The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 30, 1924, Page 3

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

Tuesday, September 30, 1924 CAPITALIST WAR HARD HIT BY NEW YORKPLAY So Question is Raised if it is “Proper” (By The Federated Press) NEW YORK, Sept. 29.—An informal board of review pro- posed by Mayor Hylan to consist of Admiral Charles P. Plunkett, Maj.-Gen. Robert L. Bullard, Police Commissioner Enright and License Commis- sioner William Quigley is to determine whether “What Price Glory,” a frank play of the marines in wartime, is a “proper play to present to the public,” as Quigley puts it. The play, written by Maxwell Anderson and Lawrence Stall- ings, the latter an ex-marine who lost a leg in the last war, contains a good deal.of military profanity and does not maintain the customary theatrical illu- sion that war is a glorious, ro- mantic occupation. Mixes It with Nudity. Admiral Plunkett admits that he transmitted the complaint to mayor Hylan but denies that the military is officially interested. Commissioner Quigley asserts that an official from one of the government departments was assigned to attend the play and report upon its fitness for the public mind. »Mayor Hylan’s letter to Quigley be- gins by saying that “there is a very regrettable tendency upon the part of some producers to stage plays in which nudity, obscenity, and profan- ity are paraded.” He concludes with the suggestion that the’ mixed military commission meet with the managers “to see what éan be done to eliminate the: objec- tioflable features complained of.” Most of the writers and dramatic critics who have seen the play have Praised it highly and some of them are suggesting the constituting of an informal bord of review among them- selves to decide upon the fitness of the military board to determine what is art and. what is best for public morals. Smells Like Real War. (Continued from Page 1.) not Savinkoy truly loved his country matters to nobody at all except to Savinkov. He was not the less a play- thing in the hands of Churchill, Poin- care, Lloyd George, and the men who stood behind them, one of their minor playthings in the great game of im- perialism, He knows it now, bitterly, and he declares it openly in court in Mos- cow. And the facts ‘that pack his story are more important than his own life was, or will be. In his final address before the court Savinkov recalled the many years of his revolutionary past under the czar, his memories of the comrades who died beside him, and of his own im- prisonment, and of the happiness of those days when he knew that, if he died, he would be rembered as one who loved the workers and peasants of his country. “And now” he says: “I neither prize life nor fear death. But one thing I fear, that in dying, the workers and peasants of my country will think of me, only as one who be- trayed her”. . . . And that is how they will think of him, for they judge by facts not, motives. Fought Bolsheviks. In the October Revolution, Savinkov went against the Bolsheviks. There is not time to give his reasons; they are impoftant only in one thing,that they are the same reasons that. wil! yet, lead thousands of good demo crats in the revolutions yet to come, into the ranks’ of betrayers of the people. It is enuf to say that he misunderstood the people from first to last, living apart from them in his own dream of what they wanted,.and ers and peasants. So, step by step, he was led, he the passionate democrat who wished to give his life for a constituent assem- bly, into closer and closer association with monarchists These steps are important for our understanding of similar events in the future, but there is no time for them here. The real drama of Savinkov comes in his revel- ation of tfe rottenness of one govern- ment after an@her in Europe without any real contacts with work: |. THE DAILY WORKER How Masaryk, president of the CzechoSlovaks, gave him 200,000 Toubles “for terroristic warfare’ on the borders of Russia! How Pilsudski, president of Poland, induced him to form an army of Russians to assist the Poles against the Bolsheviks; and later, after Poland had made peace with Russia, how bandit raids were conducted across the \borders of Po- land to burn and ravage the villages of Russia, with the knowledge of the Polish government. Startling Revelations of Treachery How Noulens, the French ambassa- dor, sent a telegram ordering Savin- koy to pull off an armed uprising along the Volga, promising that Brit- ish and French troops wiuld arrive in Archangel in time to assist; and at the same time paid for. still another uprising in Moscow, of which Sayin- kov did not know; and how, all the time, there were no troops ready for Archangel, and the whole was merely @ maneuver to kill Russians and weaken Russia in order that the big powers of earth might more