The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 10, 1924, Page 6

ISLE ELLE, ata { ; Page Six | OAR i eS Published by the DAILY WORKBR PUBLISHING 00. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.60....6 months : ‘eden months B: ii (in Chicago only): . 54.60... months $2.50....3 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year A@dress all mat! and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB...++e-0000 Chicago, Ilinols seoeneveeee DGItOPS .Business Manager ——— ——$—————————————— ‘@ntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post Omics at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 18 <p 290 Advertising rates on application Bloody Paterson Paterson is again a bloody battlefield. Angered by the sticking qualities displayed by the strikers the silk mill bosses have ordered their armed forces into action. Clubbing, riding down and jailing of strikers has become the order of the day. The development of the strike in Paterson could have been written before it was ever called. First comes the strike, complete closure of the mills. Peaceful meetings, organization, a successful picket line. The strike gets stronger and the police close the halls to meetings. The picket line cqntinues and strikers are arrested. Still no break in the solidarity. Then comes the discard of all pretense of legality followed by a charge of armed police upon peaceful and unarmed workers. If there were no such thing as the agencies of the capitalist state every strike of workers would end] in victory because the capitalists alone cannot run . . ° . Real Disrapters in Minneapolis The question of who the real disrupters of the labor movement are has been answered in Minnea- polis in a manner easily understood by every honest member of the rank and file. An open attempt, sponsored by the elements that have fought every move toward building a fighting labor movement, is being made to start a secession drive and split the labor unjons into warring fac- tions. The disrupters have sent out a call for a meeting for October 10 for the announced purpose of organ- izing a new central labor council. The call is signed by seven unions whose officialdom for years has |been opposed to the policies of the Trades and Labor Assembly and which has time after time .| Sabotaged all efforts for independent working class political action. After having falsely charged the Communists with trying to break up the unions this group now seeks to give its disruptive activities organizational form and one of their complaints is that two mem- bers of the Workers (Communist) Party are offi- cers af the Minneapolis Trades and Labor Assembly. This disruptive movement is led by one Louis Harthill, a pie-counter artist of the first water. He was chief of police under Van Lear and now edits a red-baiting sheet since the Minnesota Star, thru its constant betrayals of the workers and farmers, lost its following and had to suspend. There is a political angle to the situation which should not be overlooked inasmuch as the disrupt- ers are composed of elements that have been ped- dling what portion of the labor movement they could control to the capitalist parties for years and wish to continue this lucrative pastime. Harthill, Van Lear and their tools in the unions whose names are signed to the call, are henchmen of the republican party machine and are trying to create a reactionary labor bloe which they can manipulate for the bosses. We suppose that in spite of the endorsement of their factories. Neither will workers scab on one another without coercion. | This is the function, and the principal function! of government—to force the workers to toil for| what the capitalists are willing to give. When a/ strike fannot be broken by propaganda and the | hungry mouths of the unemployed, the striking | workers must be beaten, killed and jailed until they | give up in despair. This is the role now being} played by the Paterson police. The strike in Paterson is not a big strike nor is it in one of the heavy industries yet in come the armed forces of government in answer to the man- date of the capitalists who own them. It is plain that every strike today has a poljtical character whether the workers want it that way or not. A real- ization of this fundamental fact and new tactics to meet the problems that arise from it are neces- sary. The strikes of workers everywhere today mean either bowing their heads to the blows of the mer- cenaries of the capitalist state or organization for offense and defense. Staying away from the job is not enough to win strikes in this era of monopolistic production. The capitalists fear more the increased militancy of the workers that follows a victory than they do a tem- porary loss of profits. Organizations fit for titanic struggles with all the forces of capitalism must be built and on the revolutionists in the labor move- ment and among the unorganized workers, because of the cowardly desertion of the official leaders, is placed the task of constructing them. The struggle in Paterson teaches a lesson to every worker who knows the urgent need for a labor movement that can maneuver in the difficult field of the American class struggle. | Misinterpreting LaFolletteism | If the reports of the Nearing-London debate are| reliable Scott Nearing’s ideas of the role of the La-| Follette group need considerable clarification. He is quoted as saying that “LaFollette is against class rule of any sort” and is said to have proved this from LaFollette’s utterances. If Nearing proved this we are afraid that he is a better lawyer than a revolutionist. If one thing is proved, not only by the utterances but by the acts of LaFollette and his middle class henchmen it is that they are against working class rule but for the rule of the middle class to which they be- long. They break up farmer-labor parties, they de nounce the Communists for their belief