The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 12, 1924, Page 4

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

a ne Page Four FARRELL STEEL WORKERS’ CASES COME IN SEPT. Defense Sends Plea for More Funds By Wallace T. Metcalfe. YOUNGSTOWN, O., Aug. 11—The Labor Defense and Free Speech Coun- cil handling the now famous Farrell se- dition cases has just completed cir- cularizing the labor movement of Ohio. Thousands of letters have gone forth to the organized labor move- ment in Ohio setting forth the out- standing injustice being inflicted upon the six Farrell steel workers for dar- ing to exercise their constitutional rights of free speech and peaceful as- semblage in a district owned body and soul by the Steel Trust. Two workers have veen convicted of violating the infamous Sedition Law of Pennsylvania. Two are con- fined in the Mercer County jail be- eause their bondsmen -were compelled to turn them over to the custody of the sheriff. The defense is exerting every effort to secure the early re- lease of these two workers and the outside world is being appealed to for assistance. A cash bail of $2,000 each is required by the court. Jobless—Blacklisted. The two workers at liberty under bail awaiting trial have been out of employment since their arrest. Boy- cotted—blacklisted—jailed and com- pelled to fight against uneven odds, the game fight being put up by these workers is exemplary. The appeals of the two convicted steel workers will be heard before the» Mercer County court sometime in September while the four steel workers yet to be tried will have their trials in October. The defense committee is faced with the gigantic task of financing the appeals and the trials. It will re- quire $6,000 at the least to carry on the legal battle in defense of these steel workers. The defense committee has ap- pealed to the labor movement in the United States and Canada. Thru the labor press the TRUTH about Far, rell has been broadcasted to the out- side world and in response to these appeals many organizations have con- tributed. Miners Sympathize. A letter received today from a United Mine Workers union in south- eastern Ohio displays the real spirit of the American working class. Here it is and every member of the work- ing class should read it. Labor Defense and Free Speech Council. Dear Sir and Brother: In reply to your letter of July 25th. We are with you brother but this local has been out of work since last November, 1923. We was always ready to help of any kind but the Shape we are in I am sorry to say that we cannot help at the present. With the best wishes for a better day. We remain, G. a)» Secretary. In back of the Farrell defendents hundreds of thousands of workers and sympathizers are being mobilized anki from obscure oppressed steel workers they are now known the world over for their loyalty to their ideals. That non-partisan force for Free Speech—Peaceful Assemblage and Freedom of the Press, the American Civil Liberties Union, has exerted its powerful influence in behalf of the constitutional rights of these steel workers. Its representatives were first to come to the rescue of the de- fendants. . Workers Must Help. Workmen's Circle branches from all over the United States have contrib- ‘uted. This splendid organization of Jewish workers and business people maintains its tradition of defending the rights of the oppressed. Four of the defendants are members of the Workers Party of America, South Slav Federation, and the bulk of the financial support has been giv- en by them. On account of unem- Ployment the contributions have been small. ‘The defense committee ap- peals to the membership of the Work- ers Party—to all members of the working class and to those who sym- pathize with them in their struggles to heed this appeal for funds. There must be no letup in the cam- paign for the defense of the Farrell steel workers. Contributions regard- Editor’s Note:—This Is the first In- stallment of Comrade Bukharin’s re- port on the proposed program for the Communist International made to the Fifith World Congress of the C. 1. Our readers should follow this re- port with keen interest. Comrade Bukharin is a noted Marxist: and one of the leaders of the Russian Com- munist Party and one of the Russian representatives on the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national. A second installment will appear tomorrow, 7 * 6 Comrade Bukharin’s Report. OMRADES, we two reporters who were appointed by the Executive to deal with this question—Comrade Thalheimer and myself, have divided the work between us. Comrade Thal- heimer’s report will not be a counter- part to mine, but rather a supplement to it, Comrades, at our last congress the program question was discussed with considerable thoroness. The most im- portant program questions were dealt with in the reports made at that time. [ will therefore not again go over the paragraphs contained in my report and in Thalheimer’s supplementary report. Capitalist Accumulation. Differences arose in connection with two quite different questions: first, in connection with capitalist ac- cumulation—a purely theoretical ques- tion brought forward by Comrade Rosa Luxemburg. We have omitted this purely theoretical discussion for today, not because of our inability to discuss this question, or because