easily divide her! How Churchill, head of the British war office, pointed on the map to the flags showing ‘Denikin’s army, and said: “Behold my army!” How Lloyd George, on the eve of Genoa, was con- sulting with Savinkov about the terms to put to the Soviet government which would be most deadly. How MacDonald and Herriot, while dealing with the Soviets, were sending also emissaries to their avowed foe, Sav- inkov,—all these are the situations exposed in open court by this much disillusioned adventurer. Astounding French Intrigue. © Here is a little of the evidence . . “The money was given by the Derental I myself French on my ‘signature. carried on the negotiations. saw Grenar and Laverne, of the French military mission, three or four times only . . L-received two hundred thousand roubles from *the Czechs thru Klepando. The French gave me in all about two and a half million Kerensky roubles. At first they only gave small amounts, forty -|did not know what Churchill was do- théy gave at one time a large sum, if I remember rightly, about two mil- lions. From the very beginning, our organization was in contact with the French who watched its growth very carefully and guided it . “The French advised this plan: that I should sieze Yaroslavl, Ribinsk and Kostromy. I hesitated; I did not think our forces strong enough . . But a telegram from Noulens was sent me, categorically insisting that their expedition would land between the 5th and 10th of July, and that I must stage the uprising for the 5th. “But there was no French force landing at Archangel. Noulens must have known this, I believe he merely wanted to be able in Paris to point to the fact that the Soviet government was unstable, and that there were up- risings against it.” But this isn’t the worst that Sav- inkov has to reveal about the French intrigue. At the same time, Noulens’ was paying the Left Social Revolu- tionaries to stage an uprising in Mos- cow, and was telling Savinkov nothing about it. “We didn’t know of theirs and they didn’t know of ours, but the French knew of both,” says Savin- koy bitterly. For the French game, as he plainly sees now; was not to create a successful revolt, but to pro- duce anarchy which would justify seizing the land. Lloyd George’s Hands Not Clean. An equally keen and bitter insight characterizes Savinkov’s account of the British. “I had my dealings with Churchill, the minister of war: Lloyd George,—his position was such that he washed his hands of whatever might happen, giving the impression that he ing, altho certainly hé knew always. When I had interviews with Lloyd George, he always took this double- meaning position; but Churchill; helped very energetically with Lloyd George’s knowledge. “Churchill showed me a map of South Russia, with the armies of Deni- kin “and the red armies shown by; flags. I remember how I was shocked when he pointed to the Denikin flags to one hundred thousatid. But when the talk began of the armed uprising, WAGENKNECHT SAYS THE SOCIALIST PARTY IS LOSING ITS LAST CHICKS By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT. + A hen begins to lose her chicks as soon as they aw able to scratch deep for their own food. its chicks. And the socialist party is losing Some, of course, are a little sick of the hundred per Robert Littell, reviewing What Price | cent sell-out to LaFollette and are not scratching at all. Others Glory for The New Republic asks,| have scratched so-deep, have become’so wise that’they are leav- “Where is our war now? Where is last year’s dirty wash? A few are still wearing the War, some proudly, ing the old hen. socialist party tried to stage a It was undoubtedly ‘to save the few members it has that the big rally in the Ashland Audi- others like a last torn buttonless shirt,|torium Sunday afternoon. The hall was not crowded by the the only one they have. Years from|eleven hundred persons present. And the unprecedented interest now, when a new generation wants to know, not its histories and propagan- das, its mechanisms, glories and bru- talities, but what the-war smelt. and tasted life, to Americans in it, we ~ dowbt if’ they can do better than put on a revival of this real and ringing and. fiercely goodhumored play by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Stallings.” Built Pullman Cars for Fifteen Years; Rides in Box Car A comrade, while out canvassing for signatures to place the Workers Party candidates on the ballot in Illinois, accosted a proletarian-looking passer- by and solicited his sjgnature. After having some of the principles of the Workers Party explained to him the man expressed his hearty concurrence in them and signed the petition, . “You've got the right dope all right,” he said. “Let me tell you my experience. I am a carbuilder by. trade. I worked for the Pullman com- pany for fifteen years steadily, Last month I had to go down to Louis- jana to see my mother. Well do you suppose I rode in a Pullman? I did not. I had to bum it on the freights. And then I almost got pinched for do- ing that. Can you beat it?” The comrade replied that it was a peachy example of capitalist equity— and an unanswerable argument for a new subscription to the DAILY WORKER. The worker promised to subscribe. re Buy Russian Furs. NEW YORK, Sept. 29.