The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 26, 1924, Page 6

<i ROE a a oe Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. — SSF Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.60....6 months $2.00.3 months By mail (in Chicage only) $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. \ Seo Editors .. Business Manager Chicago, Ilinols J. LOUIS ENGDAKL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1928 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. = Dawes On the Pan That Coolidge has upset Dawes’ plans by call- ing him to Plymouth for a conference, is a sign that some “brass tacks” will be talked behind closed doors to “Hell ’n’ Maria” as well as publicly by him. Not that Coolidge thinks differently about the Klan than Dawes—but that his name is “Cau- tious Cal,” and he thinks three times before he speaks and then he says nothing. i It was really unpardonabale, from the view of capitalist politics, that Dawes should have en- dorsed the Klan the way he did. He didn’t have to go that far in order to get the vote. And it is a primary rule in politics, that no doubt Cal will im- press upon Dawes’ mind in this little conference, that one must not pay more than the market price for votes. To do so upsets the whole “political economy” of the republican party. But Cal and Charlie are quite similar in all but their method of public speaking. They ought to be quite fond of one another, because they do fit to- gether so well. They are the perfect Gold Dust Twins, and Wall Street will be ungrateful if it does not furnish them with a big war chest. And with that—well, even Dawes’ blunders about the Klan can be overcome, and all will be well. Why Is the U. S. Rich? Perhaps you have been wondering why the United States has a considerable share of the world’s wealth. The explanation is offered by a 290 certain Mr. George Hinman, writer extra-ordinary | for William Randolph Hearst, who knows all there | is to be known, and then a bit more, about eco- nomics. For three cents one can learn all about the subject in the Herald-Examiner. It is all so simple. The reason why this country is rich, says Mr. Hinman, is because American in- dustry pays such high dividends to the capitalists. These worthy gentlemen, ,in the classic manner made immortal by Mr. Smiles, prudently cautious- ly, and conservatively, preserve these dividends from waste, and reinvest them in the industries of America, in order to produce bigger dividends, to reinvest, and so on. The bigger the dividends the richer the country, says Mr. Hinman. Whoever attacks dividends attacks the foundation of our prosperity. Karl Marx knew less than any country banker, says this wise man of Hearst. This is the kind of intellectual junk that millions of workers pay good pennies for each day when they buy the capitalist press. It is also the trash that fills the heads of our respectable “labor leaders,” who preach harder work, bigger produc- tion, cut down the employers’ costs, establish class collaboration, arbitrate, and generally be good to the capitalists. It is the sort of stuff that must be eliminated from the labor movement, unless we wish to see our unions degenérate into sewing circles, or into auxiliaries of the Young Men’s Christian Association. y But after all, the common sense of the mass of the workers keeps them from swallowing such a rot as Hinman’s. The rank and file know quite well that they never get any consideration from the employers, unless and until they fight for it and win it by battle. The workers instinctively know that they have to fight, and all the poison of the Hearst press, combined with the other capitalist dailies over the country, cannot convince them otherwise. . Coolidge and the Negroes President Coolidge has sent a letter to Dr. Robert B. Moton, president of the National Negro Business League, congratulating the American Negro population upon the economic progress they have made. The chief executive also assures the Negro people that he will stand by them in helping them secure their full political rights. Little argument is necessary to convince one that this is merely a campaign effort on the part of our hide-bound reactionary president. We are on the eve of a national election. Every vote counts. The vote of the Negro also counts when it is counted in favor of the republican regime. Mr. Coolidge’s message is simply a vote-catching epistle. It betrays no sincerity and manifests no genuine interest in the welfare of the millions of exploited Negro workers. As a matter cf fact, recent days have witnessed a serious shattering of the old illusien that the republican party is a friend of the Negroes. On too many occasions has the republican party lined up to strike damaging blows against the Negroes, for the colored people to continue faith