The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 6, 1924, Page 6

ey Page Six ——_——_——__—_————————— THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.60....3 montus $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, IIlinols Editors jusiness Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <= 200 WILLIAM F. DUNNE J. LOUIS ENGDAHL t MORITZ J. LOEB. Advertising rates on application. The Internal Struggle in the Industrial Workers of the World The factional fight in the Industrial Workers of the World which is daily growing deeper and more intense, is of great significance to the American revolutionary labor movement and will be watched with the greatest interest by all militants. But charges and counter-charges accusations and recriminations of a personal nature will not be accepted by revolutionary workers as a strong enough platform for either group to stand on. The question of who is a liar and who is a scoun- drel—who violated Section 6 of the Constitution and who violated Section 12, may be interesting, but it is not of fundamental importance. What are the policies of these rival groups, which are driviig them to such desperate measures to gain control of the organization? This is the question which has not yet been answered. Only one clear-cut issue has already developed, upon which it is possible to take ® definite stand. That is the menace of a split in the organization, which is signalized by the announced intention to set up rival headquarters, coupled with implied threats of secession on the part of some of the industrial unions belonging to the I. W. W. Such an action would only serve to further con- fuse and demoralize the situation. It is in basic conflict with the principle of the unity of the labor movement, which the Communists are fighting for in all labor organizations. Such a move should not and will not receive the support of the Industrial Workers of the World members who take an ad- vanced and revolutionary view. The same policy which brings the Communists into conflict with the Industrial Workers of the World in those fields of organization where the attempts to organize the Industrial Workers of the World involves a split in the ranks of the organ- ized workers in those industries, and the existence of rival organizations, leads us also to a flat oppo- sition to this attempt to make a split in the ranks of the Industrial Workers of the World. The prospect of rival organizations of the Industrial Workers of the World, especially in such fields as agriculture, general construction and lumber, can- not appeal to sincere, militant workers. The ene- mies of the working class would be the only gainers. The Communists have found it necessary to take issue with the Industrial Workers of the World on a number of important points. The present ad- ministration has continued the throttling censor- ship of former officials against every word in favor of the Red International of Labor Unions. They deserve the severest condemnation for this. The Industrial Workers of the World is: more- over, strictly out of order when it attempts to in- yade fields in which other labor organizations have gained substantial footing. Its attempt to ignore existing labor unions and to set itself up as the complete labor movement is wrong. Its anti- political propaganda is wrong, because the class struggle in its very essence isa political struggle— that is, a struggle for power. Weare at war with the tendencies towards pacifism and liberalism, which in recent years have been entering the In- dustrial Workers of the World and poisoning its very life-blood. But in spite of these differences, wherever and to the extent that the Industrial Workers of the World is functioning as a labor organization, as a center of resistance for the workers in their des- perate struggle against the exploiters, the Commu- nists support it, and stand four-square against this attempt to bring a split into its ranks. A Hedlthy Sore! The new editor of the New Majority did not have # very high opinion of the editorial ability of his predecessor, but after reading the first paragraph fn a leading article on the front page of the above paper in the issue of August 2, we cannot help reaching the conclusion/ that a little better ac- quaintance with the English language would not do the present editor any harm. In commenting on the report made by Stephen A. Doyle, on espionage in industry, before a meet- ing of the C. P. P. A., the editor characterized espionage as a “constantly growing sore on a healthy body.” How a body with “constantly growing sores” can Op hoalthy is beyond us, but perhaps the editor had in the mind the American Federation of La- bor which has plenty of sores but yet is sufficiently healthy to provide sustenance for thousands of parasites, known as labor fakers who prey on its maabership. Among the worst of the parasites ave brainless and unscrupulous editors who preside over the rags that pass for labor newspapers. A new member for the Workers Party and a new subscriber to The DAILY WORKER. The German Debacle and After The wire-pulling and scene-shifting behind the diplomatic curtains of the London Reparations Conference are distinct tribute to the prowess of the American capitalist class in its uninterrupted march towards mastery of the industries and re- sources of Europe. For years the Washington ad- ministration of big capital has been floundering in the morasses of hesitation and doubt as to; the definite foreign policy it was to pursue. Now, thanks to the good sense for profit that our capi- talist class has developed, we have at last what looks like a definite European policy. At no time was there any doubt as to what our ruling class was after in Europe. To our biggest bankers and industrial magnates Europe, like Asia, South America, and Africa, was simply another economic prize to be won in their struggle for world commercial and political supremacy, But our moneyed overlords were merely biding their time to come out in the open. Today, American imperialist policy is being written by our secretaries of state and the treasury ang, is being dictated by a score of our leading bankers who are now vacationing in the capitals across the Atlantic. There is hardly a first class bank that does not have its representative in Europe at this moment. It seems as if our financial buzzards are having a merry time of it. And at whose expense? Just now it is the ruins of what once was the mighty German industrial organi- zation that is whetting the appetite of our profit- eering class. The German Wholesalers Association says more than two thousand German firms are in a state of bankruptcy. In the last few weeks an average of twenty-six firms a day took refuge in a Zorm of receivership called “legal business super- vision.” One day this number reached seventy-one. Apparently German industry has reached the stage where American capitalists feel they can set their own price for the receivership they are to establish. But what will come after the economic subjuga- tion of Germany by, American capitalists? The continent of Europe tends to be an economic entity despite the countless artificial barriers put up against its natural functioning. Political control, in some form or other, is the next step. Then must follow attempts to “put in order” the industries of the other countries. The German debacle is only the prelude to another world conflict far more in- fernal than the catastrophe of ten years“ago. We Stand For the Living! Crocodile tears stream from the eyes of every capitalist editor in America. The “silent homage” to the million dead German soldiers, was broken by the German Communists singing the Interna- tionale, distributing leaflets and shouting “Down with war! Long live the Soviet Republic!” The Chicago Tribune stood aghast. Though it, and the other American prostitutes of the press: had charged all manner of atrocities against these German soldiers, though they had spurred on American workers to shoot, stab and disembowel these German soldiers, and be shot, stabbed and disembowelled by them—in behalf of Morgan’s loans to the Allies—it wails that “the solemn dig- nity of the nation’s tribute to the men killed on the battle fields was broken.” The Communists are enemies of “solemn dignity” of this sort. We know that the same hypocrites who, as the socialist “opposition” to the Kaiser, before war promised the German workers to pre- vent the Kaiser from declaring war, turned traitor, embraced the Kaiser, blessed the war and drove the workers to the trenches. More! We know that these same hypecrites are now the “socialist” gov- ernment of Germany, and that any demonstration of sympathy they make for the million workers they sent to slaughter is a ghastly fraud. We Communists further know that this fraud, if believed by the masses, would permit another million workers to be tricked into the trenches, because they trust that those traitors like Ebert and Noske and Scheidemann, who show sympathy with their dead, would not make war like the Kaiser did, would not permit another world slaughter. We Communists know this illusion of the masses. We bend every effort to expose the hypocrites in all nations who make the workers feel secure in trusting them until they trick more millions of men into war. That is the reason our German com- rades risked collision with militia and police armed with rifles, to expose the gigantic and threatening fake, to tear the mask from war-making | ypocrites posing as peace-makers. We want no more million dead German workers for Ebert to shed tears over. We stand for the living! It is’a fitting commemorative service for %s be- ginning of the imperialist was ten years ago, that the first days of August should see a new wor war being conceived at the London Conference. When this embryo comes to birth the astonished pacifists who now cheer for the Dawes Plan, will not recognize their god-child. The Tribune, editorializing on Lenin, says he was “incorruptible, a type of fanatic.” It is suf- ficient evidence, according to capitalist standards, that if a leader of labor is incorruptible, he must be crazy. Since the “progressives” of Montana have, hy endorsing LaFollette, ignored Wheeler and chosen Bryan as “flighty” Bob’s side-kick, the Montana socialists will have to “embrace this golden op- portunity” to support the democratic party. The Communist Daily of Paris, France, has a cireulatione of one quarter million daily. Get a subscription for The DAILY WORKER, Py { THE DAILY pidbadbedech 2 Wednesday, August 6, 1924 Tei RR UR a PON Na er il pe Laie ei I AN Nk Wrench Governmental Power from Capitalists (Continued from page 1) person in this country, This high standard of life is denied the workers and exploited farmers of the United States. Millions of these producers of wealth are able to secure for their labor only the means for a bare ex- istence. Millions of workers must work long hours, under bad working conditions, for low wages. Millions are periodically unemployed, as at present, with all the consequent mis- ery and suffering for themselves and their families. In order to keep these conditions from growing worse, mil- lions of industrial workers are peri- ehy of production upon which the fight back the greedy employers, Mil- lions of farmers have been driven into bankruptcy and from the land because of inability to earn enough for a living. These conditions prevail in a coun- try in which we have the means of supplying a high standard of life to every person because a relatively