—News of Russia’s fur auction in Leipsic is looked upon in New York as indicat- ing renewed activity in the fur trade. Fur workers have been hit by the de- pression and will welcome more steady employment. The first day's sales of the Russian trade delegation in Leipsic amounted to about $3650,- 000. American and British buyers took ah active part in the auction and forced prices on fox pelts above the minimum set by the Russians, No Pay Raise in Tacoma, | TACOMA, Wash.—The promised 10 per cent increase to workers em- ployed by the city of Tacoma went aglimmering when the city commis- sion led by mayor Fawcett turned down all raises, including the $5 boost for salaried employes getting less than $150 a month, Subscribe for “Your Daily,” the DAILY WORKER. ' one individual gave a five dollar bill to the collection subsequent 0 the “tears, blood and sweat” appeal made by George R. Kirk- patrick, that peer of collection takers. His Renegade Fatness Appears. The first sign of life manifested in the meeting came when quite a por- tion of Milwaukee waddled down an isle. Victor Berger mounted . the stage and hid himself behind the back of one of the three large chairs he should have sat in. When it was Hillquit’s turn to come in there was another burst of applause. He mounted the steps and hid himself behind the amplifier. The meeting did not seem to get quite an open and above board start. ! Joseph Sharts of Ohio was the first speaker. He proved that he was an American, He had fought in the Spanish-American war, his father had fought in the Civil war, his grand- father had fought with George Wash: ington. When that was settled to everyone's satisfaction, he off-hand took the number of sixty years as his theme and began to prove that where- as it took just sixty years to get us the Civil war and to abolish Negro slavery, counting that sixty from the time the Abolitionist party was or- ganized, so exactly another sixty years had passed from the Civil war to the day LaFollette began to lead the masses out of the wilderness. And, he added, just as the abolition of Negro slavery was accomplished by a union of small parties on a platform that said nothing about slavery and y a president who was not a radical when he was a candidate, so today, we are with LaFollette in the same advantageous situation. This he dubbed a peculiarly American charac: teristic. It is that a working class rev- olution should find its impetus on a platform and with candidates that are not radical! Then Berger was introduced. The chairman said: “Friends and com- rades, the pa speaker I have the honor to present to you is one who never gives up. In Milwaukee they elected him to congress. He was not seated and they elected him again. If he had not then been seated they would have elected him again and they would have kept this up until he, was seated.” That's the socialist party all over, Hardly another word need be said for its depth of revolu- tionary understanding. LaFolfette Did—LaFollette Didn't, Victor Berger admitted at the out. { shown in the new policy of the socialist party was registered, when lo and behold, not even *; se that the audience had the right to ask him why he, an uncompromising socialist for twenty-five years, should today support LaFollette: But tho he admitted they had a right to ask, he did not say that he would tell. And he did not tell. He congented to give reasons why the socialist party did not grow. ‘One was because the Com’ munists almost killed it. LaFollette he did not consider a hero. He was a shrewd but honest Politician who was willing to learn even tho he was 70 years old. La- Follette was to be credited with giv- ing a lot of good laws to Wisconsin, both social laws and labor laws—but like a fire hose on a match, he squelched ‘this statement by another —saying that of course this does not mean much. He also told the audi- ence that he had once upon a time, in Washington, D. C., had a bill in his pocket to impeach Daugherty, but, (drat the luck), Daugherty resigned next day. He called upon all and everyone to join the LaFollette cam: paign and help to victory this wonder- ful alliance of the labor movement, the small ‘business men and all who believe in decency in government. Hillquit is nothing if, he is not shrewd. * His was an old time cam- paign speech, with lots of class strug: gle in it. He fed the few socialist party membars present upon what they were used to eating. And he did not