in the so- called party of Lincoln. Ample evidence of the fact that the Negroes are steadily becoming disillusioned with the republican party is to be had in recent election results. It was the colored voters of Wilmington, Delaware, who, out of despair, in 1922, elected Thomas F. Bayard, a democrat, to the United States Senate. In order to stave off the rapid loss of colored support in the North, the republican inside clique made the empty gesture of increasing the allotment of dele- gates from the southern states in the 1924 con- vention. And Mr. Coolidge, who now has the insolence to label himself a friend of the Negroes, has not had even sufficient courage to master enough of hypo- crisy to denounce the Klan in this campaign. His chief competitors for the presidential office have done so. Besides, his running mate, the open shop- per General Dawes, has even gone so far as to afford justification and apology for the existence} of the Ku Klux Klan, that organization of hooligans which has been making pogroms against the Negro masses in the North and South. Mr. Coolidge will not succeed in misleading the Negroes. His hypocritical sweet words will not} poison the minds of the Negro voters. More and | more the Negroes are becoming aware of the fact that their sole hope lies in a union of the workers of all colors and creeds against the class whose in- terests are championed by Mr. Coolidge and his corrupt clique. No oppressed race, no oppressed class has ever been given liberty. They have always had to fight for it. The Negroes know this truth from many years of bitter experience. Defending the Bondholders While in the United States we have the spectacle of Labor, official organ of the railroad unions, pleading the cause of the bondholders, and placing them “in the same class as the employes,” in Great Britain the so-ealled “labor” government proceeds on similar but even more practical lines. Its mem- jbers in parliament actually boast that “labor” protects the bondholders better than had the Tories in the past. This amazingly frank statement came from M. Morel, “labor” M. P., during the debate in the House of Commons on the treaty with Soviet Rus- sia. As reported in the Daily Herald, official organ of the British Labor party, the following occurred after the Tories had attacked the treaty as insuf- ficiently protecting the interests of British bond- holders: “What did the Conservative Government do for the interests of the bondholders?” he asked. “You did nothing,” continued Mr. Morel, “we are doing something. We are doing more than you ever at- | tempted.” The “labor” government in Britain proves too |much. So well and so completely does it prove that |it stands four square for capitalism, that it proves at the same time to the workers that it is not a “labor” government in anything but name. It is merely a government of the agents of capitalism within the labor movement in alliance with the “liberal” capitalists. It is a government of class collaboration, opposed to every fundamental issue that is in the interest of the British workers and the interests of the working class of the entire word. ino : No Split in Nova Scotia! It is well that the Red International of Labor Unions has officially agded its warning to that of the Trade Union Educational League and the Com- munists, against the split in the ranks of the Nova Scotia miners, for which certain dual unionists have been strenuously working for some months. These splitters haye become a menace, not be- cause of the validity of the proposals, but because they voice a response to the provocations of the Lewis bureaycracy, which has been assaulting the Nova Scotia miners in every conceivable fashion for that purpose. Many rank and filers, not under- standing that a split fits right into the desires of Lewis, follow their emotions and listen to the siren songs of the dual unionists. A split among the miners would be a real blow against the progressive forces, and terrible weaken- ing of the miners of the entire continent, and would play right into the hands of the blackest elements of the union. For the revolutionaries it would mean simply a running away from the fight. The miners of Nova Scotia, when they have considered the question seriously, will summarily reject this dangerous ‘propaganda, and refuse to listen to the interested propagators. The Prince of Wales, fresh from ‘gambling away several thousand dollar bills furnished him by the “labor” government of Britain, will be greeted in New York by a picked bodyguard of state troopers, who will protect the precious body of the Prince from harm. What prince could object to such “la- bor” governments or to such “democracy”? And just to show that one socialist is as servile as another, the socialist government of Sweden de- ported the German Communist Deputy, Remmele. Of course, Dawes would speak kindly of the Ku Kus. As one Fascist to another, of course, you belong to the wrong organization but your “prin- ciples” are all right. Join the “Minute Men of the Constitution” and you can Koo Koo all you wish! The president of the General Electric Company, Mr. Owen D, Young, has taken over the job of gen- eral manager of the reparations commission. Who said that governments were important! Many willing hands make the big jobs easy. Get new members for the Workers Party. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription forthe DAILY WORKER. Send in that new “sub” today! THE DAILY WORKER Tuesday, August 26, 1924 Nova Scotia, Canada, Miners Must Fight Lewis Inside the Coal Miners’ Union - (Statement of the Trade Union Educational League.) ‘HE One Big Union of Winnipeg is busy trying to split the miners of Nova Scotia away from the United Mine Workers of America. Since last May it has had Ben Legere stationed in that district for the purpose of bringing about this division. Legere is carrying on propaganda among the miners, asking them to call a conven- tion for the purpose of splitting away form the United Mine Workers and joining as local “units” to the One Big Union. Inasmuch as this propaganda has gone so far that Legere has a letter printed in the Maritime Labor Herald, organ of the miners, issue of Aug. 16th, it is necessary to face the issue thus raised, fairly and squarely. For the sake of the miners who may be misled by this splitting propaganda, it is necessary to review the situation, and to restate the policy of the Com- munists and other left-wing elements, |which is in harmony wih and ap- proved by the Red International and the Communist International. Origin and Accomplishments of The O. B. U. The O. B. U. developed out of an abortive left-wing movement in the trade unions of the Canadian west, during 1918-19. Defeated by the re- actionaries in its first attempt to swing the Canadian Trades Congress in 1918, the left wing abandoned itself to childish despair. At a spe- cial Western Canada Labor Confer- ence, held in Calgary in March, 1919, with delegates from local untons from Winnipeg to the coast, it was decided to start a new labor union, indepen- dent of all existing unions. A ballot was taken, and the majority was in favor of the proposal. The Winnipeg general strike occurred before the de- cision was put into effect, but after the defeat of that strike the workers of the West were more than ever in favor of secession. The O. B, U. was launched, and the unionffs of West- ern Canada swarmed into it. In short, after one years’ effort at re- shaping the unions, they gaye up at the first defeat and ran away from the fight. The backbone of the new organiza- tion wags composed of the loggers of British Columbia and the miners of District 18. Things went smoothly so long as no problems faced the movement. But at the Port Arthur Convention, September, 1920, the in- ternal unsoundness showed itself in sharp differences of policy that tore the organization to pieces. The min- ers and loggers demanded the appli- cation of the principle of industrial unionism. But the leadership in Winnipeg, controlling with the votes of the large number of miscellaneous “units,” insisted upon the “geographi- cal” form of organization. When the principle of industrial unionism was rejected, the miners and loggers quit the O. B. U. : Since that time the O. B. U. has ceased to be anything but a destruc- tive factor in the Canadian labor movement. By 1922 it was apparent that it had become a mere shell. It depended upon football competitions for its finances. Its role has been that of maneuvering with groups of workers in revolt against the reaction- ary union officials, splitting them off in small “units” where they would have no reactionary officials to fight, and leaving She labor movement gen- erally in the undisputed control of these reactionaries. The result of the O. B. U. movement in the West has been to almost completely disor- ganize that territory. The workers are disgusted both with the A. F. of L. and the O. B. U. Those who are | ¢, organized have lost all heart for the fight for revolutionary principles, and the bureaucrats reign unchallenged. The net result of the O. B. U. split is a terrible set-back for the revolu- tionists and for the whole labor move- ment. Because the militants were drawn out of the unions, and the un- ions themselves split, the labor move- ment became helpless and the masses were left without leadersjp in their struggle against reacticnary policie: and officials, Effiect Upon the Miners of District 18. What the O. B, U. split of 1918 did to the miners of Alberta should be a warning to the miners of Noya Scotia. The vast majority of the miners left the