The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 29, 1924, Page 6

Page Six fh 7 THE DAILY WORKER. ee Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: 33.50 X6 months ‘ fi eg wontha By mall (in Chioage only)’ “4 $4.50....6 months $2.50....8 montas $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1119 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Ilinels J. LOUIS ENGDAKL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. ss sciipeieiedonuneinioes NO .Business Manager —_——<—<— — it. tered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1928 at the Pos' Dime’ ct Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. i ei 290 Advertising rates on application. oo Oooo An Association of Strikebreakers The republican party is an association of strike- breakers. Heading the ticket is the man who jumped into fame by claiming to have broken the policeman’s strike in Boston. Second place is filled by one of the most rabid union-haters in America. Chief of staff in the party organization, Wm. Morgan Butler, is now exposed in the series of articles running in the DAILY WORKER as a fitting associate to the republican candidates. The heads of the organizations are all militant fighters, publicly and secretly, against the work- ing class. Those same men who spend hundreds of thou- sands of dollars financing the secret plots of the Sherman Service, who conspire in the breaking of their own laws, who manufacture frame-ups against workers as a matter of routine and at,so many dollars per, these are the same men who howl about the “secrets” of the Communists. But while the Communists speak and act before the whole working class, from whom they have nothing to conceal, these enemies of Communism and of the workers have a whole system of spies, provoca- teurs, thugs and gunmen, turned loose within the ranks of the workers to trick, browbeat, and en- slave them. Now that the workers are becoming aware of the true nature of the republican party, as the party that is personally led and officered by their worst enemies—now it is about time for them to look underneath the cloaks of their so-called friends, also. For lurking there will be found more strike- breakers yet, working under the camouflage of “labor leaders” and “friends.” Labor must learn that only a class party can fight its battles. Reporting the Prince Complete perversion could hardly express itself more cynically than that of our capitalistic news- papers in their elaborate handling of the Prince of Wales’ trip to the United States. The various large newspapers and agencies have counted so strongly upon the servility, stupidity, and idle curiosity of the American middle-class elements who determine the “public” taste, that they estab- lish “news bureaus” on the steamship, and organize relays of reporters to write up in the minutest de- tail the daily life of this aristocratic vagabond. The young idler, spendthrift, ‘and generally all- around parasite, who nonchalantly gambles away thousand-dollar bills furnished to him by the “la- bor” government of Britain, will be the object of all the admiring attention of the American middle class, thru the newspapers especially. There could be no more perfect illustration of the spiritual degradation of this middle class of ours than this very phenomenon. At a time when it is supposed to be getting into politics upon its own hook, in the LaFollette movement, it grows suspicious of its own powers and, with servile slobberings, it fawns upon this “Prince” in order to demonstrate to it- self and to the world that it is not “revolutionary,” that there is nothing to fear if it is just given a place in the servants’ quarters, and allowed to look upon the dance and sports of its “betters.” The middle class is essentially a servant class. It is not happy except when it is worshipping some hero from the aristocracy. It is incapable of pro- ducing its own heros and developing a policy of its own. It respects nothing but power and a firm hand, to which it submits itself with joyous pro- testations of loyalty, no matter how worthless and despicable the upper class wielders of power may be. Such a class can never be anything but the hand-servants of big capital, and it will continue in that role until, in the process of the capitalist breakdown, they are starved into some sense of dependence upon the workers as now occurs in Germany. MacDonald’s Six Months Six months have elapsed since the British Labor Party has assumed “power.” Considering the fact that England is surrounded by many capitalist countries, we will not ask the embarrasing question: what have the Labor Party uders achieved for the British working class? We will, however, ask: what have these leaders, the MacDonalds, the Snowdens, the Thomases tried to do for the working masses whose