explain the strategy his party was applying in its alliance with La- Follette. Maybe it is not applying any. Or maybe he dare not tell what he fondly hopes his party will get out of the mess. His speech did give all to understand that LaFollette and the socialist party are as alike as two 1924 Fords. Not once did Hillquit say that a labor party was the objective. Does he already understand that a labor party is not LaFollette's objective? LaFollette wrecked several state labor parties since his nomination. What has Hillquit to show that his party has built? Or where can a sin- le word be found in criticism of the} te lator parties his prosidential candidate has dynamited? A hurrah finale in which Hillquit called upon all present to vote for LaFollette and Wheeler “because they were candidates who believed in popu: lar liberties, were not named by a po- litical machine, believed in human'| rights and were against cold tyranny and were condemned by big capital and its friends” ended the afternoon's debacle. ‘Thus again the socialist party and said suddenly: ‘There is my army.’” INSULL TAKES ADVICE OF FRANK FARRINGTON; BUILDS POWER PLANTS Samuel Insull, big boss of Chica go’s public utilities, is evidently taking advice of Frank Farrington, president of the Hlinois coal miners, to promote monster hydro-electric power plants, more seriously than the Illinois miners, for Insull is building large hydro-electric power stations in Kentucky. The largest rock-filled dam in the world is be- ing constructed by a subsidiary of the Middle-West Utilities company, of which Samuel Insull is chairman of the board and Martin T. Insull, president. Another subsidiary of Insull’s company, the Kentucky Utilities company, has invaded the scab coal fields. This corporation will con- struct a power plant at the mouth of the Four Mile coal mine, near Pine- ville, -which will burn slack coal. The plant will develop 40,000 horse- ‘power and will materially decrease the demand for coal in that section. AA ERE SRS proves its chicanery, which in revo- lutionary terms means that it has again rung the bell as a first class counter-revolutionary force. The vote, vote, vote tone of the meeting, and the reasons given for voting, more firmly than ever rivet this party to the reactionary bourgeois parliamen- tory machine. Try Brass Tacks on Them. In the hallway, going out, the ush- ers were selling LaFollette-Wheeler toy balloons filled with gas, Well, that is the kind ‘of meeting it was. Big Business Never Sleeps in Fight to ’ Protect Its Interests WASHINGTON, Sept. _29.—Propa- ganda to frighten congress into re- jecting the Howell-Barkley railroad labor bill during the winter session is being launched by the railroad cor- porations and the U. S. chamber of commerce and subsidia! name of the American stitute. They start with the slogan ‘This is the Resumption of Strikes bill, \ That the republican national com- mittee is back of this is indicated by the fact that the propaganda cam- paign is being opened in the states that are considered pivotal in the presidential contest—Illinois, Indiana, lowa, Kansas, New York, California, Nebraska; Oklahoma, together with Texas and Wisconsin, where it will have no effect. Everett: Sanders, the Indiana con- gressman, who is in charge of the speakers’ bureau at Coolidge head- quarters, who is to be made a federal be shared with Nick Longworth Newton of Minneapolis the leadership of tlie fight against the bi in the house last spring. n is. thought to have planned this drive as an aid to Coolidge, with che expectation that Cat would de- ed @ blast against the bill in his message, ne “Stand Behind Workers’ Rule,” Appeal of Savin Yes, it must have been a bitter moment for a Russian patriot, beg- ging from government to government for means to fight the Bolsheviki, to have the veil of pretense so ruthlessly torn, and to be informed so plainly that he was-only a tool for imperial istic ends of another land. . . “But I thot . . Here I sit in ,| Paris, and ther8 on the front are Rus- sian soldiers without shoes, and if I go out of this room with a scandal, they will have no shoes to march LEN er td With these “patriotic” motives, he kept'on selling his country into bond- age; and sinking lower and_ lower, until he was being invited from gov- ernment to government around Bu- rope, to play the part of spy and in- formant against his native land. Poles Enter the Game Too. The next revelations of Savinkov have caused some disturbance in Po- land, for they reflect rather noticeably on the good faith of that country. He tells how Pilsudski, president of Po- land, sent for him to form an army of Russians, to help the Poles against the Balsheviks. He tells how later, after the peace of Riga, he organized guerrilla bands which crossed the bor- der with the knowledge of Pilsudki, and ravaged the Russian