The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 11, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, ml, (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: 33.50....6 ntonths $2.00..3 months By mall (in Chioago only): : $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1143 W. Washington Bivd. J. LOUIS ENGDARL WILLIAM F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. MORITZ J. LOEB. <B> 250 Advertising rates on application,' oo Gen. Wood Predicts Slaughter The exalted ruler of the Philippines by grace { Chicago, Hlinole Editors Business Manager orders, he should have confidence in Morgan that greater military ventures will come out of the new game. For Morgan is a greater war lord than Foch can ever hope to be. The latter is but a petty servant, carrying thru the schemes of world con- quest of the financial masters. Foch is* not the real war maker, anyway, and if he is foiled of his morning bath of blood by his masters today, it is for the sake of a bigger war to come a little later. So cheer up, Foch! Morgan will take care of you! Crocodile Tears Samuel Gompers grows sentimental over the “betrayal of the organization formed at St. Paul,” in the course of an editorial in the American Fed- erationist for August. Afteryhe, an open and| avowed enemy of all ieee thher parties, even of the most conservative, had joined with LaFollette and the whole crew of wreckers who sabotaged the most promising political effort of the workers THE DAILY WORKER BY J. W. JOHNSTONE, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, TRADE UNION EDUCATIONAL LEAGUE. ‘HE strength of a Communist Party can be judged, to a great extent, by how \quickly it can marshal its forces at any given point in the strug- gle. How quickly can it rally its members, say, in the steel industry, either to help or lead an organizing drive, to fight for an increase, or against a cut in wages, to throw its entire strength in the revolutionary struggle in any one ft the numerous class war fronts, A mass Communist Party cannot be judged by its numerical strength alone, There is always the plus to After 50 Years of Failure A Step Towards a Rea the size of the membership. That Plus is, to what extent do the workers ideologically accept the leadership of the Workers Party; and the extent that our Party will lead the workers depends a great deal upon how the membership interprets and responds to the slogan, “to the masses.” The average worker, the revolu- tionist of the future, does not see be- yond the every day struggle. He will fight heroically. for a larger portion of bread, or to retain what he has got. He will not come all at once to the revolutionary struggle. His il- lusions are deep and real and must’ be ruthlessly uprooted before he will let go of them. He will not come of his own accord to us, we must go to 7 7 in a generation, he now has the effrontery to say of God and Wall Street, General Wood, has beeri . ; 4 % having trouble ruling the subject millions of the that the Communiaty, by puting out the Foster- Pacific islands. The Filipinos have taken serious-|itlow ticket, “betrayed” the St; Paul convention. ly the many promises of independence and the bunk about the idealism of American capitalism, at least to the extent that they are demanding the right to establish their own capitalist state. Which doesn’t suit Wall Street and consequently neither General Wood. And in the fracas result- ing General Wood has gotten quite rough. He is now court-martialing several hundred native soldiers for “mutiny” and more bloodshed seems imminent at the hands of this representative of American exploiters. All of which is the explanation why General Wood has suddenly discovered that the Third In- ternational, thru the Workers Party, has issued a manifesto calling for the slaughter of all foreign “workers” in the Philippines. General Wood needs a threat of slaughter to help him justify the slaughter he himself is carrying thru now in the Philippine Islands. So he conveninetly drags the Workers Party on the stage as the threat to the peace of American imperialism. The Workers Party appreciates the compliment. It understands that Communism and the Third International are, indeed, a real menace to im- perialism the world over, the only real threat to its continuation. We hope that this menace will It is quite understandable that Gompers and his lieutenants are much displeased at the presence of a Communist ticket. They would much prefer to have succeeded in their destruction of. the Farmer-Labor party movement, and at the same time, keep the Communists out of the field as a separate ticket. That failure in the double project brings howls from them is natural. The tears that Gompers is shedding are quite the same as those of the Carpenter and the Walrus, related by Lewis Carrol in “Alice in Wonderland,” who felt so sorry for the oysters they were eating. Gompers and LaFollette joined in stabbing the Farmer-Labor movement in the back. After it was killed for the 1924 campaign, in spite of the strenuous defense put up by the Communists up to the very last moment, then the killers moan about the “betrayal” by the Communists because they refuse to also die. It is the same sickening hypocrisy that has come to be familiar to the American workers as typical of Gompers and his whole bureaucracy, Religion, Imperialism and “Labor” It is doubtful if the artist who drew the re- (Continued from page 1.) of Dané”County, Wisconson, im 