following they seek to hold? What have these Labor rulers done to consolidate the political power of the English working men so as to enable them to take steps towards abolishing the capitalist system of ex- ploitation? It seems to us that the chief point of anxiety of MacDonald has been to keep the Prince of Wales from falling off his sturdy steed. We know of no other matter that has received graver consideration from the Labor cabinet, unless it be the receptions bd VPS ew NR PO IRI Ho tendered to the king and queen of Fascist Italy and pogrom-ridden Roumania, The much-heralded Snowden budget has turned out to be only a cut in taxes for the capitalist class. It has been well said that even from the point of view of the socialism peddled by Sidney Webb and company, the Snowden budget has been less “so- cialistic” than the budget put over by Lloyd George fifteen years ago when he enacted the Workmen’s Insurance Law. In the realm of foreign policy MacDonald comes mighty close to the old Lord Palmerston, whose career was so well analyzed by Karl Marx. In fact, MacDonald has been vieing with Lord Curzon in haughtiness. When an American ex- ploiter lost his life on the Yangtze River, the British gunboat Cockchafer threatened to bombard the defenseless Chinese town’ unless ‘military authorities would promise to follow the body with honor to its grave. And the most tangible attempt made by the Labor cabinet to help the unemployed was the order to build five new ten thousand ton cruisers, with which to assure the defense of the far-flung realms of the British imperialists. Of course, one may cite the recognition of the Soviet government as a sure sign of the socialism of the British Labor parlamentarians. This is non- sense. The conservatives themselves were planning HE DAILY WORKER By J. T. MURPHY. Communist Party of Great Britain. 'WO events of this week serve to show that the working class movement of this country will not tol- erate for long the position of accept- ing things only by the kind permis- sion of the enemy, These two inci- dents will also make it perfectly clear that the Labor Government of His Majesty George V. is something dis- tinct from the Labor Party. First, there is the’ sequel to the famous twenty hours’ discussion on the Anglo-Russian ‘Treaty. The lengthy discussion itself was an in- novation. Poor Mr. Ponsonby! Poor Foreign Office officials! The hours rolled on. There was not the slight- est sign that these é:fined Russians would ever get tired. Sweat began to roll down Mr. Ponsonby’s face. He flung in an ultimatum, but it was no use. Rakovsky side-stepped and plunged him ‘into further discussion. The officials were getting irritable. It was annoying that they should be kept out of bed so long. Would the to recognize Soviet Russia, according to Sir John Horne. It is the Red Army on the Indian border that dictated the recognition treaty and not Ram- say MacDonald. We do not blame the Labor Party leaders for their failure to bring the co-operative common- wealth in six months. In fact, we know that thru the present British parliamentary system, social- ism cannot be realized. But we do blame the Mac- Donalds and the Snowdens for refusing to take a single step to enhance the political power of the working class and for their continued support and defense of imperialist policies at home and abroad. World War Visions A New York dispatch tells of a series of articles by Comrade Trotzky now appearing in the Soviet press and dealing with the outlook for the coming world war. The tried and true mouthpiece of our biggest exploiters says: “Trotzky has visoin of world civil war.” The next world war is no longer in the realm of visions. A new capitalist world carnage is an im- a pending, dangerous reality. It is a highly objective fact, growing out of the conditions to which the capitalist system of production and exchange has condemned the laboring and farming masses of the world. The American imperialists today dominate the economy of more than a dozen countries. Peru, Panama, Hungary, Bolivia, Honduras, Persia, and Salvador are only a few of the victims whose finan- cial resources are in the grip of Wall Street’s mightiest men. The Dawes plan will very likely mean a substantial increase in the number of vas- sal states in the American imperialist empire. France and Great Britain are already talking of the possible results intensified trade competition between the two may bring. The spectre of a re- vived German industry haunts the European and American captains of finance and manufacture. A new capitalist conflagration is being prepared. Europe, Latin America, the Far’and Near East, and the Balkans are veritable powder magazines, which only a spark is needed to explode. Under these conditions a new world war is a menacing