The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 2, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DATEL YSWORKER THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months $2.00. By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 momths $2.50....3 months 8 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, IIlInole J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOBB... Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879 <B> 250 Advertising rates on application mm ET Hungarian Workers Awaken The acquittal by a Hungarian court of the Piroska brothers and other defendants, members of the Awakening Hungarians, who threw bombs into a mixed crowd in the ballroom of a Jewish society about a year ago causing a number of deaths, will probably have the same effect upon the fascist Horthy government that the defense of the murderers of Matteotti by Mussolini had upon his regime—a popular revolt. According to dispatches, indignation is at a high pitch and the acquittal of the assassins has be- come a major political issue. The Awakening Hun- garians have been the chief support of the Horthy government, Formed of ex-army officers and, as a dispatch to the New York Times states, members of the “most ignorant sections or of very young people, besides a large number of lawless elements who find convenient cover for their evil deeds un- der a patriotic guise,” the Awakening Hungarians are kindred of the terroristic organizations of capi- talism everywhere. Such is the resentment aroused by the acquittal of the acknowledged murderers, among whom were the highest leaders of the organization, that the Horthy government must curb drastically the power of this semi-official organization or abdicate. Inasmuch as the Horthy regime retains power by terror alone any curtailment of the activities of its most effective supporters is tantamount to sur- render. There is discernible already in the capitalist press a note of pessimism relative to the future of this bloody tool of the League of Nations on {ann Editors .Business Manager which so much praise has been lavished when it was crushing the revolts of the Hungarian work- ing class. The next chapter will be the renaissance of the Communist movement in Hungary. MacDonald’s Latest Boast “1 defy Liberal or Tory to say that the name of the country, the reputation of the country, the posi- tion of the country in the eyes of the world, have suffered in the least degree by the existence of the Labor government.”"—Ramsay MacDonald in the House of Commons, September 27. “The eyes of the world” to which Premier Mac- Donald refers are the eyes of the capitalist world. After all, only one-sixth of the world is under the control of the working class—the territory of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. If England, under the rule of MacDonald’s party, has not suf- fered in the eyes of the capitalist world—and in this he is quite correct—it follows that his gov- ernment must have shielded capitalist interests. Shielding the interests of the capitalists is hardly the role of a working class government. So far from the interests of the capitalists lie the interests of the workers that to protect capitalism and capital- ists is to betray the workers. The remark of Premier MacDonald is’ both in- teresting and informative. It is one that those workers who are intrigued by the admiration the Wheelers and LaFollettes express for this social- patriot, would do well to chew over. Aid lie Paterson Washers True to the traditions set np thru many years of hattle with the capitalists of the silk mills, the; Paterson wor on uncomplainingly. The} police close their halls, arrest their pickets and break up their meetings but the strikers return to work only in mills that have met their terms. The silk workers of Paterson had little enough funds to start with and the long drawn-out strug: gle has almost exhausted them. They need assist- ance and the Workers (Communist): Party of America, whose members are taking an active part in the fight, is launching a campaign for strike relief. The raising of substantial funds is the objective in this campaign, but of just as much importance ix the spread of the news of the strike and its vauses—the organized oppression of the silk work- ers by a powerful section of the American capitalist class. This is a revolutionary task for which no dis- ine will be required to wally the membership of the Workers (Communist) Party of America. Prosperity and Lies | Chicago is now the scene of a mass convention | of bankers. Ten thousand financial vultures are gathered in the city to hold their annual conyen- tion. There are many questions these leading citizens will cgnsider. There are many decisions these ployers’ associations, of the bankers, the manu- facturers and the foreign trade corporations func- tion as a sort of a super-legislativa, and extra- ordinary executive department of the government. In truth these bodies are the invisible but guiding hand that is the government, that runs the coun- try and ruins the working and farming masses. We know what the actions of the American Bankers’ Association will be. We know from the achievements of their forty-nine years of conyen- tions that here- there will be laid, overtly and covertly, many plans to perpetuate the exploita- tion of the workingmen. Here many lies will be concocted which will then be spread broadcast as the gospel truth by the well-kept press of the land. The bankers are already bringing prosperity tales. We assume that they are speaking for themselves. In that instance there is an altogether too large measure of truth in the glorious reports on the economic conditions. But if these apostles of high- finance are referring ‘to the conditions of the work- ing and farming masses thruout the country, they are simply mangling the truth. The bankers’ prosperity tales are yarns woven out of the whole cloth. There is more reason, at best, for confusion than optimism