we do not attack any importance to it, but because it is a question which does nét lend itself to discussion in the plenum. It is of an extremely theore- tical nature and therefore not suit- jable for the plenum of a great con- |gress. We have decided to deal with these purely theoretical questions at separate meetings. The second question, which gave rise to differences— the question of partial demands and transition slo- gans,—was settled by the Fourth Con- gress. As there are no differences in connection with it, this question disappears from the agenda, unless some delegation or group of delega- tions object to this. Thus, in today’s report I will deal only with new questions, namely with uestions not discussed in former re- ports. Comrade Thalheimer and myself propose (and I believe we voice the opinion of the Commission on this) that at this congress, we adopt not a final program, but rather a draft which the parties affiliated to the Communist International may discuss. This draft must be distributed to the sections for discussion in the name of the congress. Determine Aims and Methods. In the first place, we need the pro- gram for the ideological training of the parties belonging to the Commun- ist International. We also need the program for its political significance, in ordgr to determine its aims and the m@thods by which these aims are to be ‘achieved. We also need the program to demonstrate and to fur- ther our unity. I must say that I do not share comrade Maslov's scepti- cism with relation to the program. He published a rather good article in re- ply to comrade Boris’ article in “Die Internationale’—the theoretical maga- zine published by the German Party. expressed himself against the adop- But in this article, comrade Maslov tion of this program. He argues that sufficient preparatory work has not been done and that various, purely theoretical questions, are not yet solved. He proposes that only a pro- gram of action be adopted in lieu of a programe I do not agree with his contention, for I think that in the various documents already adopted by the Communist International, which date from our first congress, we have sufficient material and also sufficient elucidation of the most important questions which concern the program. [ also think that, with a few excep- tions we are justified in saying that even the purely theoretical questions have been, on the whole, well thrashed out. I think that there is no justification for comrade Maslov's theoretical scepticism. Philosophy of Movement. I come now to the question. itself. As I have already said, I will déal now only with questions which are com- paratively new. I presume that form- er reports, which were published in book form, and the discussions con- nected with them, are familiar to all less how small should be mailed at/the comrades, ence to the defense committee, Wm. The first question we have to con- J. White, treasurer, Box 883, Youngs-| sider is—our philosophy. Not a word town, Ohio. Send in that Subsoription Toda: RUBBER STAMPS AND SEALS has been said in the draft laid before the Fourth World Congress about the philosophy of the Communist Interna- tional and Communism in gener: But since then we have gone thru experiences which make it impera- tive for us to deal with this ques- tion, During the meeting of the Ei larged Executive we had a very heat- ed discussion on the religious ques- tion, This of course, is a tactical question, but not merely a tactical question, These discussions on the Wnlarged Uxecutive showed us that the question of our philosophy needs elucidation, There are more subtle {acts which, in @ less crude form per- haps than the religious discussion in- dicate that there are still some dan- sors ahoad. We notice among Com: ‘tarlat WE Aap heen AR A a a agen tt” munist Parties, and to a still greater extent, among social-democratic par- ties—especially in the German Social Democratic Party—a relapse into the old Hegelism, which we must desig- nate as pre-Marxist and an idealistic viewpoint. This is particularly no- ticeable in the social democrat Cuno, especially in his works on the state, the role and functions of this state. This is linked up with a certain re- lapse into Lassale-ism. I cannot of course, deal here very fully with these questions, I merely want to emphasize the fact of those relapses in the ranks of the social democracy. Unfortunate- ly, Communist Parties are not im- mune from such relapses into the old Hegelism, certainly in a less promi- nent form than in social democratic ranks, but which nevertheless reveal the same potentially harmful temden- cies. , The Italian Party. The second phenomenon is parti- cularly noticeable in the Italian par- ty, altho probably it is not conscious of it. This ideological deviation from revolutionary Marxism. could be desig- nated as idealistic voluntarism, which is substituted for Marxist activism’ We find the same deviations in the\ Russian Party, but in a different form, namely in the form of agnostic posi- tivism in lieu of Marxist materialism. Some comrades base their attitude on the teachings of a _ revolutionary school of thot, the so-called reflex- ology, and go back to activism. All this may be plausible enough, but it is not revolutionary Marxism. The point is that in all this, Marxist ma- terialism