reality. And Comrade Trotzky is correct when he de- clares that: “Soviet Russia is still faced by a world of enemies. But let.them be careful, for when they force a struggle upon Russia, we will not fight alone. In each of their countries there will be a party favorable to us, and the time has come -to organize it.” This is very true. The imperialist war has taught the world working class that there is only one way to abolish the infernal capitalist slaughter. That way is to turn the imperialist wars into civil wars, in which the workers of every coun- try unite to turn the cannons and machine guns on their own exploiters. In these wars, the class wars, the workers of the various countries unite to wage war-upon the international capitalist war makers. Thus only will the system that breeds imperialist wars be abolished. The likelihood of the next world imperialist war being turned into a world civil war, is not a vision but a reality, with flesh and blood, and with promise for suecessful decisive ac- tion. In every country of the world the number of workers and exploited farmers prepared to enter a war to end war forever is steadily and rapidly increasing. Ben Legere went to Nova Scotia to court the miners, hoping to bring into the world a few more little O. B. U’s. But his courtship failed. And at the same time news comes that the child he left behind at home, Lawrence Labor, has died from lack of support. Legere is not a good pfovider for one who wishes to be so fecund. A straw vote on presidential candidates in the shops is another good way to develop the class issues, and to crystallize the working class opinion into definite action. Carry the class struggle into your shop! Miners from America to the International meet- ing in Prague spent their time talking about tech- nical questions of the industry. The Lewis machine can’t see what all the talk about class struggle is for. * ’ Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subseription for the DAILY WORKER. a Russians never stop debating. A Working Class Issue.. Point after point had been conced- ed. Heaven only knows how many amendments had béen made to the original draft. And then came the famous clause fourteen, the last stumbling block at this stage of the negotiations. The Russians would not give way. Impossible, says Mr. Ponsonby. We cannot give way any further. He was physically beaten. The Russian delegation seemed just as fresh as when they began, smiling, arguing, giving nothing away. They were used to it. What is a twenty- hour session to Russians, anyway? But for Britishers, it is just awful, The stiff collars began to soften. Tempers began to devetop. Nerves were on edge. : And bang! The con- ference broke up on the question of compensation for confiscated proper- ty. What an issue with which to face a working audience! Then the sequel. Some foreign of- fice idiot rushed into print with the statement that the conference had broken down and negotiations were ended. But the last word does not, and did not lay with the Foreign Of- fice. The Labor Party Executive mt with a number of the labor members of Parliament. Prominent among them were George Lansbury, Dick Wallhead, and Purcell, the chairman of the General Council of the Trades By JOSEPH M. COLDWELL 'HE nomination of Rev. Norman. Thomas, for governor, by the socialist party of New York recalls to my mind an incident of the war, that was told to me by a fellow prisoner in a federal penitentiary, at Atlanta, a. Among the many political prisoners “doing time” in that bastile of capital- ism was Samuel Lipman. He had been sent down from New York City for the crime of distributing hand bills calling on the workers to protest against the United States waging an unofficial war against Russia. Lipman was a socialist and had been a mem- ber of the party in New York City. Lipman and I hai many things in common. We were both “left wing- ers” and of course deeply interested in the progress of that branch of the movement. Authentic news of the Cevelopments in the “left wing” movement was hard to get behind the prison walls. Oft times we would talk together as we The Story of walked around the prison yard during the exercise period. Our talks were usually about the movement and its activities. One day Comrade Lipman gave me the best definition of the difference’ between the “right” and the “left wing” that I had ever heard. The nomination of Norman Thomas has recalled that incident to my mind. This is the story as told to me by Sam Lipman: “During the early days of this country’s participation in the war, and before the passing of the ‘espionage act,’ the local police fre- quently arrested members of the party on various pretexts, usuually charging them with violating some city ordin- ance. One day several of the com- rades of the branch I belonged to were arrested while distributing literature. 