in the present economic situation of the United States. The in- creased demands that have been expected from Fall buying have aot come anywhere near expecta- tion. The copper market is glutted. Steel is un- steady. The September steel figures are expected to indicate a renewal of the sharp decline that we have been witnessing for months in the bookings of orders. The high figures in car loadings are to be accounted for more by the transfer from shelf to shelf than by the manufacture of new commodities. A further recession is expected in the automobile industry. The employment situation is showing no signs of improvement. All in all, hand to mouth buying and business persists. This is what we have with us in the economic conditions of the country. The bankers know the actual situation. They are only attempting to throw sand into the eyes of the masses for their own class political and economic purposes. The Brookhart Bolt The republican party is noted for the powerful propaganda machine that it has under its control. One need but turn to the manner in which it ad- vertised the Mellon scheme to save the biggest business interests from taxation. Just now it is working at break-neck speed in bluffing the coun- try into the belief that it is all over but the shout- ing in so far as the election of Coolidge goes. All of which may be necessary attempts in the drive to, psychologize the country for the strike- breaker president. But there are obstacles in the The machine is beginning to show signs of creaking. Not all is smooth on the road. Smith W. Brookhart, United States senator from Iowa, has openly demanded that Dawes be taken off the ticket or else he will be compelled to bolt. This demand is, of course, only a signal for ‘the with- drawal of Brookhart from the republican fold. There is every likelihood that Senator Norris will follow suit. The mere withdrawals of Brookhart or of Norris are in themselves not the most ominous phases of the situation confronting the republican party. Neither Brookhart nor Norris ever was counted upon by the reactionary national committee for unstinted support. The primary purpose of the Coolidge clique was to prevent these individuals from jumping: off the reservation openly in order to prevent the signs of the deep-going party dem- oralization becoming evident to that mass of fol- lowers that is wavering. This refusal of Brook- hart to be on the Coolidge bandwagon definitely shows that many of the so-called doubtful repub- lican ‘states are a good deal more doubtful than many have thought them to be. In fact they ap- pear to be so doubtful in their regularity that even the ‘hesitating Brookhart and the wavering Norris are prepared to come out openly, far in ad- vance of the time LaFollette or they themselves thought they could safely do so. Another significant fact of the Brookhart bolt is this. The incident shows the close ties still exist- ing between by far the vastest portion of the La- Follette following and the regular Coolidge clientele. The differences between the two camps certainly cannot be fundamental and permanent if the alignments shift with such ease. Brookhart delayed his departure from the republican fold only in order to be able to make secure some of the regular republican votes for himself and to clinch his place on the ballot. Norris did likewise. Assured of this support, the senators feel secure in challenging the Coolidge republicans and be- coming LaFollette republicans. Malcolm MacDonald, son of the British premier, is here. “He is not the object of as much atten- tion as the Prince of Wales was, but the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad offered to him a guide. The railroad magnates evidently are not afraid of his Yather’s socialism. When the great earthquake shook Japan, millions were subscribed to bring relief to the suffering people. ‘But the ‘Communists pointed out then that the American ruling class would subscribe billions to kill more Japanese than fifty earthquakes conld, when the interests of the rival capitalist na- tions clashed. The round-the-world flight of the American aviators was not merely for pleasure. They took their time about it. There was no effort to break speed records, Evidently the flyers stayed Jong wherever they could pick up any useful informa- tion for their masters in Washington. The big rulers of the country will make. There can be no denial of the fact that the councils of the em- { flight was a scheme of the United States war de- partment. Spargo The Trail Blazer OHN Spargo has made the circuit from reformism to reaction with more rapidity than some of his former colleagues but his career, culminating in the support of Coolidge, is merely a sort of trail blazing for the Hillquits, Oneals, Bergers and Wallings. They have taken a more roundabout route but with the rest of the leaders of the second international they find them- selves supporting one of the parties of capitalism because their own organiza- tion was too weak to function effect- ively as such. In his denunciation of his former | Pals published in the New York Times of September 28, Spargo, now snugly ensconced in the arms of the blackest section of the American capitailist sys- tem, feels safe enough to tell at least one truth. He says: “Life has placed socialism upon the shelf—my social- ism equally with that of the socialist A of the world. That is why (Continued from page 1.) wages and intellectual darkness, the 2,000,000 agricultural wage workers of the United Statest stand out as the most victimized portion of the Ameri- can proletariat. The workers who gather the wheat harvest are an especial class within the American agricultural proletariat, and the good fight the A. W..I. U. No. 110 has put up to organize these work- ers deserves and receives the admira- tion and support of the Red Interna- tional Affiliation Committee. At the close of a good crop year and other fa- vorable conditions, it is a credit to the A. W. I. U. No. 