The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 4, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER: | Diplomats Surrender to Morgan Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES 4 By mail: $3.60....6 months $2.00....8 months By mail (in Chicago only): : $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Addre: 11 mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, IIlInols J. LOUIS ENGDAKL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... ditors Business Manager —_——$—<— $< — Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post: Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. ————— <p 230 Advertising rates on application. i The Alliance of the Dying Samuel Gompers, nearing the end of a career of treason to the working class, has, like the expiring serpent’s tail, given a final wriggle. He has en- dorsed LaFollette, another ancient fake, who is so debilitated by age that he has to sing his “swan song” by radio. It is all very much like the romantic fiction of “twin souled” lovers drawn to each other across the seas and the ages, finding in each other’s arms the first and final solace this side of the grave. It has been a long road and Gompers has not always felt the “soul urge” in spite of his statement that “Samuel Gompers has never led any movement opposed to LaFollette,” which is a queer way for a democratic booster to refer to a republican, but which may be accounted for by the usual lover’s lie: “I have always loved you from the day we met.” A touching sight it is, indeed, to find the last hours of these two happy lovers somewhat compli- cated by the tiresome triangle of the divorce courts. Debs, the decrepit remnant of the Second Inter- national, suddenly insists that LaFollette is his “dream-girl” for which he has been wasting his socialist heart away during the eons. From a sanitarium he,’too, sends his abounding love, precipitately announcing that LaFollette’s con- duct a republican has always been secretly admired by him. The scene is affectionate, even if embar- rassing in its apparent mesalliance and the in- decent promiscuity so publicly manifested. Grey hairs, it is said, should be respected, but then, on| the other hand, they should deserve respect. Gompers has always opposed socialism, repre- sented by Debs, just as he has opposed (as a servant of big business) the liberal and petty-bourgeois trust-busting of LaFollette. In fact the program he demanded that the capitalist parties endorse began with a demand for the repeal of “all anti-trust legislation.” LaFollette has always fought against the so- cialists and socialism. As a capitalist politician he conflicted ‘head-on with Debs. As a republican he has opposed Gompers, the democrat. His pro- gram of “enforcing every law against monopoly” has conflicted head-on with Gompers’ program. Debs has for years opposed Gompers. Debs has pilloried Gompers’ ante-diluvian leadership. He stood against Gompers flatly in his advocacy of industrial as opposed to craft unionism. Debs has fought LaFollette along with all other: capitalist politicians. The laughable reason that Debs gives for his present support—that Mrs. LaFollette is a charming lady—is a new causative factor in po- litical alignment, even for Debs the sentimentalist. But the puzzle has its answer. The reason for his amazing political triangle, in which the three old men, with a passion not customary for invalids, rush into,each other’s arms, is very easily ex- plained. They are all against the Communists. They all three bitterly denounce the Workers Party. ‘ i The Workers Party advocates a class farmer- labor party—and was denounced hy LaFollette. The Workers Party advocates the waste-basket for labor fakers and industrial unionism for labor— and was denounced by Gompers. The Workers Party cares more for independent political action by the working class than it does for “nice ladies”—and was denounced by Debs. The Work- ers Party stands for thé proletarian revolution and is fought by the whole trio. Debs, LaFollette and Gompers are united in their hatreds, in their primal antagonism. Buncombe will find its own, even if tottering toward the grave. Berger and Herron In a recent issue of the Milwaukee Leader, an editorial appears taking George D. Herron to task for his betrayal of socialism.: Such an editorial is as much out of place in the Berger sheet as a motto glorifying chastity in a bawdy house. Herron was one of the many who thought the late war was waged in behalf of democracy. He was for it, and lined up with the Allies, Berger was against the Allies and opposed the war because it was not practical for him to come out openly on the side of the Scheidemanns and Eberts after Woodrow Wilson got this country into the mess in order to save Morgan’s millions. Berger has made of