is treated, avowedly or tacit- ly as an obsolete viewpoint. This is a great danger, especially because bourgeois science and bourgeois phi- losophy and ideology are at present in a process of dissolution. This bour- geois ideology is tainted with mysti- cism, and therefore in a period of general disintegration and chaos can to a certain extent permeate prole- tarian circles. That is why philoso- phy must be given a place in the pro- gram. It must be precisely and con- cisely formulated. .We must say that we are materialists; our viewpoint is the viewpoint of revolutionary materi- alist Marxism. This is a rather elas- tic formula but we cannot do with- out it if we want to proclaim our re- volutionary Marxism openly and meet the perils which I described to you. Shows Certain Dangers. As to the second group—the eco- nomic questions, I must say that if the influence of bourgeois ideology is noticeable on the philosophical field, it is also present in our economic doc- trines. I should like to propose to the congress here to discuss Comrade Boris’ article in “Die Internationale.” Not because I attach much import- ance to Comrade Boris’ arguments, but because his article shows us in a crude form the dangers which are ahead. It is not a question of Boris, but a question of symptomatic phe- nomena. For it cannot be ascribed to mere chance when a scientific organ conducted by educated people print such foolish things and such social democratic rot. Such a phenomenon shows rather that there is a certain psychological basis for such discus- sions. This article is a palpable proof that the bourgeoisie and the social democratic theorists have gained a footing in our camp. The article is very outspoken, Certain compliments are paid to us in it. For instance, I am described as a petty bourgeois gone mad. This is a very outspoken expression, and as I said before, the article is very outspoken indeed. Comrade Boris would like to send the entire bourgeoisie and also the petty bourgeoisie to the devil. He has no wish to make common cause with any revolutionary parties in the colonies whatever, on the plea that they are bourgeois parties. He also taboos par- tial socialization. Ha says: to the’ devil with any kind of socialization which is not complete socialization! He wants to socialize everything, in- cluding the waste-paper basket of “Die Internationale.” He justifies his article by saying that political econo- my is the be-all and the end-all. Thus, we must socialize everything, or noth- ing. He is much more radical than the most radical elements represent- ed here. But under this radical cloak, we have literally a purely social de- mocratic theory, and I fail to see how it was possible for the edffors of “Die Internationale” not to notice it. This is ludicrous, and at the same time dangerous. Comrades, I will read you’ an extract from Comrade Boris’ ar- ticle to give you an idea what we have really to contend with. One of the most important differences be- tween the Second and Third Interna- tionals is the conception of imperial- ism, the conception that a few great Powers exploit the colonies, receive super-profits from these colonies and by means of them corrupt some work- ing class sections, which provide the basis for social democratic policy. Hitherto we thot that this concep- tion is the most important point which separates from the Second International. This conception is a strong weapon in our hands against social democracy, and against the im- perialist policy of the bourgeoisie, a strong weapon which enables us to establish a connection between West- orn pe and Asia, between the in- ai “proletariat and the backward colonial peoples. We have in this conception a connecting link between the revolution of the industrial colonial rebeliions, Bucharin Report on Program to the Fifth Congress of the Communist International in the trend of history are nothing but component parts of the world reyolit- tions, Against this, are directed all the attacks of the social democrats, on the theoretical as well as on the practical field. Criticism of Program. Now what does our super-clever Bo- ris propose? He criticises my draft program by saying: “What is the implication of the assertion that the bourgeoisie raised the wages of the workers at home and thus gave them an interest in the plunder? The European and Ameri- can workers are exploited. The work- ers receive the value of their labor power, i. e, the means of existence which are necessary to maintain and reproduce their class. Hence the means of existence must be sufficient to maintain the laborer as a laborer in his normal standard of living and to allow him to reproduce his kind. By fighting, the workers have been able to attain a certain standard of living. The basis for raising this standard was the development of pro- ducing power. The wages of the workers in the home countries were not raised by the bourgeoisie for the /purpose of corrupting the super-pro- fits of some sort or other. Moreover, there are no super-profits; there is only one profit, and this is created by surplus labor in production.” “We cannot speak of super-profits from the Colonies.” And after he has set forth our mu- tual standpoint, he writes: “And the Communist International is expected to elevate this class-con- ciliatory nonsense to