in the dic tatorship of the working class and they maneuver the control of what organization they have into the hands of lawyers and small capitalists and some not so small—like Spreckles and Vanderlip. The role of the LaFolletteites—the American ex- pression of reformist nationalist socialism—is that of the left wing of the capitalist parties. In cer- tain periods such as the present they engage in a struggle with the big capitalists because they feel that the middle class is being denied power that rightfully belongs to it. When a real crisis comes for capitalism these middle class elements become its strongest sup- porters—they become fascist openly as in Italy or maak their terrorist activities behind a thin veil of parliamentarism as in Germany. LaFollette does not believe in class government? Why then does he fight for the supremacy of his class—a section of the capitalist class? Nearing thinks that the LaFollette campaign is a personal adventure but Communists look for the class alignments that produce mass movements like that headed by Lafollette. Class-conscious workers can discern these alignments and it should be easy for Scott Nearing whose training in econ- omic and historical research is his chief claim to fame. Nobody won the debate. LaFollette the disrupters will receive support from the Gompers machine but we believe that the mil- itants in Minneapolis will succeed in preserving the unity of the labor movement against this boss-in- spired crew. LaF ollette “Strategy” Governor Small, running for governor with the support of the LaFolletteites, has endorsed Coolidge without reservation. He is a regular republican, he says, and for the whole republican ticket right down the line. The endorsement came as soon as the time limit expired for the filing of independent candidates and leave the LaFollette forces helpless. It is too late to discipline the astute Mr. Small who now has the support of the Coolidge republicans and the LaFollette independents. The LaFolletteites are great strategists. They have been very much concerned lest someone might be able to hurl the charge of “red” at them and to prevent this have allowed the campaign plans in Illinois to be drafted by the labor fakers with the result set forth above. It is probable that the Small endorsement of Coolidge will throw Illinois, which LaFollette had a good chance to carry, in- to the Coolidge column. We lowly Communists are supposed to have no conception of the finer points of political strategy and it is true that we make many mistakes. Never- theless we have never employed the strategy that throws our entire movement behind our strongest enemy in one of the key states of the union as the LaFolletteites have succeeded in doing. We speak of this painful matter from the stand- point of the revolutionary section of the working class but for the cockroach capitalists who dom- inate the LaFollette movement it is far less serious to strengthen the following of Coolidge and Dawes than to aid in any way the followers of Foster and Gitlow—Communist candidates. A New Peace Plan The European socialists are today simply the mouthpieces of the ruling class which utters plea after plea for the salvation of European capitalism by American capitalism. To the working class of the United States the social-democrats make no ap- peal. Their statements are directed to the American ruling class. The latest appeal comes from the French social- ists who have come back from Geneva. They have \ wonderful plan to bring peace to a suffering world. ‘Nothing rough, of course. The League of Nation’s flag is to be flown by every nation and this is to make war impossible. Say the socialists who supported their govern- ment in the world war and who have upheld it in its most oppressive features ever since: “Armies and navies which fly the flag of the league beside the national flag would by that token become different organizations. They would be- come symbols of peace instead of war. Everybody would know whether the nation was devoted to peace or not by the presence or absence of the flag.” Here in all its shamelessness is the idea of a national unity under capitalism. No word of the warring class interests or any hint of the fact that the masses of all nations are for peace but that the rulers bring on war. To depend upon an instrument of imperialism such as the league is to bring peace is the same as expecting capitalism to free the working class from wage-slavery, The social-democrats seem to believe that peace can be “flagged in” the same as a railway train. Every day get a “sub” for the DAILY WORKER and a member for the Workers Party. Send in that new “sub” today! THE DAILY WORKER Editor’s Note-—In these days when the British Labor govern- ment under the premier, J. Ram- say MacDonald, is facing an end of its rule, it will be interesting to read of the events that transpired at the recent British Trade Union Congress, the powerful economic organization of the British work- ers that Hstened to an address by M. Tomsky, the head of the All- Russian Trade Unions. We have received an excellent article on the congress from Harry Pollitt, of London. It is as follows: eee By HARRY POLLITT. (London). ‘HE 56th Trade Union Congress held at Hull, attended by 750 de- legates, representing 44% million work- ers, was the most important congress yet held. Out of the 105 resolutions, covering every conceivable subject, four definite facts, overshadowing everything else, emerge, and all these have an international significance and importance, It would be very easy to place on record where the congress failed, what it ought to have done, the issues it ought to have faced, but here we are only concerned with what actually happened at the congress. The national minority conference, held a week previously, had undoubt- edly had its effect upon the Hull con- gress. And though the general coun- cil of the congress