1880; thru his term in thé House of Repre- seentatives, 1885-1891; and his entry into the United State Senate in 1905 to date. ¢ We brand the widely touted prog- ressivism of Senator LaFollette as more noise than substance. We will prove that such fraudulent progressiv-| ism does not hold out any hope to the workers and exploited farmers. We will marshal conclusive evi- dence to show that LaFollette’s op- Position to “Special Privilege” not only has not hurt or shocked the prof- itsofthe biggest interests but that it has even helped them. More than that, We will call upon LaFollette to tell us how proud he is of this beneficial effect of his policies on big business. The facts indicate that in the last fifteen years most off LaFollette’s progressive planks have been either enacted into law by or inaggporated into the programs of the republican and democratic parties. As to LaFollette’s warm friendship for the workingmen and poor farmers, we will let the Wisconsin Senator's actual record of positive achieve- ments speak for itself. The repeated bitter protests by the organized workers against the peculiar anti-la- bor slant of the Wisconsin courts continue to grow and cause General Wood and {Produced cartoon in DAILY WORKER magazine all the other generals more loss of sleep than ever|June 28, realized how much it would stir up the before. The menace to imperialism consists in|feelings of imperialists all over the world. The the awakening of the millions to their own power |¢@"toon pictured Jesus Christ, the King of Eng- and to the necessity of establishing a society|/and, and Ramsay MacDonald taking a stroll to- where exploitation and exploiters are abolished.|sether, and symbolizes the union of religion, im- Of course, the blood-and-thunder manifesto perialism, and the traitor “labor” leadership in that Wood claims to have discovered is a fake, their, common betrayal of the toiling masses of pure and simple. The real manifesto which is| ‘*€ siege oi appeared in Pravda, the Com- reproduced in this paper is much more dangerous|™U™St daily of Moscow. to imperialism than the fake one of General] The exploiters all over the world get angry when Wood. The doughty warrior of capitalism would| their brothers aré exposed. So it is not surprising be pleased if he could provoke a bit of premature| that the “Better America F ederation,” an “open bloodletting before the masées are in motion, in|Shop” organization that stands for unbridled capi- “order that he might crush with iron the rising talist exploitation in this country, should foam at independence movement in the Philippines. the mouth about this cartoon. They feel so sore about this cartoon that they reproduce it in a spe- cial circular for all their members to get a good look at it. It is labeled'as a “wanton outrage,” a ‘sacreligious affront,’ and an “assault on the Fake Marxism Continually there appear critics of the Workers Party to point out, from the point of view of an alleged “Marxism,” the opportunist character of the American section of the Communist Interna- tional. One of these is John Keracher who, with his thirteen disciples, forms what is known as the Proletarian Party. Keracher thinks that the Workers Party, by championing the cause of the bankrupt farmers in America, is “seeking to bolster up the lower strata of the property own- ing class,” and hence is a reactionary party. Like so many other radical appearing argu- ments that have been made, not only against the Workers Party but against the Communist In- ternational itself, this is only a “revolutionary” mask for a counter-revolutionary attitude. It is the same argument that finds its logical conclu- sion in a repudiation of the Communist Interna- tional as “un-Marxist” and the Soviet government of Russia as “petty bourgeois,” because of the alliance between the workers and peasants that is a basic part of the policy of both these supreme expressions of the revolutionary movement. These little closet students of Marx like to play with revolutionary words. But they might never have lived in the same world as Vladimir Ilyitch Lenin, so far as concerns an understand- ing of revolutionary action. With their greatest “revolutionary” achievement to be found in the issuance of a 16-page monthly filled with 90% drivel, these “Marxians” sneer at the greatest revolytionary genius, and congratulate one an- other upon their “revolutionary purity.” Such Marxism is fakery, pure and simple. It has noth- ing in common with revolution. Foch Should Cheer Up News dispatches say that Marshall Foch looked glum when Herriot told him he had to take the French troops from the Ruhr. Orders is orders, however, when delivered by J. By Morgan, so there is nothing for it at the moment but to get out. This is depressing to the old blood spiller, who wants his soldiers in action on alien soil, and Our idea is that it is none of these—it is the pro- combination of powers that oppress them. highest ideals of religion and patriotism.” But the point is still not clear: Is it wrong to picture Jesus along with the King and MacDonald? Or was it wrong to put the King in such a com- pany? Or is the protest against showing Mac- Donald as the colleague of the relics of feudalism? test against the awakening of the workers to the The Approaching (Crisis Industrial crisis is rushing upon the United States with lightening speed. The thousand and one indications of its approach, which the Com- munists announced a year ago, are now merging into one great outstanding fact making clear to everyone that the crisis is at hand—the fact of unemployment. For more than a year the trend of employment has been generally downward. True, there were temporary hesitations during which industry held its own, and even -a brief recovery in January and February, all of which caused the profes- sional optimists of capitalism to announce a new “boom.’ But these oscillations of the industrial index were purely incidental and only affected the speed, not the direction, of events. Employment has been continuously on the downgrade. Now the downward development has grown precipitate: The crisis is attaining the acuteness displayed in 1921, which finally resulted in the throwing of 6,000,000 workers into the streets before it was temporarily overcome by the now expiring period of “prosperity.” Before the com- ing winter snows have covered the earth the streets of the big cities will resound with the tramp of the unemployed millions, unless all signs fail, or unless capitalism applies the des- perate remedy of another great war. A new member for the Workers Party and a new subscriber to The DAILY WORKER. will be recounted from official docu- ments. Besidés, we will look into the pages of the close dealings be- tween LaFollette and such labor haters as McKinley and Penrose and the unfailing support tendered by “Battling Bob” to such enemies of the workingman as Senator Walsh of Montana who was just denounced by the Montana State Federation of La- bor. We will call the roll of LaFollette’s leading “angels.” Mr. LaFollette will be called to the witness stand to tell us by word of his own mouth and by the record of his own activities how he voted for fifty-five out of the sixty war meas- ures while the American workers and farmers were being slaughtered on the battlefields of France and Bel- gium. Nor will we overlook the proud war record and the strong National Guard of LaFollette’s own peace-loving Wis- consin. In turning the sedrchlight on La- Follette’s opposition to militarism and imperialism we will narrate the story of the Senator's support of McKin- ley’s annexation of the Philippines, the insatiable interest of the foremost “progressive” leader in having the country he prepared at all times for wars of “defense,” and the non-resis- tant attitude of the progressive group in the Senate and House towatds the last one hundred and fifty million dollar Butler naval grab. The class which Mr, LaFollette really serves, the.strength of the open shop movement, the weakness of the trade union movement, the poor child labor,, industrial accidents and wage records vf» Wisconsin will be offered as the shining examples of the help- fulness of LaFolletism to the working masses. And proof that LaFollette’s pro- gram is useless, out-of-date, and in- adequate will be the final evidence submitted by us to show that the Wisconsin Senator is not deserving of the political support of the work- ing class and the dispossed farmers. His “Progressivism.” Let us examine the outstanding ar- guments that are most often advanced to show that LaFollette is a genuine progressive worthy of support by and Political leadership of the working and farming masses. Briefly stated these are: 1, Senator LaFollette is opposed to “special privilege” and has fought it Dil his life. In a campaign ph. let entitled “Where LaFollette Is on Fifty Living Issues,” we are told to look at the state made famous by LaFollette, Wisconsin, as the “Model Commonwealth.” The adherents of LaFollette propose to extend this “Wisconsin ” the regulation of big busin and its restoration to honesty, thruout the country, 2, LaFollette insists he is a tried of opposition to militarism and im- perialism. 5. The supporters of LaFollette always point with pride to Wisconsin, where the Senator is the undisputed political boss, as a shining example of the genuine progressivism and helpfulness of his policies to the work- ers and poor farmers, 6. Finally, the program of La Fol- lette is said to afford the working and farming masses the best way out of their numerous political and eco- nomic hardships. In our next article we will consider LaFollette’s regulation program and his special war on “Special Privilege.” But before going into a_ specific analysis of the above contention of the worshippers of the Wisconsii senator it would be well for us to consider briefly the material condi- tions, the social mililu giving rise to LaFolletteism. A World Phenomenon. At the close of the World War the employing class governments of the leading countries tended more to take on an openly reactionary and dicta- torial character. This tendency was stimulated by political and economic class consider- ations of the capitalists. The feat of Soviet Russia; the terror struck in the hearts of the exploiters by the rapid rise of the Communist move- ment; the necessity to restore pro- duction and exchange at the earliest moment in order to save a tottering economic system; the need for crush- ing the most elementary demands of the working masses embittered by the severe depression which came after the Versailles Treaty—all of these forces lent impetus to the trend to- ward ruthless, open dictatorships. But soon there was a vigorous re- action to this development. In Great Britain the reactionary Baldwin and Curzon rule gave way to the Labor cabinet of Ramsay McDonald and Philip Snowden. In