villages. And here he betrays either the duplicity of the adventurer, or the naivete of the democrat who does not know the people. “I intended to organize an army of peasants. I thot the peasants were against the Soviet government. -I never intended the outrages commit- ted by these bands. They got beyond lutionary bands? Savinkov states tionally guilty.” What England and France Want. Just what did England and France intend, in their help to counter-revo- lutionary bands? Savinkov states that they gave many, many millions, not only to him, but to every possible form of revolt and agitation against the Soviet government. When the judge asked him under what form and for what supposed reason these funds were given, he answered: “Officially, the reason was always, generosity! All the official explana- kov tions contain this sort of reason— ‘that we, the former allies, are in distrees; that France remembers the former help of Russia and comes now to our al’ . » But what lay be hind this was the following. As a minimum, there was oil, a much de sired article, the possession of oil; and as a maxfixwum, well, the more Russians fight among themselves, the better; the weaker will be Russia and when she has no strength lef we oan make of her 4 colony . That is what Savittkov sees no after he had be&n tossed about Eu rope for seven years beftwen Church ill, Lloyd Geotge, Poincare, Pilsudski, Masaryk, used by each when they thot him useful, and dropped by each when they had other cards to play. That is why he says, in hig pasyson ate closing speech, before the death sentence: “To every Russian wher ever he is, who loves his land, I s ‘Stand behind the governmeré workers and peasants and acknowl. edge it without reserve.’” Did Not Understand the People. That is his last message as he Passes out of the picture@into the im prisonment to which the normal death sentence for treason was commuted by the Central Executive Committee of Russia. He was not an important man in history, tho he was the most enduring and persistent of Soviet Rus- sia’s foes. He might, perhaps, have ; been important, with his remarkable gifts as orator, writer and organizer, Mf he had guessed right in the process of history. But, as he himself says: “All my youth I passed im military organizations. And my manhood I passed in exile I lived behind dark glasses I did not know the people, I did not know workers, peasants. loved them. I wanted to give my Nfe for them. But of their interests, purposes and wishes, what could f know?” That, if we take him at his own valuation, is the epitaph of Savinkov, patriot, democrat, who risked his life a score of times in the fight against oppressors, and became in the end their most cunning tool! It is a tale which should be studied by all would- be leaders of the workers, Policy of Lewis | 's “Rule or Ruin” (Continued from Page 1.) years since the U. M. W. of A’ was founded and the major portion of those who fought the bitter battles to establish the miners’ union, live only in thé meniory of those who have some thought of the toiling masses all over the world. Indeed, if some of them lived. otherwise, there would be sorrow in the camp of those who now have the reins of power in the organ- ized labor world, especially in, the miners’ union.- \ Misused Their Power. The officials, almost without excep- tion, have misused that which in real- ity is the heritage of all the miners using it only for their own selfish personal and material gain. Horatio Alger could well have written his “From Poverty to Riches” by choos- ing his characters from the official family of the miners’ union, for in- stead of doing something to lessen the misery of those who make up the vast membership of the U. M. W. of A., they have been more concerned in tak- ing an inventory of the “very best” hotels in the country and making wholesale deliveries of the miners’ vote at elections. John L Lewis is at the present time on the republican party’s advisory committee, seeking to re-elect Strike- breaker Coolidge as president of the United States. Of course this it a profitable occupation and helps m: terially to fatten bank accounts, That they are not concerned about the growth of the miners’ union can be attested to by the following corre- spondence. The writer had been successful with others in showing up all kinds of frauds in the official cir- cles of the prganization, and was more than successful in disseminating the information to the membership all over the jurisdiction of the union. For this crime and that of fighting for the rights of myself and others in the organization, | was expelled from the miners’ union, much to the delight of the coal operators who al- ready had me blacklisted along with hundreds of others of like thot, At any event I decided to again attempt to work in the mines and came to the hard coal region