U. M. W. of A. in a body, and joined the 0, B. U. Only a very tew were left in the old organization. But there were enuf, when added to the follies of secession, to do the dirty work of the reactionaries, Led by Dalrymple (now the creature of Lewis in District 26) the agente of Lewis joined with the Canadian gov- ernment and the coal opefators, to destroy the miners’ organization. The checkoff in the hands of the reac- tionaries, the blacklist in the hands of the operators, the governmental powers at the service of both—this combination was used to club the miners of Alberta into submission, while a small increase of pay was granted thru the reactionaries to fool the weaker-minded miners, Thus, when in 1920 the miners ‘felt obliged to make another split, this time with the 0. B, U, to preserve the industrial form of organization, they were in a terrible state of dis- organization. The reactionaries of the U. M. W, of A. were collecting dues from them thru the check-off, but the miners were not attending lo- cal union meetings, nor attempting in any way to control their affairs, which thus became the plaything of the worst agents of the bosses. Towards the end of 1921, the min- ers began to understand the mistake they had made. They went back into their local unions and’ resumed the fight for militant policies and leader- ship, But the effects of the disastrous split are still apparent in the weak control they still have in a district once predominantly progressive and revolutionary. And the folly of trust- Ing men because they were prominent leaders of the O. B. U..is shown by Sherman, a leader of the secession and later elected president of District 18 as a militant, since becoming an agent of John L. Lewis against the rank and file. The O. B. U. split was a disastrous thing for the miners of Alebrta and for the whole Canadian labor movement. The possible splen- did effects were lost of the excellent fighting qualities of these men who had been in the forefront of the Can- adian movement. The Policy of the Red International of Labor Untons. The miners of Nova Scotia believe in the Red International of Labor Un- ions. They know that it consists of the most militant revolutionary union- ists of the worud, and that it is forg- ing the real leading center of the in- ternational labor movement, in alli- ance with the Communist Interna- tional. The miners should therefore be interested in what the Red Inter- national has to say on the question of splits and secession. It is of more than passing interest to note that the 0. B. U. is opposed to the Red International, while Dis- trict 26 is in favor of it. In June, 1922, the miners of District 26 voted to apply for affiliation to the R. I. L. U. and to take their rightful place alongside the revolutionary workers of the world. But when Lewis theat- ened to expel the District, the miners correctly decided to withdraw the application rather than suffer disrup- tion at the hands of Lewis. This de- cision was endorsed by the R. I. L. U. John L Lewis showed himself as the bitter enemy of the Red; Inter- national—So also is the One Big Un- ion. It has refused to affiliate, it has denounced the Red International, and it pursues a policy in direct opposition to that of the Red International. The Red International is firmly op- posed to the policy of splitting the la- bor unions. Communists everywhere are opposed to this tactic, even tho Legere, knowing that Communists or sympathizers are in a large majority in Nova Scotia, tries to talk nice about them and say that in Lawrence they stand for splitting. In the Fourth Congress of the R. I. L. U. (July, 1924) Losovéky, “the gen- eral secretary, said in his report on “The Immediate Tasks of the Revolu- tionary Labor Union Movement,” in answer to the question, “What is the most important problem at the pres- ent moment?”: “Now especially the wan of the unity of the labor move- ment has exceptional significance.” Discussing this point, Losovsky con- tinues: “But what does this struggle for unity imply? Is it a pure and simple catch-word? Not at all. The strug- gle for unity means the struggle in- side the working class for united ac- tion, and only on that foundation can unity strengthen and give form to the united organization and turn it into an instrument of revolution. If we are to go on with the Sidgan of the struggle for unity we must also raise the slogan: Back into the Untons, you who have left them, and: first of all you who claim to be the vanguard. Our slogan was and remains the con- quest of the unions, which means a relentless struggle against profes- sional bureaucracy and for the con- quest of the consciousness of the la- bor masses.” Reporting to the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, Losv- sky made plain the opposition of the world movement