refused to place on the agenda any of the resolutions passed at the minority conference and sent on to Hull, these questions were introduced during the various debates that took place. The Trade Union Congress and the Labor Government. There had been no attempts or pro- vision made for discussing the policy of the labor government during the nine months of its existence. In the annual report of the general council only a congratulatory reference was made to the labor government, and a sentence inserted declaring that it was not the business of the trade union congress to discuss the policy of the government, unless it was in relation to specific resolutions that had been previously discussed by con- gress. This part of the report was contested and a debate ensued. There was very evident a strong feeling in the congress against the labor govern- ments’ actions, particularly in regard to the Dawes report; its policy during strikes and in regard to the Dawes report were roundly condemned, and Robert Smillie was put up to try and defend the government, but he was unable to-make oyt any defence. When the vote took place the motion criticizing the government was lost. but a very considerable support was gained for the motion, to the surprise of the general council. Thruout the week, on a variety of resolutions, many strong criticisms were made of the labor government. It was easy to see how nine months of such a government has disillu- sioned many workers’ representatives as to its attitude and policy. This di- siilusionment is also spreading amongst the masses, but it would be a great mistake to assume that the labor government was not still very popular with the organized trade union movement. At all past congresses, a special resolution dealing with foreign policy has been discussed. This year the resolution was only confined to assur- ing the government of the support of the congress in its intentions to carry out the agrgement with Soviet Rus- sia. Congress was unanimous on this point, and the hands of the govern- ment in dealing with the opposition against the treaty will be greatly strengthened. But the most significant thing was the absence of any resolution con- gratulating Ramsay MacDonald on the results achieved by him at the London conference. At the very time when the London conference and the Dawes report are being claimed as triumphs for MacDonald and the la- bor government, the trade union con- gress is silent, and for a very signific- ant reason. That is because the op- position to the Dawes report was so strong within the congress, that had the general council introduced a reso- lution backing it up, they would have run a serious risk of it being defeat- ed; this would have been a grave political defeat for MacDonald and so no opportunity was given of having a discussion on the question, but throughout the proceedings of the congress many references to the Dawes report were made, all indica- tive of a growing opposition to this slave plan. I now hear that the mi- ners are to convene a special nation- al conference to discuss the Dawes’ report, and what is to be their future attitude to this report, _ Towards National Unity — The British trade union movement is very sectionalist. There is no cen- tral organization backing up the various unions in a common struggle against capitalism. Two resolutions that make for closer working and also towards creating a general staff were adopted at the congress. The first), resolution makes it the duty of the general council of the T. U. C. to pre- pare a scheme for the adoption of the principle of organization by industry. At present there are over 1100 unions in Britain, all overlapping, jealous of each others’ rights, constantly quarrel Se ea sano Friday, October 10, 1° | organize various classes of workers. The adoption of this resolution means a real step towards the unification of the movement. The second resolution was brought before congress by the general council itself. At present this council has no real powers or functions. It has been looked upon with varying degrees of tolerance, suspicion or distrust, as the case may be. But it has been a main plank in the programme of the opposition now organized in the minor- ity movement, that if the workers are to fight successfully, there must be a central organization and leadership, directing and coordinating all their struggles. In every strike and lockout, the op- position has repeatedly shown the ne- cessity for such centralization, and it is the direct result of this propaganda, that the existing general council has been forced to come and asked con- gress to give it increased power and authority. Two years ago at South- port, a similar resolution was over- whelmingly defeated. Last year at Plymouth it was again defeated, this year there was an overwhelming majority in favour of the general council having this power, and so by its resolutions on organization by in- dustry and increased powers to the general council the Hull congress has done much to solidify the ranks of the trade unions in Britain. Towards International Unity The general council submitted a re- port of the Viennese congress of the I. F, T. U. It was on this report that a discussion was initiated on the ques- tion of international unity. While ap- proval was expressed of the attitude of the British delegation at Vienna, strong criticism was made because the Vienna resolution was expressly framed to exclude all the organiza- tions affiliated to the R. I. L. U., with the exception of the Russian trade unions. A proposal was made that the general council should at once take measures on the executive bureau of the Amsterdam Internation- al to arrange for the convening of an all-in-International conference, at which should be present all the organ- izations now affiliated to both the Amsterdam and Moscow Internation- als, There was a strong demonstration in the