its program. And the thesis covering-the war and post-war period are still more ab- surd. For the 19th century, Bukharin was able to use Karl Marx in a muti- lated form. For the beginnings of the 20th century, ha used Hilferding, whom he faithfully echoed, since theoretically he is his Disciple. But he has also developed a few of his own senseless theories of state capi- talism.” Thus, the whole doctrine of super- profits is fundamentally anti-Marxist; it is absurd, it is class-conciliatory, etc. Well, I don’t know what class- conciliatory means. But first I want to make a brief remark. Comrade Boris says that this doctrine is not Marxist at all,—that it is fundamen- tally anti-Marxist. There is no such thing as super-profits; it is impossible and impermissible to speak of the ex- Ploitation of one country by another; that is sheer nonsense. I base myself on an author who was in no way a petty-bourgeois run wild, 1. e., the ven- erable Karl Marx. In his “Theories of Surplus Value,” Vol. 2, Part 2, Marx says: “Even a blind sow can find an acorn, and even a bourgeois economist can sometimes speak the truth.” And with reference to his famous blind sow, Marx says: “J. B. Say, in his comments on Constanzio’s translation of Ricardo, made just one correct observation on foreign trade. Profit can also be made by cheating. One wins what the oth- er loses. Gains and losses within a country cancel each other. But this is not the case between various coun- tries. And even according to Ricar- do's eat ag Ae i Say does not notice—tiree working days of one country can be exchanged for\ one working day of another. Here the law of values must be essentially mo- dified. Or, as highly-skilled, complex labor within a country bears a certain proportionate unskilled, simple labor, so the working days of one country can bear a certain™proportion to the working days’ of another country. In such a case, the richer country ex- ploits the poorer, altho the latter may gain by the exchange. J. S. Mill de- veloped this theory in his ‘Some Un- settled Questions, etc.’” ae this we can infer that Com- ¢ Boris’ conceptions are somewhat more profound than those of a blind sow. But of course, that is not the decisive factor for us. The decisive factor is that we clearly see that this doctrine of super-profits of richer countries is an entirely Marxist doc- trine. Marx put that down in black and white. But Marx proceeds from the hypothesis—only from this hy- pothesis—that there is a peaceful ex- change between the countries. He does not speak of downright plunder; he does not speak of the results which must arise from the direct pressure of the state apparatus. What must be said when we also take this power- ful means into consideration? ‘ho question is perfectly clear and con- prehensible to any child. Only Cein- rade Boris believes that this doctrine is absurd, Now for the arguments of Comrate Boris on wages. Naturally, the bewr: geois can corrupt the working clase only by means of higher wages. That we consider the wages of the workers in the impertalist states, we observe that the workers receive their income in form of wa) but that is not the question. We must.ask: Why are tho wages of these workers higher the average wage? One answer {s: The wages are higher because the i bor power is of a different nature, because the labor power is more high- ly skilled. That would be correct, but a further question is where is the basis? How sibility arise for these the working class to ti prole- ot is entirely correct. If, for instance,, question, did not occur to Comrade Boris. The wages of every section of the labor aristocrasy conforms with its more highly skilled Jabor power, But why was just this labor more higly skilled? Why does this labor power belong to the highly skilled workers and not to the unskilled worker? Practically the whole work- ing class of the capitalist state is an aristocracy as compared with the parlahs of the working class. That is the basic question. This question is answered by our doctrine, which was created by Marx and devéloped by Engels and Lenin and which is clear- ly discussed even in the program of the Russian Party, Comrade Boa: absolutely overlooks this quests, And that isa return, a complete gm turn to the Second International. For it we do not have this premise, we cannot fight against the labor aristo- eracy, imperialist politics, and will not be in a condition theoretically to explain all these fundamentally im- portant phenomena. Engels, as even those who are not specially educated in Marxism know, even speaks of the bourgeois proletariat in England. This is also an absurdity from Comrade Boris’ standpoint, because he is not familiar with Marxist literature. We must ask: How is it possible that the editor of the “Die Internationale” can- not exercise a censorship? (Korsch: It was merely brought up for discus- sion!) Comrades, we cannot bring up every bit of piffle for discussion. That is a bit strong. (To Be Continued.) DO YOU WANT A LITTLE BUFFALO IN YOUR HOME? WASHINGTON, Aug. 10—Having & ourplus of buffalos In the Yellow. stone National Park, the govern: today offered to give one away free to anyone who could pay the cost of catching and transporting. Persons who get buffalos must also agree to cate for It and not to kill It exceptin self-defense. There