socialism a hissing and a byeword. In his speech in congress he sneered at the dictatorship of the proletariat, attacked the Communists, particularly of Russia and declared himself a reformer who would not hurt a hair on capital’s head. The only difference between Herron and Berger is that the former is a more harmless prostitute Cable dispatches state that jthe international bankers “have accepted” the proposals of the Lon- don Conference for guarantees of the $200,000,000 loan to Germany. In reality, it is the conference which has “accepted” the proposals of the bankers. It is not the bankers which have given in, but the diplomats, particularly the French. Phe whole conference has been a battle, not at all veiled, between the bankers, led by Thomas W. Lamont, of the House of Morgan, and the forces of French imperialism, particularly the Comite des Forges, represented by the “radical socialist” Herriot. It has been a battle between two im- perialist powers to dominate over German in- dustry and plunder German labor. Any agree- ment can be, therefore, merely a truce, arrived at only because both sides do not feel that the step from conference to war would be advantageous. Such “unity” is not unity at all. The moment in which one or the other would feel it possible to crush its opponent in war, that moment would see the end of “unity” and would hear the call to arms. “Everyone,” says the dispatch, “is loud in praise of the work of the American delegates.” This would. be lovely and continue so if the conference had solved or could solve anything. But the cen- flicts in capitalist interests go on, in fact they in- crease, and many of the touchiest spots are glosse1 over and postponed for consideration later by some commission which will reflect the same contest. While the Germans have not yet had their say, and they may bring new discord, yet from every political simpleton, particularly from our liberal, pacifist spokesmen, come peans of joy because the bankers “have accepted” and the American dele- gation done such “good work.” To these naive people the Dawes plan represents peace. To the Communists, who penetrate behind the formal pro- ceedings, it represents war. When this “peace” reaches its logical end in war, and American work- ers and farmers are drafted to rescue Morgan’s loan, we will then see these simpletons protesting. The time to protest is now. The Dawes plan is Morgan’s plan. It is endorsed by Coolidge and Davis. LaFollette-is silent and hypocritical as usual, but his supporters endorse it. Only the Communists frankly denounce it. They know that Morgan won in London, that the diplomats, not the bankers “accepted.” The Communists know the “good work” of the American delegates may lead millions of workers to the trenches. Only Com- munists say—“Down with the Dawes plan.” Mobilization Day At last the Wall Street Gold Dust twins, Coo- lidge and Davis, have found an issue over which they can make faces with each other in order to give the voters the impression that it makes a difference to them whether the republicans or dem- ocrats rule the United States for Morgan and Co. during the next four years. The issue is “mobiliza- tion day.” President Coolidge and the war department have designated September 12th as the day on which the militarists will test the ability of the govern- ment to mobilize its war machinery at short notice. All the public officials thruout the country are called on to join in the good work. The workers are to be compelled by their employers at the risk of losing their jobs to become “minute men” on that day. Governor Bryan of Nebraska, democratic candi- date for vice-president, demurs. He has no objec- tion to preparing for the defense of the country, but he objects to such public flaunting of militar- ism in the face of the world. Furthermore it would throw Nebraska’s business out of gear and hurt the sensibilities of German voters who got their stomach full of the late war. Candidate Davis agrees with Bryan. Davis is for preparedness, but this country should now devote its attention to putting capitalism back on its feet thruout the world. This is just what Mor- gan wants. One of his puppets will pose as a man of peace, like Wilson in 1916. The other will sponsor scientific militarism. 