The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 6, 1924, Page 10

NATIONS AND COLONIES (Continued from Page 3.) tactical mistakes. Thus for instance “Aidynlyk,” the organ of the Turkish Communist Party, published a series of articles urging the Communist Party to support the development of national capitalism against foreign capitalism, Here we notice among our Turkish comrades the tendency which once upon a time characterized in Russia the legal Marxism of Mr. Struve who urged the working class to support the development of capi- talism in Russia. And just as in the times of Russian Struvism, some of gour Turkish comrades seemed at first inclined to confound the interests of the development of the productive forces of the country with the inter- ests of the development of capitalism. Altho our Turkish comrades have made good their mistake after it was pointed out to them, we must never- theless draw up instructions which would prevent the repetition of the same thing in other young sections of the Communist International, (c) The third group of questions is that which has been raised now by the discussion in the press of a num- ber of Communist Parties, especially in Germany and in the Balkans. At the Second Congress. we adopted the principle of national self-determina- tion including complete separation. But who is entitled to this right of complete separation? This conten- tious question, which we have settled long ago, is unfortunately still creat- ing much confusion in the minds of many comrades, Russian comrades know that at the Eighth Congress of our party we also had nihilistic devia- tions in connection with this question. There were comrades who held the opinion that during the period of im- perialism only the proletariat of the country in question, had the right to separation. Other ultra-left elements went even further, for they assert that questions of “self-determination” including “separation” are not within the competence of this or that na- tional proletariat. In the opinion of these ultra-left Russian Party com- rades, the question of “self-determina- tion” must be subject to the interests of the proletarian fight as a whole, and that therefore the only body en- titled to the “right to self-determina- tion” must be the Comintern. Com- rades, this example shows you to what absurdities we were reduced in our Russian discussion. Many stormy years have passed since then, and as far as our party is concerned this question is definitely settled. We de- cided that this problem must rest on a careful analysis of the concrete his- toric conditions under which the self- determination of the nation in ques- tion takes place. Let us take two concrete examples. The occupation of the Ruhr has brot the national question before the Ger- man Communist Party. At first there was a tendency within the latter which denied that the occupation of the Ruhr places the German Com- munist Party under the obligation of raising the national question in Ger- many. This was an erroneous tend- ency which reflected the influence of Rosa Luxemburg’s theory. At the same time a number of articles by Comrade Thalheimer appeared in the “Die Internationale” which went to the other extreme. His version ‘of “self-determination” and the neces- sity of making use of national discon- tent in Germany ignored the fact that Germany has a highly developed in- dustrial proletariat, and that Germany is also in the period of transition from capitalism to socialism. Com- rade Thalheimer appeared to base the tactical lines for the Communist Party on the assumption that all class contradictions had disapepared in Germany, and that in connection with the occupation of the Ruhr Germany _ had reverted to the economic primitv- ism of social conditions of Morocco. Another more flagrant mistake in connection with the national question is the mistake made by our German comrade Boris who has been quoted here more than once. Contrary to OAUTH: Thalheimer, this writer was inclined to declare that the proletariat alone (including the colonial proletariat) is entitled to self-determination, and that the right of the colonies to separation can be vindicated by the formation of Socialist Soviet Republics within them. This group of questions includes also the question as to whether “sep- aration” is feasible in the imperialist epoch within the framework of the bourgeis State. Comrade Lenin, in discussing the right to separation, with his Russian opponents, referred to the example of Norway. Yet if we study carefully the attitude of our Balkan comrades, we will find they take a negative attitude to this ques- tion. * There is no doubt whatever that the bourgeisie cannot solve the national question within the framework of the capitalist State. But this does not mean that we must postpone the real- ization of the right of oppressed na- tions to separation until social revoly tion has been victorious thruout the world. We have only to peruse the decisions of the Balkan comrades on the national question to come to the