France the mili- tarist Pioneers gave way to the so- called Socialist ministry of Herriot. In Spain the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and the notorious “Butcher” Weyler is/ on its last legs. Even in Italy, the cradle of Fascism, Musso- lini’s power is waning. Historical Background. In the United States there was also developing a sharp swing from the black days of Palmer and Daugherty. The seven million majority of Hard- ing was turned into a minority in less than three years. The strong resis- tance of the workers to the terrific open shop drive launched by the em- Ployers in the crisis of 1920-22—the gigantic national textile, mining and railway strikes—did a good deal to- wards developing the political con- sciousness of our workers and has- tened the change. Then the acute agricultural depression of the last five years was a powerful force to- wards breaking up political and class alignments. For the first time in the history of American politics the or- ganized Farmer-Labor movement showed tangible signs and increasing evidence of assuming a national or- ganized character. In a word, the United States, like the other leading capitalist countries, veered from the openly dictatorial, frankly violent governmental admin- istrations to cabinets whose capital- ist suppressive character was masked, to policies whose phrases had a peace- ful tone, to foreign relations which had the veneer of liberalism and the hollow ring of abstract democracy. The Communist International has well characterized the present political era of capitalism as democratic pacifist. It_is at such a period, at such a turti, in the historical development of the United States that Senator Rob- ert Marion LaFollette of Wisconsin appears as the personification of the past, present, and future of the small- sized and medium-sized capitalist Property owners to seek the political support not only of all honest busi- ness men, of all disgruntled, well- to- do farm owners and highly skilled aristocratic laborers, but also of great sections of the working class and the exploited farming masses, Mr, La- Follette, the spokesman of the 1 Co him, Hence, the slogan, “To the masses,” ‘What do we mean “To the Masses?” The majority of the workers are unor- ganized and the few million who are organized are split up in a thousand different splinters. How best can we put our slogan into effect and car- ty the Communist message to the workers? We have a clearly defined industrial program but how can we start to put it into effect? These things are uppermost in our minds. We know what we want, know how to get it, but somehow we are not en- tirely in tune. The industrial activi- ties are not in step with the other work of our party. First, do not let us make the mis- take of either over-estimating or un- der-estimating our strength. It is only a short time ago that we came from underground, from illegal to le- gal. And on that shoft time we have made a remarkable recovery from left-sickness. The revolutionary struggle from the most elementary practical immediate measures to the dictatorship of the proletariat is be- ing led by the Workers Party and the TU. BLL. Our greatest weakness is not the smallness of our Party, but that the industrial work of the Party is neg- lected almost entirely by a large num- ber of the members. Theoretically, the Party is unanimously for the in- dustrial progarm, realizing that the roots of the Party should be in the factory and workshop and that the ground work activities of the Party is the industrial work, and that we must sluff off as quickly as possible our Socialist Party inheritance and reorganize our: Party upon the shop nuclei basis. This makes industrial registration the order of the day in Party circles. Unless we have a complete industrial registration we cannot become a real throbbing revolutionary unit of action. We cannot marshal our forces be- cause we do not know where they are. Our trade union work is equally handicapped. The shop nuclei re mains in the theoretical stage. Our comrades in unorganized “industries remain unknown to each other and to a splendid reception. mmumist Party First Campaign Issue AI RAC te tan Monday, August 11, 1924 the Party. In fact, all the work of Comunist Party is hindered and ham pered and inefficiently done, unless’ there js a complete industrial regis. tration, Not until we have a complete in-| dutrial registration will we be able to throw the full weight of our Party into the struggle. Of course mere registration is not enough. Active participation in the industrial work’ is the duty of all Comunists and th registration will go a long way bring\this about. Every Party branch should see that) a complete registration of the mem- bers is taken at once, that the yellow registration blank is turned into the) City Central Secretary; the Blue sent in. to the District Organizer, and th White form sent in to the Natioi Office. Every Party member should take a personal interest in this regis-\ tration, give the branch secretary| every assistance possible, and .mak his. task easy’ by co-operating with him. i The importance of the industrial) registration cannot be over-estimated.” It will be a big organizational step in) the process of Communist Party, .The forming of the shop nuclei depends, upon it. The efficient work in the trade unions demands upon it. The) “organize the unorganized” campaign depends upon it. The real effective) ness of the