110 that it has not only | Suéceeded/in initial organization work in the wheat harvest, but has—accord: ing to your Bulletin No, 31—attained Some measure of success in co-ordinat- ing job action by a system of central: ization around stationary delegates in definite districts. If this plan has the results it promises, it should be made permanent in such districts and ex- tended to unorganized territory. Your convention will, of course, have in mind the problem of organiz- ing the great mass of exploited agri- cultural wage workers of this country, of which the summer drive for the or- ganization of the migratory harvest |workers is but an infinitesimal frac- tion. The great mass of 2,000,000 ag- ‘vicultural wage workers are totally unorganized. , The reactionary unions of Gompers and Company have com- pletely ignored the workers of this in- dustry. If they are to be organized at all, it will be by an organization which uses in this larger field the same spirit and persistence the A, W. I. U. No. 110 uses in the wheat har- vest. Anyone who approaches this gigantic task with a serious purpose of accom- plishment will feel the need of pro- {found consideration of objective con- | ditions, not only of the national situa- tion but of conditions obtaining in the agricultural industry thruout the world. The question, moreover, for a revolutionary union, presents itself quite differently than it does for a con- servative union which.does not see, beyond the present undoubted need for more wages and shorter hours, the overthrowal of the capitalist system and the rule of the working class. With the vision of an ultimate rev- olutionary goal in mina, the problem of course, appears more difficult. But with a program which harmonizes with those definite tendencies which, within capitalism, are working for its destruction, the work of the revolu- tionary industrial unionist may be so directed as to go forward with the cur- rent of social forces instead of against broad view of political economy is re- quired. And what do we see? Capitalist production, internationally is in historic decline. The imperialist contradictions and rivalries which brought about the war, far from being solved by it, have become aggravated by it, and the struggle is now on a higher plane of ferocity. Finance, the life blood of capitalist exchange, has callapsed in most of Europe, dragging industrial production down with it and operating to such a wide extent that a crisis in agricultural production has spread thruout the world. In Am- erica, where the concentration of wealth in agriculture has taken the form of financial centralization—while nominal ownership is left in the hands of the farmer—we haye seen 2,000,000 farmers bankrupted and great masses driven into the wage working class. Tho subject to temporary relief, agri- culture, in common with all capitalist production, is, in a series of curves, declining. Capitalism has reached NOTICE! The new headquarters of the Workers Party in District No, 9 is Rooms 2 and 4 617—4th Avenue South, Minneapolis, Minn. You should change your records at once in conformity with the above changes. Cc. A. HATHAWAY, | District Organizer No. 9. them. To determine future action a} Morris Hillquit and his associates in the socialist party are today. support- ing the man to oppose whom, and whose principles the national execut- ive committee of the ‘socialist party voted special appropriations. when Mr. Hillquit and I were both members of that body.” Life has certainly placed the social- ist parties of the second international and their castrated socialism upon the shelf. Life for revolutionary or- ganizations depends upon constant struggle against capitalism in all its phases. The socialists of the second international at first. negated and then abandoned and denounced the strug- gle of the working masses against capitalism and as an organization having any other role than that of enemies of the social revolution it ceased to exist. In every country of the world today the parties of the second internation- al are, in the words of Comrade Zinov- iev at the Fifth Congress of the Third International, “the third parties of the bourgeoisie.” “With the grotesque and fantastic exception of Russia—no socialists in office would seriously consider, let alone actually attempt, the carrying into effect of any substancial measures of a distinctively socialist program,” says Spargo. Russia is just as “grotesque and fantastic” an excep- tion to Hillquit, MacDonald and Ebert as it is to Spargo for the very good reason that in-Russia, under the lead- ership of the Communist Party and the Communist International, aristo- cracy and capitalism have been wiped out and a Communist society, that visualized by Max, and, instituted by the Marxian method, is being built. Life has placed the socialist parties of the world on the shelf because they ceased to fight for Marxian socialism —the Communism of the Communist Manifesto. In England and Germany, in Poland and in Austria, where the second internationalists have power, they make no. attempt to carry into effect any “substantial measures of a listinctively socialist program” be- sause this would mean revolution—the TEXTILE INDUSTRY Thursday, October 2, 1924 By William F. Dunne exact antithesis of their present protean role of nursemaids to a dying italists. The gap between the'saviors of cap- italism of the second international and the enemies of capitalism of the Third grows wider every day as the breach between the Spargos and the Hill- quit grows narrower. The progressive decay of American capitalism that has brought about the present revolt of the middle class, bringing as it will a far more widespread revolt of the exploited working and farming mass- es, tends inevitably to create a un- ited front of all those who have a stake in the capitalist system. In the not far distant future the Spargos, Wallings and Hillquits will be united once more--under the banner of