conclusion that this is precisely their view on the right to separation. They make the right to separation depend- ent on the formation of a Balkan Fed- eration of Soviet Workers’ and Peas- ants’ Republics. But what does such a condition mean? The Balkans are the crux of the entire imperialist policy of the big Powers of Europe. The victory of the workers’ and peas- ants’ power in the Balkans, the cor- ridor of the international imperialist cliques, means the victory of the in- ternational proletariat. Therefore, raising the question in that form is tantamount to ignoring the acute problems which confront us at pres- ent. This fourth group of questions is connected. with the question of ir- redentism, which has a two-fold form: the question of irredenta between a Workers’ and Peasants’ State and a bourgeois state, and the question of irredenta between two bourgeois States. This group of questions is all the more important as the imperialist re-distribution of the world which fol- lowed the European war, has dismem- bered nations and peoples. The prob- lem of revolutionary irredentism as- sumed a very concrete form in the relations between the U. S. S. R. and the states adjoining it. Thus, at the Second Congress of the Polish Com- munist Party, the Polish Party de- cided to support the movement of the Ukrainians and White Russians forming part of the Polish State for their inclusion into the workers’ and / + a eee ment and Industry! How ee en oe 1113 W. Washington Blvd. ¢ NN RS ESTEE TESS HS SS SESS ESSER SSS SSS 4444S The New and Vital Pamphlet Everyone Is Talking About RUSSIA IN 1924 By WM. Z. FOSTER Chairman of the Workers Party, Secretary of the T. U. E. L., Communist Candidate F or President The Capitalist Press and All the Enemies of the Workers Have Been Spreading the Lie That the Russian Revolution “Has Failed” - FOSTER SPENT FOUR MONTHS IN RUSSIA IN 1921 ~ SIX WEEKS IN RUSSIA THIS YEAR In This Pamphlet He Tells the Story of How the Their Way Through All Obstacles to Victory! 32 pages, paper cover, 10 cents—Bundles of ten or more, 7 cents. TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE peasants’ republics of the U. S. 8. R.The attitude of the Roumanian Com- Similar declarations were made bymunist Party towards the Hungarian Esthonian Communists, Communistspopulation of Transylvania is also of Carpathian Russia, etc. very characteristic. Roumanian com- But side by side with this attituderades advocate the establishment of of our Communist Parties, there arean independent Transylvania Repub- also decisions of a contrary nature. lic in contra-distinction to the irre- The Reichenberg Conference of thedentism of the Hungarian population Czecho-Slovakian Party, held in 192lof Transylvania which is inclined to when the party was still the opposi-incorporation with Hungary. In this tion in the Social-Democratic Party,case, too, one can see the fear that in discussing the question of revolu-“the right of self-determination” tionary irredentism in the event ofmight objectively, become a support the victory of the proletarian revolu-to the foreign bourgeois government, tion in Germany (3.5 million Germans This shows you, comrades, in what - are now subjects of the Czecho-Slo-complicated national conditions our vakian States) declared itself againstCommunist Parties have to work, and the separation of German territories,what an amount of revolutionary plia- on the plea of the interest of prole-bility they must possess to give a con- tarian revolution in Czecho-Slovakia.crete form to the question of “self- But if our Communist Parties aredetermination” including separation. ready to recognize the admissibilityThis work of giving concrete forms of revolutionary irredentism, theyto our fundamental decisions in con- must also take into account the follow-nection with the question of irredent- ing fact: In the theses on the na-ism in the various countries must be tional question adopted by the Seconddone in commissions. And@’that is one Congress of the Polish Communistof the tasks of the Fifth World Con- Party nothing is said about “therec-gress. We are bound to make mis- ognition of the right to separation” oftakes if we do not put this branch of the German population of the presentour work into concrete forms. And Poland, which is two million strong.we must admit that in connection There is no mention whatever aboutwith the national question, many mis- the German population's right to sepad-takes have already been made by our ration in any of the resolutions of theCommunist Parties. Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party. (To Be Continued.) Mueller’s RESTAURANT A good placetoeat. ~— 1010 RUSH STREET Tel. Superior 7079 Downstairs of National Office. George E. Pashas COZY LUNCH 2426 Lincoln Avenue One-half block from Imperial Hall CHICAGO ~ Telephone Monroe 2284 MITCHALL’S INTERNATIONAL ORCHESTRA Union Music Furnished For All Occassions Genova Restaurant ITALIAN-AMERICAN 1238 Madison Street N. E. Cor. 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