7 Bank Without End John H. Walker, president of the Illinois Fed- eration of Labor, in a statement to the press hails the new era in industry which is bringing so many blessings “to the laboring man.” John is up in the air as usual but this time he gets very far from his base and extracts sugar from the sun with a little difficulty as he can bring tears from his own eyes. Walker finds that ‘arge fortunes have lost their glamor and wealthy men are more and more, thinking less of money and using their money to benefit society. The approaching convention of the Illinois Federation of Labor will encourage this tendency and perhaps appoint a committee to call on Doheney, Gary, Henry Ford, Guggenheim, Harry Sinclair, Andrew Mellon and other well- known lovers of the workers, to congratulate them on their new tendency and urge them to continue in the path which has earned the blessing of the thankful Walker. This slobbering faker was, not so very long ago, 1 socialist and a firm believer in the class struggle and the necessity of the workers to organize for the purpose of freeing themselves from their mas- ters. Today he looks on labor union merely as pens where the'workers can be held while the quack doctors of capitalism inject doses of class collaboration into their systems. The kind of bunk that Walker peddles may sound good to the ears of the capitalists but it .will not fill the hungry stomachs of the workers who are pounding the streets looking for work in the midst of the beat- tiful era of prosperity which faker Walker #9 eloquently pictures, — THE DAILY WORKER BY J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. "THE Communists gof the United States are in the national political arena for the first time. Under the standards of the Workers Party, en- lightened labor moves forward for new victories. What a host of enemies the Party and its candidates will face! All the supporters of the whole capitalist sys- tem stand in opposition. The Commu- nists must fight not only the two re- cognized parties of Wall Street, but also the party of the “left wing of Wall Street,” the so-called “Progressive Party of LaFollette, Gompers and Debs. It is a broad front from J. Pier- pont Morgan to Eugene V. Debs, but it is a united front against Communism. The Workers Party and its candi- |dates are stating their position clearly in this, campaign. They expect no quarter from the enemy. The whole capitalist press is giving thousands of miles of newspaper col- umn space to Coolidge, Davis and La- |Follette. The publicity given the Com- |munist candidates can be measured in |inches. Most of the publicity given \the capitalist candidates is favorable. | That given the Communist candidates jis super-saturated with the bitterest hate. The most flagrant example of press misrepresentation, that has so far come to our attention in this cam- paign, is contained in a ‘vile fabrica- tion sent out by the so-called “Inter- national Labor News Service,” under Chicago date line, July 23, under the heading, “Communists Are Again Active in Illinois.” “The International Labor News Service” is only one of numerous anti- Communist propaganda activities of the Gompers’ regime im the American Federation of Labor. The Portland Convention of the A. F. of L., last October, heard that Gompers had spent in one year the huge sum of $12,218.80 to get out the “A. F.“of L. Weekly News Letter,” that carries the misnamed “International Labor News Strvice.” In addition to this, Gompers spent last year the unheard of sum of $83,512.50 to get out his monthly, “The American Federationist.” Then there are three lobbyists; Gompers’ agents, hanging around Washington that cost | $19,381.58, more than $100,000.00 taken out of the pockets of the America’s organized workers, not used so much to fight the bosses, but rather to at- tack the Communists in the United States, and carry on propaganda against Soviet Russia. The Gompers’ lobbyists at Washington, this past ses- sion of Congress, got most active when they saw an opportunity to at- tack the recognition of Soviet Russia before a special investigation of this question carried on by Senator Borah. With these few words of introduc- tion, I want to reprint Gompers’ latest bit of anti-Communist propaganda, which is now in favor of the LaFol- Editor's Note: Joseph M. Coldwell was one of the few members of the Socialist Party who took the St. Louis anti-war resolution seriously. As a result he served a sentence in Atlanta Penitentiary, where he was a pris- on-mate of Eugene V. Debs. Unlike the latter, Coldwell has not lost his old revolutionary fire, but marches on toward new struggles and toward the workers’ government. ae 'HE recent action of the Socialist Party in going over to the camp of the LaFollettes has been character- ized by some of the “leaders” of that moribund group as a tactful retreat. I take exception to that term being used in this connection. I joined the Socialist Party in 1898 and held continuous membership un- til after the St. Louis convention, when the famous “war proclamation” was issued. I took pride in my mem- bership. I wae proud to be one who helped draw up the “war proclama- tion” and I was proud of the party that had the manhood and courage to adopt such a document. The Socialist Party in those days had many men and women in its ranks who