1 went to the office of the Civil Liber- ties Union to see what could be done for them. I was told to go to the home of the Rev. Norman Thomas and ask him to go on the bonds of the arrested comrades, so that they would ve. at liberty pending trial, “I went to the address given me and to my surprise it led me to a fine house, in a very good residential dis- trict. I walked up the stone steps and rang the bell. A beautiful young woman came to the door. I asked if Mr. Thomas lived there, she said “yes”. I asked if I could see him, she said “yes, won't you come in?” I went in the house and this young woman, who was a house maid, asked me to wait a few minutes, after having ushered me into a large room, Ag I entered the room my feet sank in the carpet as if I were walking on grass. I sat down in a chair and it was wonderful, I never knew before that a chair could be so comfortable, 1 looked around the room and admired the beautiful pictures and pieces of Union Congress, They knew quite well that to face the labor movement with a rupture on the question of the Anglo-Russian negotiations was a serious matter for everyone concern- ed. They knew quite well that the whole working class movement of Britain was thoroly united against Li- berals and Tories alike on’ this ques- tion. They realized that the Labor Government had created many mis- givings and much dissatisfaction by its manifest leanings to the bondhold- ers and property mongers. Besides each of them had repeatedly pledged themselves to support the demands of the Russian Workers’ Government. They were thoroly annoyed and in no mood for taking any nonsense from Ponsonby or anybody else, They ask- ed Comrade Rakovsky to explain the cause of the break-down. Then they listened to Ponsonby. The Russian formulae and\ the British formulae were put to the vote and the Russian formulae was unanimously agreed to. To have done any other would have been to desert the entire working class both of Britain and Russia. The decision was communicated to Pon- sonby, and Purcell, and Wallhead in addition threatened that if the gov- ernment did not at once re-open ne- gotiations and accept this position they would resign their seats and fight a by-election on the issue of the Anglo-Russian negotiations, and Wall- head would appeal to the whole of the I. L. P. to fight the government on the question. Reverse English. Within a few hours engines were reversed. The negotiations were re- opened. The treaty wa’ signed and the healthiest fight since the Labor government was formed, took place against the Liberal and Tory oppon- ents. For the first time since the last general election there was the development of class feeling, a con- sciousness that a class issue had been raised. and was likely to be blazed thruout the country. Right in the midst of the muddle caused by the Labor Government’s too great concern for the people of property came the arrest of the Com- munist editor of the Workers’ Week- ly for an appeal to the soldiers, sail- ors and airmen to stand by their brothers in the industrial army of the working class. Questions were raised in the Parliament. The Com- munist Party Executive had acted Promptly, It not omly accepted full responsibility for the. articles in the Workers’ Weekly but challenged the statuary. In a few minutes Mr, Thomas came in and I told him my mission. He very cheerfully agreeded to go on bonds for my comrades and during the course of our conversation I found that he was a member of the socialist party, The object of my mission accomplished I left the house, Mr. Thomas coming to the door with me. “As I walked back to the party rooms I was not thinking about my comrades who were in the Police sta- tion. I was thinking about the beauti- ful house I had just left and comparing it with ‘the stuffy tenement that I lived in. Like a flash I remembered the fight that was going on in the party between the “right” and the “left” wings, I was a “left” and’ Com- rade Thomas was a “right”. Comrade Thomas was playing at while I really need socialism. I, a fur Labor leaders by means of an, open letter to the labor members of Par liament to either line up with us or be exposed as hypocrites before the working class. The arrest of Campbell had struck a responsive note thruout the whole movement. The fact that he was a wounded soldier and had been thru the worst hells of the war both in France and Gallipoli, and was deco- rated for bravery, added an immense Lamount of sympathy to the declara- tions. Protests began to pour in from every. direction. It was obvious that we had proclaimed the right message on the, anniversary of the war and that the Labor Government had made a terrific blunder .in allowing them- selves to be pushed into