its strength. So strong is this union in the A. F. of L. that William L. Hutchengon, the general president, openly defies Gom- pers. When the board of jurisdiction- al awards gave the erection of metal trim to the sheet metal workers, Hutchensen withdrew from the build- ing trades department of the A. F. of L., and is conducting a war against it with some success. This internally destructive war has ‘been going on for several years and threatens. to destroy the building trades. Hutchenson; at the conven- tion, considered this the inevitable result for the carpenters. During the first three and a half days of the convention, Hutchenson ruled with an iron gavel. Everything progressive was “Fosterism,” and all the Fosterites were threatened with expulsion. Delegate Mulcahy, who tried to organize an opposition against the old-age pension, was beaten up by thugs. Fear was instilled into the weaker delegates. So fast did the machine work that report after report was declared ac- cepted before one could wink an eye- lash. Rosen Fights. During this time only one delegate tried to get the floor. He was not recognized, told to sit down, or call- ed out of order. An appeal from the decision of the chair brought a ter- rific roar from ezar Hutchenson, “Sit down!” This lone militant was dele- gate Rosen of New York, who was later nominated for general president. It began to look as if no one would get the floor, but after the nomina- The Com By KARL REEVE ‘HE Workers Party in the Illinois State campaign, as well as in the presidential race, is the only party in the field which has a constructive program for the working class. The Workers Party program, which favors the immediate formation of un- employment councils, workers’ control of industry and government, and the downfall of capitalism, is carried into the Illinois governorship race by William F. Dunne, The republican and democratic can- didates, reflecting their national po- litical bosses, Davis and Coolidge, are tools of the master class. As repre- sentatives of Wall Street, of the Man- ufacturers’ Association of Illinois, of the wealth of the country, neither can- didate can be expected to run for elec- tion on a program advocating meas- ures of real benefit to the workers. The democratic candidate for gover- nor, Norman L. Jones, is making his race on the strength of the time worn slogan—“turn the rascals out.” Jones is Judge, not a ‘member of a union, who is backing to the limit John Davis, presidential candidate of his party. Davis, is well known as a cdrpora- tion lawyer who has used his talents against the workers and in the inter- ests of the coal barons and other trusts. Jones, in supporting the Mor- gan attorney waives all right to be considered as a workers’ candidate. There is but one political party in the field which is for the overthrow of the capitalist system of exploita- tion—the Workers Party. Jones has been spewing much hot air against graft. He has put forward not one definite measure for the bene- fit of the working class. Jones is merely for “honest government,” and “mote efficiency and economy.” As is so often ¢he case, however, when thieves fall out, much interesting mat- ter has emanated from the democratic headquarters at the Sherman hotel in- cluding documents which summarize the corrupt regime of Len Small, re- publican candidate for re-election as governor of Illinois, Governor Small, despite his long record as a grafter and crooked po- litician, has succeeded in lining up the “leaders” of Illinois labor on his side. In his campaign for nomination in the republican primary fight, it will be recalled that Victor Olander, John Fitzpatrick, John Walker and the other officials of the Illinois and Chi- cago Federations of Labor used their offices, paid for out of the dues of union labor, as campaign stations for the nomination of Small. The offices were stacked high with literature and manifestoes were sent out signed by the Federation of Labor officials advis- ing all trade unionists to vote for ~na and pone—not perhaps even those for whom ‘the Big Business school board that oppresses them. | Smal. | tions for general officers, which were held on the fourth day of the con- vention, Hutchenson began to allow a little freedom of discussion. His machine, by this time, was well fortified. The constitution gives the general president the right to appoint the committee on rules, It in turn gave Hutchenson the right to appoint all other committees, Each commit- teeman got paid from $10 to $25 per day for his “services.” He appointed over 100 committeemen. Left wing work was extremely dif- ficult. An amalgamation resolution was ruled out of order; advocating a labor party was “partisan politics,” hence out of order. Progressive Proposals Killed. All progressive measures were kill- ed by the machine. The recall amendment, biennial conventions instead of quadrennial, election of organizers by referendum vote instead of by appointment, gen- eral executive board to be elected by the district the members represent in- stead of by the entire country, elec- tion of all district council officers by a referendum vote, election of the committee on rules by the delegates, the right of the president to expel or suspend to be abolished, resolution fa- voring organizing the unorganized, job control, affiliation with the building trades council, condemnation of Hy- lan for compelling men to work un- der unfair conditions, all these mea- sures were crushed by the reactionary steamroller and in their place many reactionary measures were passed. Even the American Federation of Labor is too radical for Hutchenson. A resolution endorsing the A. F. of L. political policy was ruled out of or- der as partisan politics, and a reso- lution endorsing the workers’ educa- tion bureaii of the A. F. of L. was voted down because Secretary Duffy said the names of the workers’ edu- cation bureau and the Trade Union Educational League were too much alike and would confuse the members so that they wouldn’t know which is which. The only