Party depends upon know- ing where the Party members are and) how their energies can best be used in the revolutionary struggle and in the building up of our Party. The registration cards and tripli- cate report blanks are now in the hands of the printers, and will be shipped to the branch secretaries in afew days. The form has been sim- plified and the registration so ar- ranged that it can be immediately put to use in all distritts without going thru the national office. That means that it can be utilized by the D. 0.’s and industrial organizers the minute the registartion is completed in their district. District 8 Chicago chak lenges all districts in making the quickest and most complete industrial registration. Do you accept the chal- lenge? E DAILY WORKER has issued several special editions since it was established and each one of them had a The next special issue of the DAILY WORKER will be a campaign issue and it will appear on August 30th. It will surpass all previous special issues in interest and educational value. The best writers in the Workers Party will deal with the big questions that confront the workers of this countr: today and the problems that will always confront them until they take their destinies into their own hands, which means until they take over the government and begin the task of building society on a Communist basis. * The educational features of the special campaign issue cannot be over emphasizzed. what are the methods by which the Communists carry Much confusion exists as to on their propaganda to win over the nt of the workers to their side. What is parliamentarism? Is it a propaganda weapon or a disease? Should Communists use parliamen- tasty action or should they boycott parliaments? The title of Comrade Alexander Bittelman’s article, “Parliamentary Action vs. Communism,” indicates that this subject will be treated in Comrade Bittelman’s customary lucid manner. The Workers Party election program. Have you read it? or better still have you digested it? What does the Workers Party offer the workers and exploited farmers as a goal and as a method of attaining that goal. Comrade Ruthenberg will deal with this question under the title “An Analysis of Our Election Program.” J. Louis’ Engdahl, editor of the DAILY WORKER, will show what Wall Street has done to the two big capitalist arties and what they have done for Wall Street in return. Wall Street to us means capitalism, not merely a financial house of prostitution which can be cleaned up by a gang of progressive scavengers or moral vigilantes. Comrade Engdahl will put the X-ray on the corrupt parties under the heading “What Do the Two Old Parties Stand For?” Jay Lovestone, author of the Government—Strike- | breakér, and expert on fake progressives, will lift the Wis- consin mists from the LaFollette program. . Earl R. Browder will deal with “The Trade Unions and the Election Campaign,” while Ben Gitlow will assume the role of Diogenes ¢ ‘or a moment and peer around looking for an honest streak in the remnant of the socialist party. — What he finds may be a yellow streak. e | Barney Mass, of the Young Workers League, will tell of what the on, are going to do in the campaign. Josep Manley will write on how to organize the campaign. Bei campaign manager for Foster and Gitlow and an expert in that field his article is sure to be worth reading, : William Z. Foster, our sna candidate, will have a statement in the Special Campaign Issue. Now is the time to put in your order for extra bundles of the Campaign Issue, This is going to be the best yet. Do not miss it. mI x ee Aaa an FOR THE COMMUNIST CAMPAIGN DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., ' Chicago, III. ¥ ' i For the enclosed §...... send me .. wv Copies of the First Special Communist Campaign edition of the DAILY WORKER, to be dated Saturday, Aug. 30, at the special rate.of and true friend /of the workers and|which have been smarting under the causes him to look glum. Ex-Governor Walton of Oklahoma won his fight Marshall ‘Foch should cheer up, however, and|in the democratic primaries against the Klan can- not take the withdrawal from the Ruhr too much|didate. This proves that justice triumphs in the to heart, In the first place the withdrawal has/end ahd that the righteous only need patience, not taken place yet—not by a long ways. He| perseverance and something else to overcome the may haye a lot more experience in the Kuhr yet,|forces of evil. Lt is reported that Walton made and with the consent of Morgan. And in the sec-}enough money while he was governor to buy up qnd place, if he gets out of the Ruhr on Morgan’s4the entire Klan, poor farmers as against the employ- ing class, A 8. The LaFollette boosters are con- tinually asserting that their candi- date was anti-war and steadfastly op- posed the last imperialist Wont, con- flict, Mio | 4, Considerable stress is laid on La- Folotte’s attitude towards and r whip of highly developed, monopo- liaed, trustified industry, is now o ing to lead and control the dewy crystallizing class resentment of the working and poor farming masses against the biggest exploiters thru loose political of the discon- Pers Door farm- 8% ticket—Foster and Gitlow, NAME crecsesssisesessssesnsssnnnsssenesosvnsyen CITY per copy, or $3.50 per hundred. 1 want to help raise the standards of Communism in this campaign for the Workers Party ADDRESS seni agsvven sos sennecanseonsesnnensvuneannenageesuesnnesens