to leaving the trade unions to build so-called revolutionary unions, in the following statement: “What we need is the capture of the trade union masses and in this no re- actionary bureaucracy or oath of loy- alty, as in Germany, can prevent the Communists from extending their in- fluence among the masses. Desertion from the unions is not a sign of activ- ity, but a symptom of despair. . If a Communist asserts that he can no longer remain in the trade union in spite of the decisions of the Com- munist International and of the Com- munist Party, he is a bad Communist, for he allows himself to be carried away by his impulses.” Thus the Communist International and the Red International of Labor Unions are quite definitely opposed to the scessionist policy of the O. B. U. It is impossible for the miners to carry out fully the policies of the Red International by joining the O. B. U. That can only be done by fighting de- terminedly to remain within the U. M. W. of A, and there fighting against the reactionary and corrupt officialdom, keeping in this struggle the closest alignment with the revolu- tionists in the United States. World Congress Speaks to Canada. There may be some one who will argue that the policy of the R. I. L. U. applies only to Europe, not Canada. But the world congress just ended considered carefully and especially the situation in Canada. It adopted a special declaration on the Canadian problems, of which the following is a paragraph: “One of the principal we&knesses of the Canadian left wing at the present time is the impatience of the rebels, who, in their impatience to overthrow reaction, fail to grasp the full import of the task facing the proletariat of North America, and overlook the in- evitability of a bitter and protracted struggle before the mass of the work: ers are finally brot under the revolu- tionary leadership. This lack of clear understanding leads to the short- sighted policy of jumping into dual unions at every set-back and partial defeat, thereby playing into the hands of the reactionary bureaucracy,” The Task of the Nova Sootla Miners. The task that faces the miners of District 26 cannot be solved by run- ning away from it. Surrender to Lewis is just as disastrous, be it open and avowed or camouflaged: under ‘the. flag of the O. B. U. What must be done is to wrest control of the United Mine Workers of America out of the hands of the friends of/ the bosses, and put it into the hands of the revo- lutionary membership. In carrying on their heroic struggle against the British Hmpire Steel Cor- poration and against John L. Lewis, the miners of Nova Scotia have cov- ered themselves with glory. They have taken a place in the forefront of | the world’s working class, and their Place has been recognized. They have brought new life and courage to all the thousands of members of the: U. M. W. of A. who are suffering un- der the dictatorship of Lewis, and en- thused them to renew the struggle with redoubled energy. Thruout the North American continent the revolu- tionary miners are looking to Nova Scotia as an outstanding section in the revolutionary battle-front, in the: struggle for taking possession of the U. M. W. of A. for the membership, The miners of Nova Scotia must, think long and seriously beforé they abandon their section of the battle. line which they have defend so valiantly, and where they have won .|80 much honor to themselves. The revolutionary labor union ex- perience of Canada and of the world | brings out sharply these lessons,: which must guide the Nova Scotia | miners in their present difficult situa- tion: : No splits in the union—splits serve the interest of the employers but not» of the workers! Fight against the corrupt and reac- | tionary léaders in the union—but not run away from the struggle by seces- sion! Establish and develop the elosest connection with the revolutionary! elements thruout the miners’ union in Canada and the United States, and with the revolutionaries in all other unions! Bring the union continually closer and closer to the Red International of Labor Unions, which unites the, fighting union men and women of the, entire world! ‘ Fight against the employers, against the capitalist system, and against the lick-spittle government which is the agent of the capitalist class! Fight for working-class solidarity! The working class must~act in great masses! Sectional action alone is doomed to defeat! The capitalist class is strong and well organized! The working class can only exert its strength when it becomes well-organ- ized and led by a revolutionary policy! i Nova Scotia Miners! Unite solidly for the unity of District 26, against splits, for the struggle against Lewis, Besco, and the capitalist government! Closer unity with the revolutionists of Canada and of the United