progressive thing that was passed was the endorsement of the five-day week. This was evidently done as a sop, even the reactionaries speaking for it. Revolt Comes at Last. As the convention developed, oppo- sition to the machine grew stronger and stronger. A revolt was coming and it broke out in the last day of the convention during the report of the committee on appeals and griev- ances. being bared in the DAILY WORKER by T. J. O'Flaherty, Farrington advised the coal miners that it was imperative that they vote for Small—that it was to the interests of labor to re-elect him. In the light of the stampede of the labor leaders of Chicago and Illinois to the banner of Small, his reeord be- | comes doubly interesting to the work- ers. Upon what grounds did Olan- der, Nockels, Walker and Fitzpatrick support Small? é Small drew his strength in the prim- }aries from two main sources—the active campaigning of the labor fakers, and the funds which he used himself to send out campaign literature. A bill for an injunction asked by Edward McDonnell, against State Au- ditor Andrew Russell and Oscar Nel- son, state treasurer, revealed that $44,- 214.10 spent by Small to send out cam- paign literature, came from the state funds. “Len Small, for the purpose of ob- taining for himself the votes of the republicans of the state of Illinois, and other political support at the primary, ordered or caused to be or- dered printed certain pamphlets entit- led ‘Pardons and Paroles,’ in the num- ber of 1,850,00, consisting of some 47 pages, which were circulated thruout Illinois,” states the injunction, which has become part of the legal record of Sangamon County. “By reason of the printing and pub- lishing of the pamphlets above des- cribed, the said Len Small personally became indebted in the sum of $44,- 214.10 to the following firms,” contin- ues the Springfield injunction, “Illinois State Register, $4,900.43; Tllinois Printing company, Danville, $11,639,- 52; Sehnepp andBarnes $9,589.44; Ill inois State Journal company $3,664. 81; Phillips Brothers, $14,419.90.” Thi _campaign material, which broadcasted by the ton, much of it to trade unionists thru their officials, was paid for, the injunction revealed, by the treasurer of the state of Ill inois, following the issuance by Small officials of authorized vouchers. In replying to this injunction,, Small’s henchmen denied nothing | but de clared, “They cannot answer to the purpose for which the newspaper crit- icisms were thade,” and could not an- swer for Len Small. Governor Small established cam- paign headquarters during the April primary campaign in the state arsenal at Sprinfield and it eventually. came to light that Small again misdirected state funds for the use of his private campaign for nomination. Katherine Miller, @ Springfield girl, reveled that she was employed to work in this ar- senal by Small’s Springfield manager, Otto A. Elliot, together with employes The first important appeal came from Fred W. Burgess of Philadelphia, who was suspended from the broth- erhood because he endorsed the Phila- delphia Labor Defense Council and his name appeared on its stationery. His case was lost on a technical con- stitutional point which did not exist or at the best, was very doubtful. He did not even get a chance to argue on the merits of his case. This angered the delegates. The next appeal, a constitutional question dealing with the right of lo- cal unions to have power over sick donations, was undoubtedly upheld by @ yes and no vote, but Hutchenson declared it lost, and a further division by @ show of hands was refused. This angered the delegates still more. Their protest came in full fury on the next case, which was an appeal dealing with the repeal of the old age home clause. ° Ends in Uproar. Delegate Mulcahy, who pleaded the case a few moments, was interrupted by a delegate who said he was out of order, and Hutchenson ruled ac- cordingly. Mulcahy refused to sit down and insisted on his right to appeal. He was then expelled from the conven- tion by Hutchenson. ; Cries of “Boo,” “czar,” “Let's go home and leave him rule the empty chairs,” were heard thruout the hall. During the turmoil, the president de- clared the convention over. From the acts of the convention, | one is justified in saying that the offi- cials are more reactionary than ever before, but the rebellion of the mass of delegates was also greater than ever, and this at a time when the car- penters were enjoying the greatest prosperity in history. A number of old delegates who have attended many conventions and are members of the union nearly 40 years, said, “That never did they see a more reactionary convention, but never was there such an opposition and such a fight for progressive measures.” The . Opposition. In this fight there were two distinct opposition groups. The larger group did not base itself on the class strug- gle and had no fundamental issues. It divided into fractions, each fighting for its own particular issue. Mulcahy, leader of the Rhode Is- land faction, fought for the repeal of the old age home clause. Burgess, of, Philadelphia, for more democracy. The New York group, led by Tom Ryan, centered their fight on certain mea- sures which would take the power away from the New York district council and make it more democratic, The constitution is so reactionary that / Halckett and his bunch in New York rule as if over an absolute monarchy and it is almost impossible to get rid of them. All of these groups, however, agreed that they must get rid of Hutchenson and their candidate is Willis K. Brown, who did not open his mouth during the entire convention. The Real Left Wing. The smaller group was led by Ro- sen of New York. This group cen- tered its fight around measures that would strengthen the union and the class power of the workers and every step that led in that direction was fought for. Such resolutions as affili- ation with the building trades depart- ment, a joint drive to organize the un- organized, and development of job control, were introduced by