this proseecu- tion. MacDonald Sailed Into, Lansbury, Maxton of the Clyde, Scurr, the pacifist editor of the “So- cialist Review,” Buchannan and Dick- son of the Scottish labor members, Kenworthy of the Liberals, sailed in- to the House: of Commons with ques- tions which made it clear to the Goy- ernment that they were in for a rough passage. Scurr asked : “Why police officers were in- structed to raid the offices of the Workers’ Weekly, and to arrest the editor; what charges have been made against him; under which statute is he being prosecuted; whether any further arrests are pending and under whose instruc- tions the present proceedings were instituted?” He discovered that the Attorney General, Patrick Hastings, had‘ em- ployed the Director of Public Prose- cutions for the job and that Camp- bell was being prosecuted under the “Incitement to Mutiny Act of 1795,” one of the worst pieces of repressive legislation introduced by the famous William Pitt, who was scared by the French Revolution. Kenworthy, the Libéral naval com- mander, immediately asked: “Was this Act in force when cer- Aain officers in the Curragh were inciting to mutiny before the War?” This was a delightful hit, recalling the occasion when the Tories, Lord Birkenhead, Sir Edward Carson, led the Ulster people against Irish Home Rule, armed the. populatjon and turn- ed the army against the Parliament. The government of the day issued instructions to‘the army in Curragh Camp in Ulster and the officers re- fused to obey the orders of the gov- ernment under the instruction of the two Tory leaders. Friday, August 29, 1924 The Pressure From Below Maxton followed with questions ind then Buchanan. Then Dickson rose and said: “I want to ask the At- torney General if any members of this house who will be speaking in their constituencies next week ex- press similar opinions to that con- tainéd in the article in the Workers’ Weekly does that men that we are subject to similar prosecution? (Hon. Members: “Yes”). If so, they will probably lose half their party.” Discussion Got Warm. The’ speaker rose and put a stop to the discussion. It was getting too hot. But the row did not stop. The agitation went on behind the scenes. The government is in a devil of a fix. The Communists were winning hand.over fist. Even the Parliamen- tary Labor Party was becoming in- fected. What with the Russians and the Treaty uproar and now their Com- tmaunist colleagues gettiay all this pub- licity, and the masses of the workers feeling ‘that in this appeal to the forces the Communists were right, the Labor Government is in a quan- dry and looking round for a way out. Instead of extending the prosecutions they are looking for every possible loophole thru which they can get to stop this prosecution, é They know that the Executive of the Communist Party will not give way. They know that we are pre- paring to subpoena leading members of the Government and the Labor Party into the witness box and they will have to face their own state- ments, They know that men like Lansbury, Wallhead, Purcell, all of them holding important positions in the Labor movement will voluntarily come into the witness box and line up side by side with Campbell in the plea of justification. They are feel- ing the pressure from below with a vengeance. They are preparing to capitulate and to withdraw the charge. charge. 5 These events are big victories for the working class of Britain, evidence of the fact that the opposition has underestimated the strength of the class instincts deeply rooted tn the British workers. The British Imper- ialists may make tools of the intel- lectuals, the leaders of the Labor Party, but the great proletarian mass in this country cannot be fooled for long. These two blunders of the La- bor Government have done more to cleanse the labor movement of social pacifism and stimulate its class con- sciousness than any “victories” they have won since the Labor Party was an opposition party. ° Sam Lipman worker, with work only during certain season of the year, living in small rooms in a crowded tenement, need socialism. That is why I am a “left winger”. I want economic security and I want it now. Comrade Thomas can afford to wait for evolution. I Can't. I want to help put the ‘R’ in front of evolution”. Lipman was deported to Russia and I may never see him again, But I am wondering what Sam Lipman would say if he knew that Norman Thomas was running Ongthe same ticket with LaFollette. “ Sam Lipman reasoned out so clearly the need of a clear line of demarka- tion between those who need social- ism and those who only wish for it, that I feel certain he would be in the ranks of the Workers Party and fight- socialism, |ing for Foster and Gitlow. Nobody ever got anything imply by wishing for it. You have got to work and fight