coun- ter-revolution to whose black folds John Spargo hastened a litte in ad- vancle of others of this type. The issue in the United States to- day, as in all the rest of the world, is capitalism or Communism, An Appeal to the Agricultural Workers Drawn Especially for the DAILY WORKER by K. A. Suvanto. that period of continual crisis. explain- letarian revolution. But revolutions do not proceed auto- matically from a formula of—‘produe® |tion, crisis, revolution.” Revolution must proceed from the workers’ con- scious action in preparation and ex- ecution. Between the proletariat and its emancipation, stands the collosal power of the. capitalist government with its dictatorship over the minds as well as tho bodies of the workers. | Any struggle for power on the part of the workers immediately clashes with government authority, supposedly im- partial, but actually, and wholly cap- italistic. Three courses confront us. First, to quit the struggle, which is not only.cowardly, but impossible for a whole class. Second, to under-rate the decisive importance of political power and “ignore” the government, which is folly leading to disaster. Or, third, to organize consciously to over- throw the dictatorship of the capital- ist class and to establish the dictator- ship of the working class, under which it gradually erases resistance, pre- pares both the backward workers and the obstinate capitalists alfke, for a classless and Communist society. It is this necessity for realizing and, fighting the struggle for political pow- er—not merely for seats in capitalist parliaments like the reformist social- ists advocate—that formg a point of difference between the Communist viewpoint and the ideas held by many, but not by all, members of the I. W. W. We shall accent rather than con- ceal this difference. But its existence sets no bar between close co-operation of the revolutionary workers of the lieve that the struggle for power re- quires both an ideologically united rev- olutionary political party with its is and active unit as the shop nucleus and equally important great industrial pe: uniting workers of all ideas according to economic interest only. 4 I. W. W. and the Communists, who be-): But is is necessary to success that a | tional factors be considered, if we | would build up in America an indus- | trial organization of agricultural work- | ers anywhere approaching a majority of the 2,000,000 workers engaged. The wages and hours the A. W. I. U. must| fight for in the wheat harvest, must | be calculated upon’ wheat harvest workers in France, in India, and in Soviet Russia—the only country on | earth where agricultural labor is real- lly enjoying the eight-hour day—re- pcieve, More. If the A. W. I. U. would _organize the cotton workers of the south, it must consider the status of cotton workers in Egypt and China. Any attempt to organize the sugar workers in beet and cane flelds should be reckoned upon organizations exist- ing among German, Cuban, Indian and Javanese workers. The case is simi- lar in rico and tobacco. The Red International of Labor Un- ions unites the revolutionary indus- trial unionists of all these countries, and offers to the A. W. I. U. No, 110, the practical help of its international experience and organization, thru the International Propaganda Committee of Land and Forest Workers’ unions, The A, W. I. U, would profit greatly by maintaining friendly contact with the International Propaganda Committee of the R. I. L. U. Land and Forest Workers. But such contact of the A. W. I. U. with other agricultural workers of the world is but a limited and unsatis- factory connection for a subordinate part of the General Administration of the I. W. W., and the fullest benefit of international solidarity will develop when the I. W. W. as a whole affiliates with the Reé& International of Labor Unions. The class struggle is inter- national, and in matters of defensive and offensive operations the proletar- iat confronts an enemy thoroly organ- ized internationally, Hence, the rev- olutionary industrial unionists in the | A. W. I U.-No. 110, will not complete ed by Marx as the forerunner of pro- number of international as well as na-| the duty of international solidarity |until they have done their part in ‘bringing about affiliation of the I W. | W. to the R. LL. U, Fellow workers, the task laid upon |the reyolutionists is never light. The type of workers to be organized‘in the A. W. I. U is not easy to reach. The | most skillful plan devised will have its | difficulties. But the spirit which built the A. W. I. U. is the ghting spirit of | the migratory, revolutionary proletar- \iat. It is the best guarantee that the agricultural workers of America will be organized. Moreover, the migra- tory revolutionist is the important link between the city, proletariat and the backward agriculural workers. who, as we see, are in every country the material for Fascist reaction. In this country Fascism is, in the agricultural Klan. N Fellow workers! The task you face is a serious one. The revolutionary workers in the agricultural industry must fight not only the unmerciful capitalist enemy, but.also the sluggish- ness, ignorance and prejudice of the bulk of workers, But always in the struggle to extend your organization, to win and keep better wages and shorter hours for your members, to de- fend yourselves against the savage persecution of capitalist authority and the murderous attacks of the K. K. out the world a powerful industrial union of agricultural workers, and march forward to ‘proletarian revol tion, In these tasks we offer yo utmost support of the revolutjonary industrial unionists of the ‘whole world, thru affiliation with «the Red International of Labor Unions. With revolutionary greetings, The RED INTERNATIONAL AFFILI ATION COMMITTEE, Harrison George, Chairman. 1614 West Madison St, Cificago, Tl. f capitalism and hangmen for the cap- , regions, represented by the Ku Klux’ to build up in this country and oy