gloried in the fact that they were interna- tional revolutionists. We learned the definition’ of those words during our Party membership. We were the “Jimmie Higgins” who did the real necessary work of the organization and we were class conscious. ‘When we demanded that the Party live up to its avowed principles, the “leaders” began to hem ahd haw, and side step, and finally they began their wholesale expulsions that brot about the “split.” From that day to now, the old. Soctalist Party of Am- erica, the party that preached revolu- tion, has lost its rank and filé mem- bers, until there is nothing left but a few “leaders” and camp followers, These “leaders” and camp followers are no longer telling the workers to organize industrially and politically. No more do they use the terms “clags solidarity,” and the word “revolution” is not in their Vocabulary. No more are the workers told that they must free themselves, A new doctrine” is now preached. The workers need a saviour”; “a messiah has come” is the basis of the new philosophy. And as the “messiah” will not come to the workers, the workers must go to | lette candidacy, since he has come out for the Wisconsin senator. It is in full as follows: Communists Are Again Active In Ilinois. * International ©Labor Service. Chicago, Ill, July 23.—The inside clique of the Workers’ (Communist) Party of America met in an obscure place here and selected a state tick- et for Illinois. William F, Dunne, who was expelled as a delegate from the Portland convention of the American Federation of Labor, was chosen as candidate for governor. Dunne is associate editor of the Daily Worker, but is now in Russia taking intensive training in how to meet ’em at the barricades. He has just been elected a member of the executive committee of the Commu- nist International, which met at Moscow. John Watt, a miner of Springfield, Iil., will be the candidate for lieuten- ant governor. Moritz J. Loeb, busi- ness manager of the Daily Worker, is on the ticket for secretary of state. The candidate for United States Senator is J. Louis Engdahl, man- aging editor of the Daily Worker, and an expelled member of Chicago Typographical Union No. 16. Eng- dahl was expelled from this union for non-payment of dues just prior to the printers’ 44-hour strike which cost $16,000,000, and to which Eng- “dahl declined to contribute a thin dime. Engdahl afterward joined the Chicago Office Workers’ Union and was also dropped from the rolls of that organization for refusal to pay dues. . ‘ Duncan McDonald, recently can- didate for governor of Illinois and later candidate for President of the United States of the Communistic Farmer-Labor Party organized at St. Paul June 17, was not given a place on this latest Third Interna- ,tional ticket. This is expected to be very displeasing to Communists among the Illinois miners. The above was taken from the “Iia- bor Free Press,” of Pittsburgh, Pa., Thursday, July 24. The clipping was sent in by a local comrade. The same bit of malicious propaganda is also appearing in other pro-Gompers pub- lications. There is an increasing army of workers, intelligent soldiers in the class struggle, who say, “Well, if Gom- pers attacks the Communists, that is one reason why I should be for the Communists,” because these workers know that Gompers does not represent By News their interests. But for others who still believe in Gompers, LaFollette, and even Hillquit, Berger and Debs, careful explanations must be made. Otherwise these words would never have been written. First of all, the Workers Party, the “messiah.” The workers must not formulate their demands, the “messiah” will tell them what is good for them. It is to the camp of this political “messiah” that the “leaders” of the remnants of the Socialist Party have gone.“ It is not a retreat; it is ure render. A surrender of everything that the Socialist Party ever stood for. A retreat, or even a defeat, againsé overwhelming odds may have its hon- ors for the vanquished army. But to go into the camp of the enemy and say “Here we are, we will no longer meeting, at which the nominations were made, was well advertised in the DAILY WORKER. It was not secret. There are a few million working men and women in this country who be- lieve that Dunne’s expulsion from the Portland A. F. of L. Convention was to his credit. More millions will come to that viewpoint. It is not a secret that Dunne is now in Moscow attending the world congresses of the Commu- nist International and the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions. Gompers no doubt fears the knowledge Dunne will gain in attending these historic gatherings, cementing the internation- al relations of world labor. As for myself, I have no apologies to offer to Mr. Gompers and his whole reactionary outfit, for being