this group, Their candidate for general president is Morris Rosen of New York. ’ , About twenty-five more militant delegates in addition to those present would have swung the entire opposi- tion around Rosen, and the power of the reactionaries would have been challenged in no uncertain manner. Organization of Militants Needed. The opposition is now big enough to smash Hutchenson’s machine, but it lacks aggressive leadership, and the necessary organization. This opposi- tion will increase tenfold with the end of the building boom and will steer in- to reformistic channels unless the militants become real active, take the lead in the fight, and steer it in the © direction of the class struggle. The amendments passed by the con vention will be submitted for a refer. endum, vote. Only one of them should receive our support, the five-day week. Nearly all the rest are reac: tionary and should be voted down. The carpenters’ union is a gian( with a small head who has been so sleepy that he has not moved. This giant is now stirring and threatens to break the chains that hold him. If the militants want to utilize the strength of this giant they must be gim at once. The prospects for the militants are now more rosy than ever, but only thru activity will they be able to lead this giant. For the first time in the history of the carpenters’ union a real progres. sive is running for general presi- dent. This should stimulate the mili- tants and line the membership up be hind Rosen and the militant measures he stands for. that she had to spend all her time ad- dressing, folding and stamping cam- paign literature for Small. When Miss Miller went to draw hor pay, she found she had been paid from the treasury of the state of IIl- inois for “repairing civil war flags.” Further ‘investigation revealed that Small’s campaign expenses were be- ing partially paid out of a state fund of $31,500, which the 53rd general assembly had appropriated fof repair- ing the regimental civil war flags of the state of Illinois. Another charge against Len Small which has now become public proper- ty is the accusation that Small’s ap- pointee, Chairman Miller of the board licensing physicians, dentists, pharm- acists and nurses sold licenses to the highest bidders. Small retained Miller several months after positive proof of the“ illegal issuance of licenses had been given him, Miller peddled these licences instead of licensing only those who had completed a course in @ reputable school teaching the above professions, which is the legal re- quirement. Then there is the case of Werner W. Schroeder, from Len Small’s home town of Kankakee. Schroeder acts as personal attorney for Small, and munist Campaign in Illinois Into this republican political battle] Miss Miller declared that she was| came Farrington, whose record is now| hired’ to do clerical work, but found defended him when Small was tried in Waukegan. General voucher No. 232 357, dated June 80, 1923, “signed by Governor Small states, “For clerical services rendered the governor on leg: islation enacted by the 58rd, general assembly from January 6 to June 30, inclusive, $10,000.” There is no record of just what “clerical” work Schroeder did for Small. ‘Suspicion points to the fact that Small diverted state funds to pay his personal attorney. At any rate, Schroeder was a costly clerk to the state. Small has not yet explained this enormous fee which was paid from state money to Small’s person- al lawyer. Nor has Small explained what “clerical work” relative to legis- lative matters the lawyer performed for the state, nor upon what basis such an enormous sum was paid to a clerk. - Such is the man indorsed by Frank Farrington, who pretends to speak for the Illinois miners, and by Victor Olander and John Fitpatrick on behalf of the Illinois and Chicago Federa- tions of Labor. Such is the corrup- tion with which the American Federa tion of Labor has been smudged from top to bottom by following Gompers policy of rewarding friends*and - ishing enemies. Such is the man the Illinois labor takers call a “friend of labor.” 3,000 RUSSIAN COMMUNISTS HELP TO STRENGTHEN THE CO-OPERATIVES By ANISE. (Federated Press Staff Correspondent.) MOSCOW, Oct. 19.—Three thousand specially chosen Russian Commun- ists have been added to the workers in co-operatives and state trading organ- izations following the resolution of the Communist party to strengthen the co-operatives. Of these 545 have been sent into the offices of foreign trade, 395 into state internal trade, 724 into credit organizations, while 1,367 are in wishes to strengthen some new branch of the government or the general ma- chinery of social life in Russia. “Co-operation” in Caucasus. I met one such “co-operator’ down in the mountains of the Caucasus, 15 miles beyond the end of the railroad. He nad come only a month before, but had already organized a co-op- erative milk-selling station with 150 members among these pastoral moun- taineers. The slopes of the moun- tains are covered with cattle, while their owners live the entire summer in the hills, ‘a long coat serving as their tent against wind and. rain, They are not Russian, but one of the races that under the czar had no cnr for education and organiza- Here among these half-nomad folks, the Communist had installed a receiv. the local and regional stores and organizations of the co-operatives, This is a measure regularly adopted by the Communist party when it | Se ands of quarts of milk daily to the sanitariums.in the health resorts of the valleys. He slept in a shack, slightly less weather-proof than the average tent, and the only structure for miles around. Improve Type of Cattle. He was enthusiastic not only to, organize the population, but to Prove the type of cattle, the meth of caring for them and in gen to introduce agricultural quence A this distant region, Cae This is going on all over Russia thru workers sent out to educate the people and weld it together under the general program planned by the Com- miunists, Open Forum, Sunday Night, paws — —— oo