congress favouring this propo- sal and A. A. Purcell, the congress chairman, then stated that this ques- tion was of such importance that the congress itself should decide what steps the general council should take. The debate then continued, and all the right wing leaders took part. It was very noticeable the way they all concentrated on two things. First a general complaint about the personal criticism they had received, secondly the Russian unions, but were silent as to what was to happen to the other: [i all went on record for unity with To AllProletari me ‘HE First International Conference of the International Red Relief issued an appeal of which we reprint the following extract: Our International Red Relief was formed in a period of furious capitalist attacks. It was established thanks to the endeavors of the workers and peasants of the Union of Socialist So- viet Republics in close co-operation with the revolutionary working class and peasantry of the capitalist coun- tries. Its task is the material and moral support of the victims of the revolutionary struggle. The Interna- tional Red Relief supports the prison- ers in the bourgeois prisons and the families of the fallen and imprisoned VIEWS Owens Hits the Tribune. To the DAILY WORKER—The pre- judice breeding, race riot creating, Negro baiting capitalist newspaper, The Chicago Tribune, has an incurable mania for seeing non-existing things. Every single time that some Negro felon is apprehended, a near lynching occurs, according to this lying and filthy newspaper. Carl Sandberg, of the Chicago Daily News, stated that the Tribune was one of the chief in- stigators of the Chicago race riots of 1919. The Tribune, of Tuesday, Oct. 7, tells in streaming headlines on the front page, of the identification of, “Negro Killers,” and of the attempt made to lynch them by a crowd of in- furiated whites in Evanston, Ill. This lie sheet also states how one of the slayers stated that he and his girl needed money to make the rounds of the Black and Tan joints on (fie South Side. The lecherous Chicago Tribune has a hatred too awful to contemplate, for any amusement or recreational place frequented by both Negroes and whites and sneeringly re- fers to them as Black and Tan. No doubt most of the slush con- tained in this prejudice breeding news story was concocted in the distorted and twisted brain of one of the paid morons on the Tribune staff, who are experts at putting over anti-Negro ar- ticles and stories. Other races in Chicago constantly commit unheard- of and unbelievable crimes, but never ling with each other over the right to does the Tribune refer to their racial ee Lh organizations affiliated to the R.LL.U. The leaders of the German gocial- democratic, French and Belgian trade unions will derive no pleasure from this debate, for Tillett of the Trans- port Workers, Robinson of Distribu tive Workers, Politt and Hullsworth all levelled strong ciriticlsm against these leaders and their attempts to sabotage unity. The debate then concluded on the understanding that an emergency resolution was to be submitted to congress. A resolution was then submitted to the standing orders committee, but was rejected on account of the word- ing, a second resolution was then drafted and accepted by the standing orders committee and was then brot to the congress, In informing the congress of the nature of the resolu- tion, the chairman gave it as his opinion that the points in the resolu tion were covered by the Viennese resolution. The right wingers seized on this statement, as providing an excuse not to debate the question again and moved that the congress refuse to discuss the resolution. A fight then took place on this is- sue, the writer pointing out, how the resolution came to be drafted and what was the vital distinction be- tween this resolution and the Vienna resolution. At this stage a delegate was stated to have made some re- marks derogatory to the authority of the chairman and a scene then took Place. It gave an opportunity for the reactionaries to focus attention on this incident, and so pass on to the next business. This was done, but there was a very strong opposition to this course. The next day came the speech of Tomsky, and afterwards telegrams were read from Italy and from Fimmen who was stated to be in Moscow. These telegrams indi- ated that the workers of au coun- tries were looking to the Hull trade union congress to take real steps to- wards establishing the unity of the international trade union movement. Having in mind the strong support of the congress delegates for unity and with the effect of Tomsky’s speech upon all the delegates present, the chairman, A, A. Purceu then made the following statement: “I think I should take this oppor- tunity of impressing upon congress the significant fact that we have now received from practically all those continental nations where the labor movement is in a disturbed condition, indications that they are looking to the British trade union congress for a demonstration of that unity which is so vitally necessary. From Italy, Germany and now from France, the dissident sections have intimated their desire for that unity, and if our movement is to fulfil its great destiny, something must be done to consum- mate that desire. In no country is revolutionists. However, the work of building up our organization is not yet at the end. We strive to establish a still stronger red basis for the support of the Inter- national workers’ and peasants’ move- ment. We must strengthen the con- nection between the various parts of this organization which constitutes one of the best means for the estab- lishment of the united front of the working class. In order to carry thru this task, the First International Con- ference of the International Red Re- lief took place in Moscow. The mil- lions of organized workers and peas- ants of all countries, represented by the