selected as the Communist candidate for United States Senator in the State of Illinois. Alienists should examine the brain of Gompers’ agent who gathered the above dope for the “I. L. N. S.,” sent out for publication by innocent and unsuspecting labor editors. \ Coming from a proletarian family I have always held loyalty to my class as my highest duty. My first memory is of attendance at an entertainment given by a few carpenters in the city of Minneapolis, Minn., under the lead- Monday, August 4, 1924 (GOMPERS HELPS TURN WORKERS TO COMMUNISM identify myself with the labor move- ment in Milwaukee, which I did, join- ing the News Writers’ Union, affiliated with the International Typographical Union. When I was re-called to Chi- cago, in 1914, to become editor of the AMERICAN SOCIALIST, the official organ of the National Socialist Party, I had my membership transferred to the Chicago Typographical Union, since there was no local of the News Writers’ Union in Chicago. So far as |I know, I was the only editorial work- er in Chicago, in-#he printers’ union. For ten years I paid my dues as a full- fledged member, altho I got none of the benefits of the organization, and no attempt was ever made to organize the editorial workers, in Chicago, or anywhere else. The 44-hour strike overlapped a good part of that time, and I paid the strike assessments loy- ally. At the time I was called to New York to edit the “Workers’ Council,” “The Worker,” the official organ of the Workers Party, the Typographical Union, by referendum vote, surrender- ed it jurisdiction over editorial work: ers, recognizing that it had made a complete failure of the job of trying to organize them. I thereupon joined fine the Chicago organization and ership of my father, for the purpose|the News Writers’ Union, in New of raising funds to finance the work} York City, of which Heywood Broun, of organization. My first schooling in| of the New York World was president. trade unionism came in helping my}Our union in New York City led the father carry out ‘his duties, first as|campaign to organize editorfal ‘work- business agent and then as president]ers in other cities and to build up an of what is now the powerful Local |international union, affiliated with the No. 7, of the Carpenter's Union, ‘in American Federation of Labor. Our Minneapolis. I actively engaged in my first strike as a day laborer, while earning money, during vacation, to continue going to school. It was my first actual experi- ence with the workings of craft unionism. We laborers came out in a fight against‘a ten-hour day and 20 cents an hour wage, but the bettey paid and eight-hour day bricklayers, for whom we carried mortar and brick and erected scaffolds, remained at work. They scabbed on us, The strike was broken. While labor editor of the CHICAGO DAILY SOCIALIST, way back in 1909, not 13 years later as Gompers’ report states, I did join the Stenog- raphers’ Union, in Chicago. I became the president of the union, and was its delegate to the 1910 convention of the Illinois Federation of Labor, and to the Atlanta, Ga., Convention of the A. F. of L., in 1911. This would indi- cate what the membership thought of my work in the organization. We car- ried on an organization campaign in collaboration with Mrs. Raymond Rob- ins, of the Women’s Trade Union League, but we got no support from Gompers’ organization. I do not believe in absentee mem- bership in labor unions. When I went to the Milwaukee Leader, it was nat- ural that I should sever my relations “leaders” and the camp followers are too cowardly to fight under their own banners, or that thé Socialist Party is so weak that it cannot fight its own battles. Personally I think that it is @ combination of both conditions. So the Socialist Party of America, like the socialist parties of other coun- tries, has joinedthe ranks of the re- actionaries and are aiding the en- emies of the workers. But the class struggle still con- tinues, the teachings of the old com- rades have not been forgotten. Younger comrades have taken up the fight against you; we will fight with) banner of proletarian revolt and are you,” cannot by any stretch of the imagination be called a retreat.: It is unconditional surrepder. It donates one of two conditions, Either the For Workingclass Culture. To the DAILY WORKER:—In Mos- cow, I was impressed with the part that mugic plays in the life of the people. They have composed a num- ber of new working class songs; all of them very good music. Another impression I retain, is the extent to which the art of singing, has spread. Every worker does his share regardless of how he sings. Of course, they do it very well, as they have learned from early childhood. Most impressive was the scene in front of the English Workers’ Club, in Moscow, May first of this