only to find that I was not wanted by the two sets of rulers here; the operators and the Cappellini dynasty. One denied me work, the other denied me the right to join the union, so I decided to write a joint letter to Lewis Inter- national president and to Rinaldo Cap- ellini, president of District No. 1, Inspired Story. In this letter, I called attention to a@ big story that appeared in the Wilkes Barre newspapers to the ef- fect that I had been declared inelig- ible for membership in the miners’ union, and the grounds for such ac: tion against me were based on my alleged failure to answer charges pre- ferred ugainet me by a Pittsburgh Jo: cal union, As I carried my case to the last international convention, and was refused a hearing on the floor of the convention, I inquired of Messre Lewis and Capellini as to my status {se that I might be governed accord- ingly in determining my course. I informed the gentlemen that I had flecided early in July to return to the only work I knew, but I found my- self blacklisted by the coal operators tm the Pittsburgh district. 1 came here in broad daylight and challenge anyone to prove the charges made against me. That the coal operators have re- fused me employment is proof suffi- cient that I am not an énemy of the union as my foes charge. Green Repiiea. These letters were registered so as to assure myself that they were re- ceived. After waiting a reasonable time and failing to receive an answer I addressed the following joint letter to the two secretaries, Green of the International and Williams of District 1. The latter did as Lewis and Cap ellini had done, i. e., ignored the let- ter, while Green who boasts of an indelible rule to answer all mail re- ceived, answered in a very evasive manner. Secretary. Green’s letter simply re- ferred me to the report of the com mittee on appeals of the International Convention, which read that the ap- peal of Thomas Myexscough be placed on file pending receipt of evidence by the complainant, eithey in person or in letter to substantiate his appeal Green’s Hypocrisy. Such hypocrisy! as He addvesses me “Brother” winds up with “every and I suppose the wish is that I was in Hades or some other seaport, but uses evasion to avwid a serious organizational question. The question is often asked, “Do he officials of the U./M. W. of A. wan’ a one hundred per cent organization?” and I think I truthfully answer for them when I say “they don’t.” If they had a one hundred per cent or- ganization they would be forced to get things for the men they are sup- Posed ‘to represent, and that would put them in bad with the employers whom they really now represent. They would, by such perfection, be deprived yf all their pet excuses for doing nothing as is the case now. Scott Nearing to Debate Meyer London Sunday Afternoon silipiecange ‘ NEW YORK, Sept. 29,—Should a ‘class conscious socialist or worker wote for LaFollette? This is the sub- ject of a debate between Scott Near- ing, negative, and Meyer London, af- firmative. The debate will be held at the Central Opera House, 67th St. and 3rd Ave., on Sunday, Oct. 5, at 3 p. m The price of tickets is $1.10 including war tax. The League for Public Discussion | also announces a lecture on Sunday, Oct, 19, by John Langdon-Davies, Eng: lish Labor Party candidate for parlia ment. Subject: “Why Trotzky Hates MacDonald.” This lecture will be held at Cooper Union, 4th Ave. and Sth St, at 3 p,m. Tickets 76 cents, otf I} Page Three | WE ARE GOING TO Three Million (3,000,000) Workers Here’s How 1, hs: Every Branch will call a SPE-/ | CIAL MEETING of its members! | for Sunday, Ootober 12th. Every ;member must attend. | 2 Pye oe The ONLY order of business at this SPECIAL MEETING will be: HOW TO SPEAK TO THREE MILLION WORKERS: IN ONE WEEK. 3. At this SPECIAL BRANCH MEETING every member will’ give the branch secretary fifty | cents for the following 137-piece literature unit: |100 Campaign Leaflets | 25 Campaign Stickers 2 Campaign Pamphlets. 10 Daily Workers. 137 \ | age 4. i On Monday, October 13, every branch secretary will send the total money subscribed to the rational office of the Workers Party, 1113 West Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. | f 5. October 26 to November 2, inclusive, will be NATION-WIDE DISTRIBUTION WEEK, 6. Every branch member will distribute his 137-piece litera~ ture unit during this week, in mine, mills, shop and homes. tin { a ieemmnd ad f 22,000 MEMBERS MEETING, IN 1,297 BRANCHES WILL PLACE ORDERS FOR 3,000,000 PIECES OF LITERATURE TO BE USED IN ONE FINAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN, BROADSIDE. 4 THIS 1S HOW WE SHALL SPEAK TO THREE MILLION WORKERS AND FARMERS IN ONE WEEK. ITISA r| Decision. |. Every” ‘Communist On The Job!!! ACOMPLETE %) MOBILIZATION OF EVERY PART BRANCH ANDE\ MEMBER HAS |ORDERED! So

Other pages from this issue: