The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 5, 1924, Page 6

ge Page Six iq <THE DAILY WORKER. Pablished by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO,, k 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: 38.50... "6 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4,50....6 months ————— Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1176-AV. Washington Bivd. Chicago, !1lInols — J. LOUIS BNGDAKL WILLIAM F. DUNNE ( ‘Editors MORITZ J. LOEB... jusiness Manager $6.00- per year $2.00....8 months $2.50....3 montus Sadana Eatered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post: Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, Advertising rates on application. EP 230 | It Was a Fine War The American Legion Weekly, in its current | issue publishes a symposium on “what did the world gain by the world war?” to which various celebrities have contributed, among whom are the German Crown Prince, General Pershing and Samuel Gompers. The Crown Prince finds that instead of peace being established by the late war, all nations are arming more feverishly than ever and dictatorships of one sort or another are becoming the fad in Europe. Democracy is wearing a crown of thorns or sitting on Woodrow Wilson’s fourteen points. General Pershing says it is yet too early to ap- praise all the benefits gained from the slaughter of seven million men and the maiming of twice as many but domination by autocracy was killed and the war proved that the free peoples of the world will unite to prevent autocracy. Gompers declares: “The world gained as a result ofthe great war a freedom from the menace of \ organized militarist imperialism without which all 4 peoples sooner or later would have been enchained in bondage and vassalage. Democracy is in the ascendance, the dominant form of government.” Of the three opinions, the Gompers drivel is by all means the most stupid and vicious. The Crown Prince is something of a realist. Pershing, being | a general and making his living at the killing business, it is not surprising that he should find virtue in such a magnificent blood carnival as the late war. But Mr. Gompers, head of a labor organization with almost four million workers as members! One would expect something better even from such a notorious lackey. Gompers knows as well as anybody else that the late war did not free the world from the menace of militarist imperialism and did not strengthen democracy. Militarist imperialism is today 4 a greater menace than it was before 1914 and deio- eracy is anything but vigorous. Several European countries are in the grip of capitalist dictatorships and even in those coutries where capitalism is still able to pull along with its pseudo democracy, there are militant reactionary forces urging the scrapping of democracy and establishing a dicta- torship on the Mussolini model. None of the contributors to the American Legion symposium mentioned the rise of the Russian Soviet Republic as a war blessing. wa sme did they say that the failure of the capitalist system to recover its pre-war vigor is a gain for the world. These are not blessings in the eyes of capitalists and-their lieutenants. There is more militarism in the world today i than ever before. There is less freedom and se- curity for the workers. But this very fact is a symptom of the condition of decay in which capi- talism finds itself and brings the workers closer to the day when they must confer a real blessing on } humanity by consigning the capitalist system to the dump heap of history. ‘ Precedent as Principle Mayor Dever is, of course, a “friend of organized labor,” but just as a side line he doesn’t intend to have any of the demands of organized labor put into effect'if he can help it. The Structural Iron Work- ers’ Union members, who are repairing the State street bridge, must not work overtime to finish the job and clear traffic congestion, because, says Dever, “If they are allowed double pay for over- time, a dangerous precedent would be set.” Considering the growing numbers unen.- ployed, we can see no valid reason for overtime, if the-union does its duty by taking more men into the union as the city should take more into the work. Neither can we see any reason for the traffic congestion. We do not believe in overtime and that is just the reason that we want to see it penalized by making the employer pay double when he forces workers to toil longer than the minimum hours agreed upon. 4 Mayor Dever, however, is not opposed to over- time at all. He is merely opposed to paying for it. i He, fears that if the “precedgnt” is set of the city | paying one group of workers double pay for over- time, the other groups of city slaves working as scrub-women, street-sweepers, under-paid “white- collar” clerks, etc., would use this case as a prece- t against working more than the agreed hours ut they get more pay than straight time. The “principle” of the thing is the same “prin- ” that makes bosses pay a scab twice as much asia union man just to break the union. Mayor Dever believes in overtime without pay, i. e., he be- lieves that the eight-hour day is all rot. Mayor ‘ Dever is no “friend of organized labor.” A new member for the Workers Party and a new subscriber to The DAILY WORKER. “Dickie” and “Teddie” Some folks may not understand the full signifi- cance of the fact, testified to by alienists (not sub- ject to the ‘alien immigration law), that Dickie Loeb still, in dreams at least, seis his “teddy- bear” to bed with him, This burlesque on the animal kingdom was born and has liyed a saw-dust filled life, as a symbol of the rough and ready, bearish personality of Theo- dore. Roosevelt. \ Theodore Roosevelt was, of course, and remains to many, the beloved. “Teddie.” As the $250 per day alienist has testified, “Dickie” is called “Dickie” and not “Richard,” because he is still, emotionally, an irresponsible child, “from five to seven years old.” Doubtless the world will soon understand what the Communists long have known that Theodore Roosevelt was “Teddie” be- cause he was a case of arrested mental develop- ment, a child. And a child, ayeveryone knows, is a potential savage. Certainly “Teddie” Roosevelt was a spoiled child, running amuck at the head of an imperialist government. The brutal treat- ment he accorded the central American republics of Panama and Columbia is eloquent testimony. But a further indication of what “emotional” bond connects thes¢ two morons—to use the term in its general and not in its scientific sense, is seen in the fact that when “Dickie” Loeb was twelve years old, he wrote an essay depicting “Teddie” Roosevelt as his “ideal.” Now “Teddie” Roosevelt is also the ideal of the editor of The Chicago Tribune. This is strong corroboration for the theory of the defense put up by Attorney Darrow, that Loeb’s murderous ten- dency is a case of weird varieties of insanity. The Trib. is both murderous and insane. Except in this case, where the defense millions make the difference, the Trib. howls for the hangman to break the neck of any man or woman who kills without the proper approval of prestige, or for “defense” of “American institutions.” The Trib- ue editor is Joseph M. Patterson, doubtless known to his familiar friends as “little Joey.” They all believe in murder. They differ merely in the means. The obscure moron, as any news writer will aver, always uses “some heavy, blunt instrument.” The Trib. prefers to do it by crack- ing the victim’s neck with a rope. “Dickie” Loeb chose a heavy chisel wound with tape to crush the skull of young Franks. “Teddie” Roosevelt, giving the thing more care, evolved, as Commissioner of the New York Metropolitan Police, a weighty elub ingeniously constructed so that it could be swung on a striker’s skull either as plain hickory or, by pressing a button, with a number of terrible steel spikes. If the picket line didn’t yield for plain hickory—or even if it would—the steel spikes would bury themselves in the worker’s brain in the most charming Roosevelt manner. Only because other “older” people stopped him, did “Teddie” give up this weapon’s use. If “Dickie” had only been a cop, or could have “fought for his country” from behind a sugar kettle in Cuba, he would hav been a good citizen or even a president. “Dickie” should be a good “progressive party” candidate. A Cracker-Jack Really informative reading upon the labor move- ment is not at all plentiful. Much is written but little is said. Particularly upon the controversial subject of the work of the Communists in the labor union and the general fight of the left wing revolu- tionary group, against the reactionaries who seek to hold the ranks of labor for conservative and even class collaborative policies. The question of what the A. F. of L. is doing and has done in the steel drive is a subject of first importance. Thousands and tens of thousands of dollars have been spent. What the results are is told by Wm. Z. Foster in the August Labor Herald, in a spirited criticism of the A. F. of L. officials in charge of the so-called “campaign.” Since Foster, when he resigned as secretary-treasurer of the great steel strike of 1919-20, left $130,000 in the treasury, it would interest anyone who cares at all about the labor movement to know what Foster charges has been done by the present of- ficers to spend this great treasury. Read it in the Labor Herald for August. Another article ‘of great clarity and worth is dealing with the reasons why, after years of effort Party was compelled to nominate its own candi- dates to defend as the only political party of la- bor, the principle of independent working class po- litical action. Perhaps the most informative article of a tiniely character deals with the Dawes Plan as an interna- tional “open shop” movement. , This article, writ- ten by Harrison George, exposes not only Dawes and the movement to enslave German labor, but lays bare the fundamental contradictions of capi- talism which now are forcing it,toward its his- torical doom. Articles on the unions among the needle trades and a vividly sharp analysis of the international problems of the world’s unions by A. Losoysky, secretary of the Red International of Labor Unions, are ‘among numerous good things in the Labor Herald for August. The chief item on which the French cannot agree with the other bandits now holding forth at Lon- don is, say the dispatchesy “the disposal of the money.” Many a brine one burglar by an- other has taken place over the division of the swag, so this sharing of “the money” may easily lead to murder in a wholesale way. Capitalist peace is a prologue to war. \ to establish a broad labor party, the Workers’ THE DAILY WORKER Introducing Mr. Mellon, NLY the future can estimate ac- curately the significance Pad the visit that our Secretary of State, Charles Evans Hughes, and our Sec: retary of the Treasury, Andrew W. Mellon, are now paying Burope. These two men, amongst the ablest of American diplomats and financiers, are not accustomed to deal with small matters. These two giants of our im- perialist junta are the mainspring of a most gigantic’ attempt now being made by the Yankee capitalists to dominate the most highly developed industrially and politically continent, Europe. Of the two Mr, Hughes is more of the talker. Mr. Mellon is the doer, The Rival of Rockefeller. Mr. Mellon, whose name is now fre- quently associated with such interna- tional financiers as Thomas W. La- mont, of J. P. Morgan & Company, Montague Norman, Governor of the Bank of England, and Reginald Me- Kenna, Chairman of the London Joint City and Midland Bank, is himself one of the richest men in the world. Many believe that our Secretary of the Treasury is the rival of Rocke- feller. Some consider him the wealthi- est man in the world. At any rate, when Mr. Mellon is in Europe, it is a sure sign that busi- ness is being handled and that it is being handled on a stupendous scale. Looking into the role played by Mel- lon in American industry and finance, one gets an is of the gdme he is up to in London. Whey Mr. Mellon takes a hand in settling the debt parley, he is not engaged in thresh- ing over old straw with negative re- sults, © Mr. Mellon is a business man; from head to foot, Mr. Mellon symbolizes the very height of industrial and financial America. Mr. Mellon is the very personification of the octapus of American imperialism whose tenta- cles are now being fastened with deadly effect on the war-ruined coun- tries of Europe. Mr. Mellon’s busi- ness record speaks for itself. It shows what Mr. Mellon is up to in Europe. It shows what Mr. Mellon, in com- panyy with the Morgan interests, his clos¢ allies, will be doing while Mr. Hughes will be talking. A Modern Croesus. At the time Mr. Melton was ap- pointed secretary to the treasury, he was either director or president of four banks, four insurance companies, and sixty-two other corporations. Oil, aluminum, locomotives, steel, rad- iators, railway cars, plateglass, motor trucks, carborundum, bolts and rivets, and more than a huncred other com- modities, shipped to all pafts of the world, are in the grip of the Mellon corporations. The Mellon National Bank of Pittsburgh has a total of more than one hundred and ten mil- lion dollars in deposits and nearly a hundred and fifty million dollars in resources. It has been estimated that on the eve of his becoming secretary of the treasury Mr. Mellon was directly and ‘ S Tuesday, August 5, 1 ‘6 By Jey Lovet Jay in actively interested in corporations .$ 25, CE Ne whose resources were well over one billion dollars. Of course, on assum- ing office, Mr. Mellon formally ten- dered his resignation to several banks and corporations. However, his in- capitalization of. And controlling twelve companies having a combined capitali- zation of nearly... 10,000, Baltimore Car & Foundry Co.— terest in these corporations has been} Capitalization. .... «8 1,500) increasing* since his entry into the/The Carborundum Company— | cabinet. We cite some of the leading| Capitalization .... ne 2,500, financial and industrial interests of Mr. Mellon who is now posing as a sincerely interested peacemaker in, and rekuilder of the war-ravaged Gulf Oil Corporation— Total assets +1850, ooo, Controls nine companies with combined capital- countries of the world. ization of 25,000, The Mellon National Bank— Pennsylvania Railroad— Deposits -$111,000,000| Assets more than..........$1,000,000° Resources - 150,000,000} Grand total capitali- Union Trust Company— zation .... $750,000 Deposits .. » 100,000,000} Prior to 1921 Mr. Mellon was a Resources - 150,000,000 |rector of this railroad. Union Savings Bank— Mellon—A War Profiteer. Deposits . 27,000,000} These are the references Mr, ? Resources 29,000,000 |1en can show to the MacDonalds, | National Ban! Horriots, the Stefanis, the Theuni merce, New York— the Kelloggs, and the swarm of le Deposits . 500,000,000 | lights of international capitalist Resources - 600,000,000 | lomacy. Banks and Trust Com- These industrial and financial panies having total capi- nections of Mr. Mellon are his qu: talization of about.......... 250,000,000 |cations for rebuilding the war- The Pittsburgh Coal Co. Assets Aluminum Germany. It is the irony of his that many of the corporations which Andrew W. Mellon is ir . 170,000,000 America— ested, were the ones which garn: ‘Capitalization 20,000,000 | fabulous profits out of the war anc Controls five companies, destruction of life and property. with capitalization...... 20,000,000} These ar’ the humanifarians, t) American Locomotive are the -rebuilders, these are Company— angels of peace—the Mellons, the. Capital 50,000,000 ;monts, the Morgans—that Amer! American Metal Company— imperialism is sending to help A holding company with suffering Durope on its feet. Are You Opposed to War Mr. LaFollette BY HARRISON GEORGE. N YOUR statement, Mr. LaFollette, in which you announced your can- didacy for the presidency, you said: “The ill-gotten surplus capital acquired by exploiting the resources and the people of our country be- gets the imperialism which hunts ‘down and exploits the natural .re- sources and the people of foreign countries, erects huge armaments for the protection of its invest- ments, breeds international strife in the markets of the world and in- evitably leads to war.” Logically, if your supposed opposi- tion to war would be sincere and con- sistent, the working class which you expect to support you, should find in your program adopted at Cleveland, something aimed at what you ac- knowledge is. the source and root of war-t.e., the surplus over their wages taken by capitalists from the working classes thru the private ownership of all means of production and distribu- tion. Your Platform Exposes You! But what does your platform show, Mr. LaFollette? Is there in it from the first to the last, one word aimed at complete and permanent abolition of “surplus capital acquired by ex- ploiting the resources and people of this country?” Do you anywhere pledge yourself that, if elected to the presidency, you will work for na- tionalization of all industry and re- sources, including the “monopolies” you always claim to oppose? There is positively not one word in your Platform to this effect! Nothing! Nowhere do you pledge yourself to oppose the cause you, yourself point out, of war, You must advocate abolition of sur- plus capital exploited from the work- ers, or you must acknowledge that whatever you do advocate is not enough, that you have nothing in your program to give security to the work- ers from slaughter in capitalist wars. More. It is a fact that you not only evade a real solution, are silent upon any real solution, but you denounced and politically assassinated the Na- tional Farmer-Labor Party, whose pro- gram declared for: “The nationaliza- tion of all monopolized “industries, such as railroads, mines, super-power plants and means of communication and distribution.” So you are not such a terrible foe of “monopoly” after all! Even this mild measure is op- posed by you, Mr. LaFollette! Still more. You denounced the Com- munists of the Workers Party, whose program provides for complete. social- ization of all industry and the admin- istration of industry and government together under control of councils (soviets) of workers and working farmers. Yet what program could be better devised to end forever the danger of capitalist wars? A Fake Solution Already Bankrupt. It being proven that you do not in- tend, if elected, to work for any fun- damental measure to end capitalist war—that you in fact oppose. such measures—any other proposal in your program is, naturally, only superfic- jal. But we have a right to expect even this superficiality to be plausible. But what do we find? We find that your program says only that it favors an “active” #for- eign policy “to promote firm treaty agreements with all nations to out- law wars.” That is a ghastly jest! Who is to wage war against Amer- ica if not the go governments of foreign nations? And do we not now have treaties with each of i what idiots are we to believe that they wouldn't break any other or dif- ferent treaty? Or do you intend, un- der this pretext, to wheedle us into some “Holy Alliance” or the “League of (Imperialist) Nations?” But why should any nation—includ- ing America—break any treaty and go to war, Mr. LaFollette? I refer you to Mr. LaFollette for reply: Just as in this country, so in others (ex- cept Soviet Russia), “surplus capital, acquired by exploiting the resources and people of the country begets im- Perialism . which breeds inter- national strife in the markets of the world and inevitably leads to war.” But you have no solution for this war-making capitalist system, Mr. La- Follette. Only the Communist Inter. national can cut this Gordian snarl of conflicting capitalist interests, with the sword of international revolution of the proletariat! What silly nonsense is this making of “firm” treaties to “outlaw” wars? At this moment the very governments upon which such treaties would rely, are busy at London quarrelling over the Dawes Plan, which is one plan of dividing the spoils of ruthless slavery of German labor. And in their quarreling Britain's “labor” government is showing the teeth of forty miles of warships to France which, insulted, growls back thru her “socialist” government with threats of airplanes and colonial armies. And by your failure to denouce the Dawes Plan you lend silent approval to these war-making “pacifist” imperialists! Though you have endorsed them, and said your government would be like them, the workers can put no trust in such governments as that of England, which massacres Indians and Egyptians and oppresses its own workers, or the French government, the sabre-rattler invader of the Ruhr, or the German goveynment, model of socialist treachery, murderer of Lieb- knecht—the one man in the lia- ments of world capitalism who at- tacked war in time of war. Nor can the workers trust you, LaFollette, who urge peace with such murderers. Only when the world proletariat has overthrown: and suppressed capitalist governments and capitalism, will it be safe from capitalist wars, You Have Two Faces, Mr. LaFollette. There is still another reason why you should not be trusted by the workers in the future threats of war, Mr. LaFollette. Your performance in the past war is an example of “Mister- Facing-Both-Ways.” Before war you repeatedly said that the America people were being “stampeded into war.” Why, then, did you apologize for your voting against Wilson's request for war dec- laration? And why did you vote for 55 out of 60 war measures passed by Congress? You even boasted about it! LaFollette, if not a “hundred-per- center” is at least a “Ninety-two-per- center” patriot! You even pride your- self on having voted for every meas- ure “to provide enormous appropria- tions for building ships.” Yet these re the appropriations almost wholly stolen by profiteering grafters while the soldiers and sailors went to their deaths insufficiently clad, armed and fed, And you knew this would hap- pen when you voted, didn’t you, La- Follette? Just ag I knew, stated —and went to prison for stating. Everyone knew the profiteers were going to “clean up”—and so you knew it. Why did you help the grafters? Debs, pitiful figure, now tries to find in your wife's puny, charitable ges- ture for his release, some excuse for | his support of your candidacy. But you yourself, never opened your mouth for} gaged, and it keeps ° amnesty for class war prisoners. So timid were you that you did not speak for the release even of the pa- cifist “conscientious objectors” held by the war department until a full year after the war ended! You were no Liebknecht! You did-not have the bravery to attack the war in time of war! And you cannot now gain sup- port from radicals on the ridiculous ground that your wife asked release from prison of those who did attack war. Your wife may bea noble woman as~Debs states—in fact she seems to be a better man than you are—but your “war record” is a rec- ord of timidity and cowardice, LaFol- lette! You talk of “liberty.” Yet you op- posed the infamous “Espionage Act” —not because it sent men to prison, but’ because—according to your own claims—it carried a provision that the postoffice department could deny certain mailing privileges to news- papers! And you own a newspaper! What were to you, the hundreds of workers thrown into prison under this outrageous law? Less than nothing? You never raised your voice in protest over the lumber strikers of