are about 730 buffalos In the Yel- lowstone herd. Christian Soldiers Marching Against Darwin’s Monkeys SACRAMENTO, Cal. Aug, 11— Opening guns in the reactionary at- tack on the teaching of evolution in California public schools were fired at a special meeting of the state depart- ment of education here. Rev. George Thorpe of Corona, who precipitated the fight, argued for the elimination of over 50 text books teaching the relationship of man and animals, and pleaded for the teaching of spontaneous generation and spe- cial creation. Rev. Harvey Gill, Uni- tarian of Sacramento, led the modern- ist forces, arguing that evolution and Christianity can be reconciled. Will C. Wood, state superintendent public instruction, will render a verdict af- ter considering the speeches on both sides. An initiative measure will prob- ably appear on the 1924 ballot pro- viding for teaching the Bible in the public schools. Send In that Subscription Today. THE WORK OF THE PARTY C. E. C. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS PARTY. 'HE following matters were dis- cussed and decisions rendered by the Central Executive Committee: Meeting of August 2. Party Platform: Committee con- sisting of Comrades Ruthenberg, Pit- telman and Lovestone were elected to go over the proposed 1924 platform prepared by Comrade Ruthenberg with authority to publish same after agreement by committee. Program of Action: The commit- tee decided to hold special semi- monthly meetings for the purpose of, following up work done by the party organization in carrying out the pro- gram of action. International Publighers and Book- sellers. The commitfee adopted a mo- tion declaring that it did not approve of the establishment of a private pub- lishing house to publish radical and Communist literature by Comrades Alexander Trachtenberg and A. A. Heller. Freiheit Management: The com- mittee considered an appeal by Com- rade Salzman, Manager of the Frei- heit, against the appointment of Com- rade Lifshitz as Campaign Manager for the Freiheit and requested that the Bureau of the Jewish Section sub- mit to the C. E. C. its views on the subject. Meeting of August 4. New York Membership Meeting: The committee appointed Comrade Foster to represent the C. E. C, at the New York Membership meeting to be held August 15. Amalgamated Clothing Workers: The committee voted to approve of the publication of the statement call- ing upon the locals of the Amalgamat- ed Clothing Workers to repudiate the endorsement of LaFollette by the General Executive Board of that or- ganization. Labor Defense Council: It was de- cided to take up with the non-party supporters of the Labor Defense Council the question of broadening its activities to include all the de- fense work of the Workers Party, combining with the Labor ense Council the National Defense Com- mittee and if approval could be se- cured to as quickly as possible, turn over to the Labor Defense Council all the defense work, of the party. Mobilization Day: The issuance of a special party manifesto in leaflet form on Mobilization Day, September 12, called by President Coolidge, was authorized. All party units are instructed to hold mass meetings on that day for the purpose of agitation against war, m. The committee authorized the preparation of a cam- paign handbook by Comrade Love- tone, a pamphlet containing a simple statement of Communist principles to be prepared by Comrade Ruthenberg, and a pamphlet on the political par- ties in the United States to be pre- pared by Comrade Bittelman. Audit of Party Books ‘Phere was submitted to the committee the state- ment of Comrades Abern and Maurer who had been appointed to audit the accounts of the party for the period from August, 1923, to July 1, 1924, that they had audited the accounts than|and found them correct. Obolonsky Appeal: Appeal of Com- rade Jacob Obolonsky against the cussing with them party policies and methods of carrying out policies. structed that if the facts were as stated by Comrade Obolonsky, to withdraw the vote of censure. Miller Case: Lettish Branch Chica- go: The committee authorized the Lettish Branch in Chicago to accept Comrade J. August Miller as a mem- ber of that branch with all the rights of membership, at the same time vot- ing to submit to the Russian Com- munist party his stated record of ac- tivities for confirmation. Lithuanian Bureau: Communication was received from the Lithuanian Bu- reau in regard to the rumored pro- posal of publication of a Lithuanian daily in Chicago and the establish- ment of headquarters in this city. The statement of the Lithuanian Bu- reau was accepted as satisfactory by the C. BE. C. Freiheit Re-incorporation: The com- mittee authorized Comrades Alexan- der Bittelman, Noah London and Ben- jamin Lifshitz to act as the incorpora- tors of the Freiheit, holding the stock in the name of the C. E. ©. during the period of incorporation. Language Section Meetings: The committee authorized monthly meet- ings with the secretaries of the lan- guage sections for the purpose of dis- Comrades Cannon and Ruthenberg were appointed to represent - the C. BE. C. at these metings. 