year. There were groups of workers from foreign countries standing about awaiting the signal to start on the march to Red Square, The French Workers sang the Workers’ songs of ,their country. Other groups sang their Workers’ songs. The Hungarian Workers’ sang best of all, Everyone of these Hungarians had taken part in the Hungarian Workers’ Revolt. All of them had been in the army. But to hear them sing the “International,” it was wonderful, superb. They sing it so well, so impressive, with so much spirit, it seems that just to hear them sing once, would make a revolutionist of anyone, I wonder if we realize the part that music has played in the Russian Re- volution, I wonder {f we realize the part that music must play in the lite ot the Workers’ Mevement im any ‘able, te i THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON ‘LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS marching forward to the ultimate vic- tory, they are not thinking about “tactful retreats.” They have taken their places beside their fellow work- country. ° Our movement needs music and it should be good music. The Russian Workers have plenty of good music, but I am confident that we ought to be able to produce enough real good music with proper wording, (not sub- mersive) to answer our purpose. We should also produce Working Class Stories. Short ones would serve the purpose. The great mass of American Peo- feos need a new Working Class Cul- ure. Who is going to start it?—Frank Miller, 9124 114 St. Richmond Hill, New York. Wages Going Down, To the DAILY WORKER: I am at present employed by Von Platten, Fox and Company at.Iron Mountain, Mich., at the rate of $4.00 per 10-hour day ‘do- ing construction and repair work out- side the mill. But Mr. Fox, the worthy owner, informed us that he had to’ reduce our wages 50 cents per day or close down the plant; cut to take ef- fect the 16th. | i According to Mr. Fox’s own state- ment, beginners here will have to work for $2.50 per 10-hour day. The charge for board and room in the com: pany’ house, logging camp style, is $8 per week. Other places $11.50. I like the DAILY WORKER very well and would subscribe but under the present circumstances I am un- r ) A.B. Nelson, d wii union in New York City made applica- tion for a charter in the A. F. of L., at the time the national headquarters of the Workers Party, and with it “The Worker” were removed to Chicago, I offered to, sign the New York applica- tion for a charter, but was asked to try to do something instead in Chica- go. Gompers, at latest reports, had not grahted the New York charter, and in Chicago only the editorial workers on Communist publications are anxious to build a union; a union, of course, that would never get an A. F, of L. charter. The Gompers propagandist, in send- ing out the reports of the Internation- al Labor News Service, loves to play with the word “expelled.” But the intelligent worker can read- ily discern that where that word is aplied to a Communist, it is always a blot upon the labor movement, placed there, not by the Communist, but by Gompers’ reactionary regime intolerant of all progress. Let Gompers’ agents keep up their vile publicity. It will only. result. in more votes for the Communist candi- dates, more adherents to the Commu- nist cause among the workers o the United States of America. The Work- ers are learning in the daily struggle who are their real enemies—the reac- tionaries who fight all progress, IT IS A'SURRENDER - - sexo ers in the mills and factories and on the farms, They are not talking about “co-relating the progressive groups,” they are talking about A UNITED FRONT OF THE WORK- ERS. The Workers Party is THE WORKERS PARTY today and it ig the only organization that the own- ers of industry fear. The only politi- cal vote that will carry fear to the masters of bread and hope to toilers of America will be the yote that ig cast for Foster and Gitlow. Every one knows where Foster and Gitlow stand. They stand for the only pro- gram that will overthrow capitalism. A vote for Foster and Gitlow is a vote for WORKING CLASS CON- TROL. ; The memberg of the Workers Party are the only ones who can sing: “We want no condescending savy- jours, To rule us from a judgment hall. We workers ask not for their fa- vors Let us consult for all. To make the thief disgorge his booty, To free the spirit from-its cell. We must OURSELVES decide our duty. , WE MUST DECIDE AND DO IT WELL, The socialists cannot sing that song. now, but we can and will. The Poor Fish Says: the Communists were nutty when they said Morgan was running 5 thought Europe, but jt looks that way now. Practically every government offi. but Coolidge i there, , he would go but he is afraid body might ask him a question and there would be nobody around te anewer it for him, a j ]