International Red Relief, are united by one idea: to double and even treble their help for the imprisoned OF OUR READERS identity as Jewish Killers, Irish Kill- ers, German Killers like they always do in the case of a Negro, The Chicago Tribune, owned and controlled by the employers of Chi- cago, does everything in its power to keep alive prejudice against Negroes, and to keep the Negro and white workers separate and divided and from mingling or coming in contact with each other. The Tribune always associates the word Negro with crime in order to create in the minds of white workers that Negroes are crim- inals and the inferiors of whites, and unfit to associate with or mix with the whites. This is the captalist’s trick to keep Negro and white workers di- vided and apart in order that they, the capitalists and employers, may rob and exploit them both. The one and only way to destroy this Anti-Negro propaganda is to de- stroy the system which thrives on same, the present iniquitous and rob- ber system of capitalist wage slavery. The Communists, the people whom this Negro baiting sheet also prints vicious lies about, are the ones who advocate this remedy. Negro workers should unite and join forces with the Communists and aid them to carry out their program and thereby destroy this vicious system under which they, the Negroes, are the worst sufferers, Gordon W. Owens, Chicago. They Don’t Do It in Russia, To the DAILY WORKER:—As we are aware that slogans are being used to good advantage by the capitalist British Trade Union Congress unity so firmly established as in Great Britain and it seems to me in- ( cumbent upon this congress that, without passing any formal resolu: tions or indulging in prolonged dis- cussions, it should take such steps as will bring together the different ele- ‘ments of the labor movement in Hurope in an effort to establish that solidarity that will make for world peace. I would therefore suggest to this congress, that they empower the general council thru the international federation of trade unions to take all possible steps to bring the parties to- gether.” The congress unanimously agreed to this suggestion, and the position now is, that the general council of the British trade union congress is pledged to work for the unity of the movement and will, I am convinced, after the discussion which took place at Hull, see that all the organizations affiliated to the two internationals are brought together. The Russian Delegation. The reception accorded to the dele_ gation from the Russian trade unions was the greatest ever given by con- gress. It completely over-shadowed all the others. It was the first time that the representatives of the or- ganized workers of Great Britain and Russia had faced each other, and there was no doubt as to the spon- taneity and the warmth in the tribute of the British workersin welcoming these Russian comrades. Comrade Tomsky’s speech was in such marked contrast from those delivered by the fraternal delegates from other countries, that this fact alone made it the more impressive. But the acute analysis of the eco- nomic situation, the lessons from the past struggles of the workers, the implications of the Dawes report, the growing danger of war, and in tnis situation the essential need for the unity of the organized workers—this was the theme of the speech and it created a profound impression, and has been responsible for many in- fluential leaders now working harder than ever for the unity of the move- ment. The capitalist press realized the importance of this speech, for the next day it was given in full in all the most powerful newspapers. The British trade unidn congress is to send a delegation to visit Russia, and this will mark a further step towards forging real bonds of solidarity be- tween the Russian and British work- ers, and thru them between the work- ers of the world. The Hull congress has — therefore been of the greatest international im- portance. It neglected to face many important issues, but its work alone on the question of the unity of the trade unions, both nationally and in- ternationally, marks a progressive step in the’ history of British and in- ternational trade unionism. an Prisoners of the Bourgeoisie and persecuted fighters of the revolu- tion. We call today to the prisoners of capital: “Do not lose courage! Be- hind you are the millions of the work- ers, the members of the International Red Relief, and first of all the work- ers and peasants of the Socialist So- viet Republics, The invisible ties that connect you, the prisoners of capital, thru the iron bars of capitalist prisons with the millions of the work: ers and peasants outside, will never be separated!” We are convinced that soon the hour will come when the masses ot the workers and peasants will rise for The First World Conference of the International Red Relief. the final struggle against capital.— \) class, I herewith suggest to the mem. bership of the Workers Party and the DAILY WORKER to use the follow: ing slogan every time they come in contact with the iniquities of the capi talist system—They don't do that in Russia. I thot up the slogan today, using it during the course of conversations, In each case the question was asked, “What do you mean?” thus giving me @ chance to give out some Communist propaganda, The fact that the words (slogan)— They don’t do that in Russia—at once raised the ear of each one I conversed with struck me as a good slogan for the use of the party—Louis Reguera, New York, Attention! Don’t Forget the Workers Party Campaign Fund! Carry a Subscription List Collections should be made in shops, at all socials and meetin: j among friends, and wherever , workers congregate. uA Send contributions to Workers Party Campaign Committee, 210 East 12th St. New York City. Tel. Stuyvesant 6647, Make checks payable to Charles Krumbein, Treasurer. In with the Dollars! aia ce Tan a RAR |