States! Solidarity with the revolutionary workers of the world under the ban- ner of the Red International of La- bor Unions! Coolidge Manager Is Fink Boss (Continued from page 1.) Mill corporation, with $3,282,687; president of the Quissett Mill, rated at $4,889,422, and president of the New Bedford Cotton Mills corporation, rat- ed at $3,012,853, Mr. Butler, you will observe from these figures, is a capitalist. And Mr. Butler is the Big Man in the republi- an party. Mr. Butler is, in fact, the republican party treasury. He pays the bills. Record in Textile Mills. But Mr. Butler finances other reac- tionary business besides the republi- can party. In, February, 1918, the New Bedford Cotton Manufacturers’ Association was organized. Altho the “war for democracy” was still on, the ENTHUSIASM GREETS FIRST SHOWING OF BEAUTY AND BOLSHIE NEW YORK, Aug. 25.—The first showing of “Beauty and the Bolshe-" vik” the Red Army romance pro- duced in Russia, was received en- thusiastically by a New York audi- ence Saturday night. The house was packed and hun- dreds were turned away. A musical program with Miss Annette Rakoff in Russian songs formed part of the perfom This picture will show for a whole week in New York at the Lenox Theatre, 111th Street and Lenox attraction... On Wednesday, Thurs- day and Friday evening the Work. men's Circle Orchestra will give several numbers. The proceeds are to be divided between the “Freihelt” and the International Workers’ Ald of which Willlam Weinstone Is the Local Secretary, the associat textile magnates were looking ahead. They saw atime when, after the boobs had been either killed or de- mobilized, they could reduce wages and continue to clean up immense profits. The first thing they thought about was, of course, to plant spies and informers among the textile un- ions and in the textile mills. In Bos- ton they arranged with Mr. Moore of the “Sherman Service” for a corps of men to be put to work in Mr. Butler's home town, New Bedford, Massachusetts. Charles C. Dexter, one of Butler’s bosom pals in New,’ Bedford, advanced $25,000 to the Sherman agency as first payment from the New Bedford Cotton Manu- facturers’ Association for industrial espionage against the textile workers of that city. Butler Directs Detectives. In the latter part of 1918, the war being over and the time ripe for an attack upon wage scales, the present chairman of the republican party, Mr. Butler, took over the active direction of the Sherman detectives engaged in New Bedford. Thére were about thirty finks almost continually .em- ployed by Butler in New Bedford, and most of them belonged to one or an- other of the textile workers’ unions. Butler gave his orders as to detail: and policies to be pushed by his un dercover men in the unions and in the mills, both to the Boston superin- tendent of the Sherman outfit, Moore, or to A. M. Donahue, who was direct- ly in charge of the crew of finks in New Bedford, So extremely well did Mr. Butler like this business of plant- ing stool-pigeons in unions and art- fully directing them against the in- terests of the workers, that even when another New Bedford capitalist, Walter Langshaw, Became president of the New Bedford Cotton Manufac- rers’ Association, Butler insisted on bossing the stool-pigeons. He liked that job. He enjoyed it. As this was 's chief function, Lang- shaw got sore at Butler for taking away the pleasure a textile magnate gets out of bossing finks, and resign- ed in a huff. Butler had the game all to himself, and he reveled in it, Those Were “The Days.” Those were great days for Mr. Coolidge’s “big brother.” Thru con- sultations with Moore in Boston and Donahue in New Bedford, the person- nel of the undercover men of the Sherman agency and their every movement were closely directed in the interests of the mill magnates and against the wage scales and the unions of the workers. ° (Tomorrow we will learn more about the tricks of Mr. Butler, head of the republican party, in his cam- paign of smashing the unions from within by means of Sherman Agency stool pigeons). “SOCIALIST” SWEDEN DEPORTS LEADER OF ~ t GERMAN COMMUNISTS (By Federated Press.) STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Aug. 25. —Hermann Remmele, German Communist leader and member of the Reichstag, has been deported from Sweden, where he was sent by the executive committee of the Communist International at Mos- cow, to mediate In the split which had occurred between two factions of the Swedish Communist move- ment. The technicality which it was possible to ship Remmele out of the country was that of “il- legal entry into the country.” Rem- je had obtained a transit visa from Moscow to Germany via Swed> en, but, after having crossed the Swedish and German frontiers, sud- denly bobbed up holm. There he wi police and deported, ay as