Washington being thrown into “pull-pens.” Nor the crime of the “Bisbee deportation” known around the world! Nor the illegal persecu- tion of the socialists and the I. W. W.! Liberty, even bourgeois, fake liberty, would have died utterly if its life had depended on your courage in time of war, Bob LaFollette! Few were the voices raised in our defense when we laid in prison as workers objecting to capitalist war. And yours was not one of them! You had learned your lesson from the capital- ist criticism of your St. Paul speech, and you were silent. Where is your “war record,” Mr. LaFollette? How Do You Differ From Other® Frauds? But you say you are against war. You say so. So did Woodrow Wil- son, We want no more Woodrow Wilsons. Only the other day Coolidge said he was, “unqualifi sympathetic with the aim to n war impossible.” The democi party platform declares against and for a visionary referendum as does yours. But since nei yours-nor the democrats’ platform fers to abolish capitalism, the c: of war, both are equally hypocrit Both are aimed to lull the ma into trusting that war will be avo: —until they are in it. Then you, Follette, and all your kind, willa vote appropriations and give full port—just as you did before. You are the same kind of frau Bryan, who, on the verge of said: “If war should come, we all support the government, of co! yet at this moment it is our sa duty to preserve the nation from horrors of war.” All that the’ ernment of Wilson, the hypo had to do to silence Bryan, the crite, was—simply—to declare © By this simple means all fools. pacifists, liberal, labor and soci traitors, were won over at orice, coursé”—to support the govern) and the war! Away with Cheats and Frauds “War is the consequence of talism”—say we Communists. is but an extension of political « rels between rival imperialist tions: In this campaign the Commu will point out that just as youf to oppose war in the past, so you fail in the future. More, that in platform, you make no pretense solution for capitalist wars. Tha are deceiving them with phrases lulling them to a sense of fals« curity from which they will be a ened by the thunfer of guns ané call to the trenches and death. this campaign the Communists say: Down with capitalist w Down with hypocritical phré Against war the workers shall the banner of proletarian revoluti THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON ~ LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS We'll Fool Him. Your paper reminds me of the Ap- peal to Reason of 15 years ago, just as your party reminds me of the So- cialist party of that period. But look at the Socialist party now,—a corpse. And that’s what the Communist party will be in a few years. However, cheer up, there’s a good (2) living in it for a tew agitators and it keeps life from getting stale,—too cut and dried, as it tends to bécome under the big capitalists. No gentlemen, so far as I can see, the U. S. is not a very fertile ground for radicals. The country is too pros- perous. The well-fed middle classes are too large to let you turn things upside down, Things will have to get much worse than they are before there’s a revolution, There are too mapy men willing to follow Bryans and Roosevelts and LaFollettes. There’s too much eternal hope that the capitalist system can be repaired, improved, oiled, meliorated, revivified, pruned. However, in the meantime we have you to prod us, to keep us discontented, stirred up, to worry the judges and lawyers, the Mitchell Palmers and so forth. Sincerely, W, B, Barrows, Magog, Quebec. A Bankrupt Farmer, To The DAILY WORKER: I have Dcneie uaa ee aha Oklahoma, and that is heavily mort- the hard pressed! send in hep oe, to keep the interest and: taxes up. So far, for the past twenty y I have paid twenty-three hundred lars interest on a two thousand lar loan—$300 more”thap the ori loan, and the m fe yet un Many of my wl who also rowed money at the same time | lost their homes, and are now rer Hence, I may be classed on the thousands of bankrupt far, of America, But I do not der I will pull through some day. You have a great paper, bec your editorial staff are able men. bold defenders of the truth. | friend and Comrade, M. H. O Brownsville, Tenn. “Prosperous” Farmer, | To The DAILY WORKER: To reply for articles from farmer: was working on a farm in Wisec for a few days and found out ' points. I'm sending you one, In the papers you read that Stock Yards are paying on the age 8 cents for swine. When farmer takes his swine to the S Yards he only gets 6 cents a and sometimes 5 cents, Most of, farmers prosper in papers only not in real life. If you are an article I hope this will help\ ¢ rade Joe Plotkin of Y. W. L., MY field Branch,