small class has fastened its grip upon the raw materials and industries and uses these to enrich itself at the ex- pense of the producers, Thru theft, fraud, corruption, bribery and the cap- italist system of profit taking, this capitalist class has become the owner of the land, raw material and machin- inery of production upon which the workers and farmers are dependent for a livlihood. The raw materials and industries of the United States are owned by the Garys, Morgans, Rockefellers, Fords, McCormicks and other great capital- iste. The workers and farmers alike pay tribute to these capitalists. They are compelled to accept a low stand- ard of living in order that the capi- talists may amass even greater for- tunes for themselves. It is this system of capitalist own- ership of industry, which gives the wealth produced to the few, that de- nies the millions of industrial work- ers, agricultural workers and exploited farmers the enjoyment of that high standard of life which their labor and the wealth they produce makes pos- sible in this country. It is this system of capitalist own- ership of industry which is the basis of the class struggle between the workers, fighting for more of what they produce, and the capitalists ever bent on securing greater and greater profits for themselves. , How the Capitalists Use the Government. The government of the United States is and has been a government of, by, and for the capitalists. It is thru’ the government and use of the governmental, power that the capital- ists maintain their grip on the indus- tries and their power to rob the indus- trial workers, agricultural workers and farmers. During the war, with the connivance of government officials, the capitalists looted the country of billions of wealth. Since the war the shipping board deals, the war veteran’s board corruption, the Teapot Dome expos- ures, have shown how the capitalists fill their pockets at the expense of the working and farming masses. Governmental legislation is framed so as to yield the capitalists more and more profits. Tariff laws, taxation laws, agrarian bank laws, are all framed so as to enable the bankers and industrial magnates to take more BY KARL REEVE, ‘HE voluminous report condemn- ing the platoon school system, approved by the last meeting of the Chicago Federation of Labor, is ob- viously an attempt by Victor Olander to gain prestige among the workers on a “safe” Assue. Olander’s report is in no seg§se a working class or militant lal document. The report} which was written by Olander and presented to the Federa- tion by Joh& Fitzpatrick on behalf of the executive board, ignores the issues of the conflicting interests of the workers and capitalists in the educational system. No mention is made of the teachers council move- ment. The militaristic propaganda in the schools is completely ignored. It is not explained that teachers often lose their jobs for attempting to teach the truth about history and eco- nomics. No protest is made in the report against the use of text books which glorify war, and inspire the pu- pils to be good industrial slaves on the chance of achieying “success.” The evil effects of maintaining schools with the tax on large corpo- rations is not touched upon. Altho the report mentions Hindu castes, no mention is made of the class struggle between the captains of industry and the workers. The domination of the school system by corrupt politicians and by the capitalists is not demon- strated. NO CONSTRUCTIVE MBAS- URE OF WORKERS’ CONTROL OF INDUSTRY OR PARENTS AND TEACH DRS’ CONTROL OF SCHOOLS IS BROACHED, _ Olander weakly declarés that the platoon system overcrowds the schools and injects hasty and ma- chine-like methods which are bad the child into the ed C and more of what the workers pro- duce, To prevent the workers from se- curing better wages and working con- ditions thru strikes, the capitalists use the government to destroy these strikes, ‘The disgraceful Daugherty Injunction against the railway shop- men, the use of troops against the miners in their strike in 1922, the use of the Railway Labor Board against the raflroad workers, are only outstanding examples of the continual capitalists to protect themselves in taking greater afd greater profits out of the labor of the workers, The government is a dictatorship of the capitalists and their instrument for the oppression and exploitation of the workers. Altho the workers are permitted to vote, the capitalists are able, thru their control of the means of information and thru their eco- nomic power to completely dominate the government, national, state and local. The Election Thie Year. It is these conditions which the workers and exploited farmers must consider in using their political power in the election this year. The capitalist dictatorship has named two candidates. The Republi- can, strikebreaker Coolidge, ‘and the Morgan-Rockefeler lawyer Davis. Both are agents of the capitalist class. They, and the other candidates of the two old parties will loyally serve the capitalists if returned to power—as they have done in the past. LaFollette, who is running as an independent, progressive Republican, is equally a supporter of the capitalist system of exploitation. The only dif- ference between LaFollette and Cool- idge and Davis is that LaFollette rep- resents the independent manufactur- ers, bankers and merchants, who are seeking greater power and profit for themselves and are trying to use the workers and farmers to attain that end. LaFollette is the representative of little business against big business, but not the representative of the work- ers and exploited farmers in their struggle against the capitalists. La- Follette’s platform is not a workers’ and farmer’s platform, but a little business man’s platform with some bait thrown in for sections of the skilled workers. Against these three candidates of the capitalist system of exploitation, big and little, the Workers (Com- munist) Party presents working/ class candidates—Foster and Gitlow—and a working class platform. The Workers Must Rule. There is only one way in which the exploitation of the workers-and.farm- ers of this country can be ended. That is through. the... workers..organizing their mass power, ending the capital- ist dictatorship’ and establishing the Workers aid Farmers Government. In place of the capitalist dictator- ship there must’ be established the rule of the workers. The govern- mental power must be..used in the interest of the workers and farmers as it is now used by the capitalist dictatorship in the interest of the cap- italist class. The Russian Workers and Peasants have established their rule in the form of the Soviet Government and are using their power against...the capitalists and for themselyes—to all reference to the relation of the public school system to the class struggle, on the contrary, objects to the caste system of classification as ‘in attempt to draw class lines. The class lines are “most certainly there. The militarist propaganada of the capitalists is there. The attempt of big business to make the schools a robot factory for manufacturing trained slaves, knowing a vocation; but unable to thinky independently, is there. The struggles of the teachers for freedom of education is there, BUT OLANDER’S REPORT DID NOT MAKE THESH “RADICAL” ASSE® TIONS WHICH MIGHT GET HIM IN BAD WITH HIS POLITICAL FRIENDS. It remained for Arne Swabeck, de- legate to the Federation from the Painters’ union, to expose the futility of Olander’s concoction, “No mention is made of the work of the teachers councils,” Swabeck told the Federa- tion. “The teachers are the ones who know how the children should be taught. The most important issue be- fore the Federation on this matter is a demand that the teachers councils be given control of the educational methods. And yet this lengthy report makes no mention of teachers coun- cils.” These brief remarks of Swabeck called forth a defense by Olander which consumed forty-five minutes, and which, when stripped of its clever rhetoric and flowery oratory, was as rted and reactionary as Oland- er’s speeches generally are, Olander admitted that teachers councils were very important. He ad- mitted that the teachers thru them have done a great deal to maintain ‘ma-| correct methods of pedagogy in the schools, t,” he said, “teachers councils a at this time, The main thing now use of the governmental power by the| build a Communist social system. which ‘will give the workers and farm- ers ‘the\ trutts of their toll, The Workers” Party is fighting for the rule of the thirty million workers and .thelr families in the United ‘States. This rule will be established thru a Proletarian--Revolution..which will create a Soviet Government and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. This Workers and Farmers Govern- ment will wrest out of the hands of the capitalists the raw material and great industries and operate them for the happiness and well-being of the producers, It wit! build in place of the capitalist system of production a Communist system of production. The Workers Party calls upon workers and exploited farmers to join it in the struggle to establish the ‘Workers and Farmers Government in the United States. It urges them to demnostrate their support of the pro- gram of the Workers Party by voting against the three capitalist candidates and for the Communist candidates— Foster and Gitlow. IMMEDIATE PROGRAM . 1—For a Mase FarmerLabor Party. The Workers Party has for twy Workers, Party Election Platform Denounces Davis, Coolidge, LaFollette as Supporters of Capitalism unemployment councils to fight for these demands. 4.—Down with Injunction and the Use of Police and” Sétdiers Against Workers. The Workers Party calls upon the workers and exploited farmers to fight with it against the use of in- junction in labor disputes, intimida- tion of strikers thru police and sol- diers, and the use of criminal syndi- calist laws to suppress the demands of the revolutionary workers, as well as other infringments of the rights of the workers. 6—Release All Political and Class War Prisoners. The Workers Party will fight for the immediate and unconditional re- lease of all workers imprisoned. be- cause of their political or economic views and for participation in the class struggle. 6—Land for the Users—Nalonalize the Farmers Marketing Industries, Land was created for all the people and we demand ‘a system of land ten- ure which will eliminate landlordism and tenantry and will secure the land to the users thereof. We de- mayd the nationalization of all means years carried on a consistent cam- paign for the formation of a mass Farmer-Labor Party to unite the in- not the important issue | dustrial workers and exploited farm- ers for independent political action. The betrayal of the Conference for Progressive Political action in accept- ing the independent candidacy of La- Follette, the betrayal of the Farmer- Labor Party by the Socialist Party and the LaFollette supporters among the workers and farmers, the attack upon the Farmer-Labor Party by La-| Follette, who does not want a party of workers and farmers, made the achievement of this goal impossible in this election campaign. The Workers Party declares its purpose to continue the struggle to mobilize the workers and exploited farmers for independent political action thru a mass Farmer- Labor Party. 2.—Nationaliation of Industry and |} Workers Control. The Workers Party declares itself in favor of the immediate national- ization ofall large-scale industries, such as railroads, mines, super-power Plants and means of communication and transportation, and for the or-| ganization of the workers in these industries for participation in the management and direction of the in- dustries nationalized, thus developing industrial democracy, until industry comes under the control of those who produce the wealth of the nation, sub- ject only to such general control as will prot the interest of the pro- ducers as a whole. 3.—Compel Industry and the Gov- ernment to Pay Wages to the Unem- ployed, Industry in the United States is slowing down and the workers face another period of industrial crisis with millions of unemployed unable to earn a living. The Workers Party declares that industry must support the unem- ployed to whom it cannot give work. The government must take the accu- mulated profits of industry. It must levy excess profit and inheritance taxes to ‘ereate an unemployment fund, to be administered by the work- rs, for payment of union wages to workers without jobs. The Workers of transportation and industries en- gaged in the preparation and distri- bution of farm products, with partici- pation of the farmers in the manage- ment of these industries. 7.—Down with Militarism and Im- perlaligt Wars. ‘The World War and its slaughter of millions and destruttion of billions of wealth was the product of capitalist imperialism. The capitalist govern- |ment of the United States is already preparing for a new war. It is using its power to oppress weaker nations in the interest of the capitalists, as in Haiti, Santo Domingo and Central America.” It is holding the Philippine Islands in subjection. It is aiding to force the Dawes plan upon Germany in order to enslave the workers of that country. The Workers Party will fight against militarism and im- perialist wars and the use of the gov- ernmental power for the exploitation of weaker nations. It demands free- dom for the Philippines and the right of self-determination for all colonies jand territories of the United States. 8—Recognize the Workers and ints Government of Russia. The Union of Soviet Socialist Re- publics is the only workers’ and farm- ers’ government in the world. The capitalist government of the United States refuses it recognition and the restoration of full trade relations. The Workers Party will rally the workers for immediate, unconditional | recognition ofythe Union of Soviet | cialist Republics. The measures outlined here are measures for immediate struggle and | ; mobilization of the workers against the capitalist class and the capitalist diétatorship in the United States. The end of the glaring evils of capitalist society can only come: with the vic- tory of the workers and the establish- ment of the Workers and Peasants Government, thru which capitalism will be abolished and the Communist society created. The Workers Party will carry on the struggle until this goal is achieved. Central Executive Committee, ' Workers Party of America, e William Z. Foster, Chairman, P Party will initiate the organization of | C,_E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secy. is to study and understand the dan- gers of the platoon and classification methods in the schools.” Even on the matters dealt with in the report, Olande: “there is no hurry, of time.” He “refrained from naming any individual on the board of educa- tion as responsible.” While he energetically tried to prove -himself a real “laborite’ by denouncing the introduction of the platoon system, he kept his political contacts clear by telling what a friendly, pious lot the members of the board of education are. Olander did his usual trick of blow- ing hot and cold in the same breath—- praising the teachers counéils, but declaring the time is inopportune to push them; condemning the platoon system, but saying “there is no hur- ry”; denouncing the introducers of the caste method of education, but carefully avoiding to definitely place the responsibility. The Federation officials pushed dries the report in regular machine style. First came the reading of the lengthy report itself, consuming an hour, and touching not once upon the class nature of the Gary method of educa- will do its duty.” * “Whether th Inevitable, later must judge. ness.” Sacrificing the Proletariat. | ROM the “Volkstribune,” (Socialist), Austria, August 12, 1914: “In this war, whatever its causes may be and however little it may have to do with the interests of the mbqeinad. i the proletariat “My Country Right or Wrong.” RBEITER-ZEITUNG,” (Socialist), Vienna, August 5, 1914: iplomats acted rightly, whether the war was | people is at asian and there is no hesitation 4 no Jalntneastost patna ea remNNRN Es A Larosa oto gl Teachers’ Councils and the Platoon System tion. Then Olander’s meaningless speech, followed by a bombastic har-‘ rangue from scar Nelson, who! heaped flattery upon his chief, Olander, and took as much credit to’ himself as he could for his work as+ Olander’s lackey. By the time Nelson finished his 45-minute talk, an adjournment was ; pushed thru, despite the desire of the militants to point out the seriou our deficiencies of the report. (Ferris, | Olander, Nelson and the other speak. ers for Olander’s report kept hammer, ing on the “necessity for ourselves, understanding the issues involved,” and of “getting the report to all th membership.” It was, therefore, no surprise when Fitzpatrick announ that the report will be printed an distributed, thus giving some more ad: vertisement to the “leaders” of labor. Conrad’s Funeral. LONDON, Aug. 5.—Joseph C famous writer of sea stories, will buried Wednesday, according to pres- ent plans. He died suddenly at his home in Bishopsbourne, near ter bury, on Sunday. He was 67 years old. The existence of the German