every inch of the way, and the only fighting party of the workers is the WORKERS PARTY. When you realize that you need social- ism you will get out and fight for it. Foster and Gitlow both need social- ism. They both know the meaning of “The Class Struggle”, they are in it, they are part of it. It is no theory to them, it is a stern reality. If you have a political vote this year and if you belong to the working class, there is only one way in which you can make that vote count for the complete downfall of the bosses of the jobs. That way is to vote the ticket of the Workers Party straight. Vote for Foster and Gitlow and all the other candidates of the Workers Par- ty. When you do that you are voting for WORKING CLASS CONTROL and that is the only thing that counts. International Youth Day ‘HE wounds of the last war are not yet healed, and already the next war is at the gates of the sham peace erected by the world bourgeoisie, Al- ready our contention that there can be no peace as long as capitalism en. dures is made clear and evident even to the many whose faith in the impe- rialist governments of the world has not been shaken in the I:st episode of international murder caused by the natural workings of the capitalist sys- tem. The world over the race for arma- ments goes on—in spite of the ges- tures of peace made at the Washing: ton disarmament conference. Coun- try after country is rehearsing the military demonstrations of 1913-1914, showing its military sterngth to the enemy in an effort to frighten its ri- vals'and thereby receive a greater share of the booty. In our own coun- try the president has proclaimed Sept 12 as Mobilization Day. This, in ad- dition to parading the military strength of the United States before the eyes of the world powers, has as its object the strengthening of the Jingo spirit among the youth of the country, thus preparing them ideolog- jeally for the next war. » It is for this reason that Interna- tional Youth Day this year is of greater significance than heretofore, Jn 1915, in the midst of the roaring of cannon, the revolutionary working class youth held their first Interna- tional Youth Day on the first Sunday of September. In this they demon- strated that they were thru with the betrayers of the Second and Second and One-half Internationals and were yager and ready to follow their leader, Lenin. And they played a most prominent part after the war in the founding of the Third (the Communist) International. They are today in every country the bearers of the banner of Leninism. At the last congress of the C. I. the youth as a body showed that they rec. ognized the need for Bolshevizing the Communist parties of the world. The Y. W. L. of New York city will celebrate International Youth Day this year at Central Opera House, on Fri- day, Sept. 5. This will be a demon- stration against the capitalist system, against pitalist militarism, and Prisoner Thanks Comrades. To the DAILY WORKER:—Will you kindly print the following notice of thanks to the many comrades for their kindly remembrances to me while I was confined in the Idaho State Penitentiary for criminal syn- dicalism? I am now on the outside, after 7 years behind the bars and in battle again where | left off in 17. e ‘eh the Many Comrades: 1, H. BE. Herd, want to offer unto you by utmost and sincere thanks and appreciation for your comrad- ship and remembrances while | was confined in the Idaho State Peniten- tiary at Boise, My correspondence while in there was very limited by the powers that are. So I could not answer all those welcome cards and letters OST: THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS against Mobilization Day. ¥ It is the duty of every member of the Y. W. L. and of the Workers Par- ty in New York city to make this dem- onstration the greatest ever seen in this country. We remind the mem- bers of the Workers Party that the Communist: International has ordered every Communist to make Interna- tional Youth Day a great demonstra- tion of the revolutionary youth against capitalism, Let every Communist do duty! ‘ickets may be obtained at the of- fice of the Y. W. L., 208 East 12th St., New York city, ne that came asa breath of life from the outer world, Untom e it was only a clouded dream of the past. I thank you. i I remain as ever yours for the world, , EH. H. HERD, Butte, Mont, Have You Sent Yours in? ~ To the DAILY WORKER: — closed you will find a check for $65.82 sixty-five dollars and eighty-two cents) that was collected in sec: tion first of May's wages for the DAILY WORKER, trom comrades who worked on that day, - ‘Money was collected, trom the fol- lowing branches: . Estonian, $13.00; Jewish, $17.00; French, $4.82; Span. ish, $1.00; South Slavak, $30.00~ Comradely yours, M. Nemser (Har. lem and Yorkville Organizer) ‘ ae