4 Campaign Fund Collection by Party Papers: The committee directed that party papers opening their columns for the collection of campaign funds must remit the full amount collected to the National Organization, stating the source, and the National Organ- ization will transmit the respective quotas to the party units in accord- ance with the arrangements made. C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary Walden Book Store ~ of! Chicago Succeeds on Co-operative Plan A Gucceesful enterprise on a co-op- erative basis is being conducted by the Chicago Co-operative Bookstores Co., organized on the Rochdale plan of one vote to each stockholder, irre- spective of the amount of his hold- ings, The venture is better known by the name of Walden Book Shop and the capital is divided into shares of $5 each, the constitution provides for a cumulative dividend not to exceed 6 per cent. After this has been paid, the directors must set aside 10 per cent of the net profits as a reserve until it equals the capital paid in. Then 5 per cent of the profits shall be used in teaching co-operation by edu- cational advertising. After these ob- ligations have been met, a customers’ dividend may be declared in the ratio of their purchase. Under the management of Theron P. and Lenetta Cooper, the business has developed to the point where the cumulative dividends have beon paid to Dee, 31, sod, In the ability and personnel of the management and clerical force, in th variety and quality of the stock car- ried, and in the atmosphere which hes Wherever books are loved as well g8 sold, the Walden Shops nold their own with capitalist competitors, —_——_——_—— BRISBANE, Queensland, Tuesday, August 12, 1924. IMMIGRANTS TO SOVIET RUSSIA TO BE ASSISTED Technical Aid Society, Warns of False Agents (Special to The Dally Worker) NEW YORK, Aug. 11—For the past, six months a number of complaints have come to the attention of the Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid to the Union of Sociak ist Soviet Republics against various unscrupulous agencies and individ~- uals who, it appears, have found a new source of easy income thru ex- ploitation of uninformed people de- siring efther to return to Russia in- dividually or to obtain a restitution of Russian citizenship. Some of these complaints deal with remuneration, at times extremely ex- orbitant, exacted by some agencies and officers for soliciting services, Other complaints are directed against persons styling themselves “Soviet consuls’ who have been charging from five to one hundred. dollars for issuing “passports” invalid in any country. Also there are complaints by persons stranded at various Eu- ropean ports, simply because they féll prey to irresponsible agents provid- ing Ahese unfortunates with worth- less documents and permissions of no value whatsoever. False Agents Cheat. People in large numbers from all parts of the United States arrive in New York, ready to sail. But at their great dismay and disappointment, they learn at the Central Bureau 8. T. A. S. R, that they have been tricked and cheated by reckless agents and that unless they are pro- vided with proper bona fide docu- > ments they cannot gain entrance in; to the U. S. S. R. Lastly, applications presumably for obtaining admission into U. 8S, S. R., have been incorrecfly accomplished by these agents and solicitations un- dertaken by them have proven to be in flagrant violation of particular re- quirements obtaining in re-emigrant cases. Russian immigrants apply to those various agents and offices merely be- cause there is no official representa- tive of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics in the’ United States. To avoid a recurrence of such de- plorable cases of cheating and mis- leading of Russian immigrants, and in order to establish a proper and correct procedure for such solicita- tions, the Central Bureau S$. T. A. S.R. (799 Broadway, corner 11th-St., New York City), has undertaken the task of accomplishing the application blanks for entering Russia and for warding these to the proper Soviet authorities. . Offers Aid. The duties of the Central Bureau 8. T. A. S. R. in this respect are as follows: ; 1, To solicit for Ru#sian citizens desiring to return to Russia. 2+ To solicit for all persons of foreign nationality desiring to be- come Russian citizens or being re- instated into Russian citizenship. NOTE:—Persons who left Rus- sia without permission after 1917, and contemplating at some time to return there, must effect a res- titution of their Russian citizen- ship formerly held by them. 8. To solicit for foreigners desir- ing to obtain a temporary permis- sion of stay in Russia. The handling of application blanks and solicitations for obtain- ing permission to enter Russia will be conducted by the Central Bureau 8. T. A. S. R. in strict accord with precise instructions from proper Soviet institutiéns having jurisdic- tion in this matter. The offices of the Central Bureau 8. T. A. S. R. for execution of the services above-mentioned will be open daily from 9 a. m. to-6 p. m. and Saturdays till 3 p. m. For all information, in writing or in person, please apply to Central Bureau. S. T. A. S. R., 799 Broadway, Room 402, New York City. Telephone Stuyvesant 5916.* FURNISHED ROOMS, APARTM AND BUNGALOWS. REDS COMING TO WASHINGTON, D. C. Furnished Rooms, $10 to $25 a Month. Apartments, to $60 a Month, Bungalows, $45 ito $75 a Month. NTS Mrs, Bateler, 32 G Street, S. W. | Washington, D. C. |

Other pages from this issue: