The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 1, 1924, Page 4

4 ai Page Four FIFTH CONGRESS HEARS REPORTS ABOUT FASCISM Bordiga Tells of Italian Workers’ Struggle (Special to the DAILY WORKER) MOSCOW, July 9 (By Mail).—The twenty-third session of the Fifth Con- gress of the Comintern listened to reports on Fascism. One was deliv- ered by Bordiga of Italy and the other by Freimuth of Germany. They showed that international Fascism, while presenting national differences, is still one of the most valuable weapons of the capitalist class in its struggle to beat back the rising revo- lution. For the workers it is of the utmost importance to find the methods by which Fascism can be met and overcome. e Bordiga said: I presented to the Fourth Congress & report on the question of Fascism dealing with a very decisive period of the history of Fascism in Italy; that is to say, with the conquest of power by Mussolini. I must deal now with another phase of Fascist development which is connected, as you know, with the Matteotti affair. Mentions Matteottl. At this juncture it is of particular interest to study this important social and political phenomenon. I am, of course, not going to repeat what I said about Fascism in my first report from the historical point of view. I will merely remind you of the fundamental criticism in connec- tion with the phenomena now before us and with which I dealt in my first report, It has been said that the develop- ment of the governmental crisis in Italy represented Fascism as the political negation of the period during which the liberal and democratic bour- geosie of the left was in power in Italy. According to this point of view, Fascism came as a reaction against the concession post-war policy of Giolitti, etc. We think, on the con- trary, that there is a dialectic connec- tion between the two periods, and that the attitude which the Italian bourgeoisie adopted at first during the ¢risis which convulsed the state after the war was paving the way for Fas- cism. Fascism From Farms. Fascism began in the agricultural district. This is a characteristic fact. |® The attack on the positions of the red proletariat began in Italy in the agri- cultural districts. But if it is true that Fascism began its actions in the non- industrial districts, we must not imag- ine that it is purely a movement in the Interests of the agrarian bour- geoisie and of the big land owners. On the contrary, it is a movement which represents also the interests of the big industrial, financial. and commercial bourgeoisie. It is an at- tempt at counter revolutionary unity of all the forces of the bourgeoisie. At the first glance, Fascism by its outward aspect does not seem to be An organization of the important social classes which we have just named. It rather appears as a move- ment of the middle classes, of war veterans, of bourgeois intellectuals and of all other sections which the proletariat could not bring over to its side. Fascism is not a revolutionary movement. It is rather a movement to: the preservation of what exists | governments. THE DAILY WORKER Zinoviev Discusses Problems and Types of Workers’ Government Editor's Note.—In this ‘section of his report to the Fifth World Con- gress, Gregory Zinoviev, chairman of the Communist International, takes up the question of the pro! lems and types of Workers’ Gove; ments as follows: f eee CHAPTER IX. Problem of Workers’ Government. Types of “Workers’ Governments.” | 'HE main point is that in the re-| solution is the following passage: There are yarious labor party gov- ernments as the one in power in Eng- land now, but not all are proletarian For D'Arragona, every workers’ government is good. For Radek, for Brandler, for many com- rades in Czecho-Slowakia, I feel it is the same. Although they realize that | it is not the dictatorship of the pro- letariat. ‘We have now collected some ex- perience and must say frankly that the essence of the slogan for us is: a method of agitation and of organ- izing the masses. We must, of course, take advantage of the situation cre- ated by the existence of a labor gov- ernment, like that of MacDonald's. The workers’ goyernment is for us the most powerful and popular form- ula for the dictatorship of the pro- letariat. The workers and peasants perform the deed and then under- stand it. We miust adopt the popular formula as we did in the Russian Re- volution. This is no small question, it is not a question of mere style, but a question whether we are a party which can touch the peasants and soldiers where they are most recep- tive, a party which is not a sect but} a mass party as the Bolsheviks were. Every bourgeois government is at the same time a capitalist govern- ment, but not every workers’. govern- ment is a real proletarian govern- ment, i. e. a revolutionary weapon of proletarian power. The Communist International must take account of the following possibilities. 1. A liberal labor government. Such a@ government existed in Australia; such a government may soon arise in England in the near future. 2. A social democratic workers’ government (Germany). THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST IN- TERNATIONAL. tion. erican Delegation Endorses Zinoviev Report ernment as opposed to the slogan of RESOLUTION ON THE REPORT OF /a liberal labor government or “coali- tion” government; and as a symbol@of the proletarian dictatorship will prove a@ weapon in the class struggle for | submitted by the American Delega-| power. 3. Reorganization of the various 'HE American Delegation endorses /| parties on the basis of shop nuclei is the report of the Executive Com-/ considered by the American delegation mittee of the Third International as|of primary importance. The/should be made by the various Par- lay | ties, including the American Party, its agreement}to reconstruct their organization on with the policies of the Communist this revolutionary basis which alone |International as regards the following | makes | questions: presented by Comrade Zinoviev. American Delegation: wishes to particular stress on 1. The United Front has proved to be a powerful weapon in the hands of the various Communist Parties, drawing the masses into the sphere of influence of the Communist Parties, accelerating the struggle of the work- ing class for power, exposing the re- actionary character of the social dem- ocrats and the official labor union leaders. It has also proven a valuable means of drawing the backward masses of the American working class nearer to the class struggle and to the Communist Party. The American Delegation is in full agreement with the measures and de- cisions of the Communist Interna- tional as regards the application of the policy of the United Front in the various countries. 2. The slogan of “Workers’ and Farmers’ Government” has been of great value in stimulating the class spirit and the will to power among the working masses. We emphasize that only the revolutionary use of the slogan of Workers’ and Farmers’ Gov- portant countries the fact is that we have not yet this majority. We must understand how to approach the masses as they are, to win tnem over, to lead them on the way to bolshe- vism, and then be able to modify these tactics. We Must Conform to Concrete Situ- ation. It is not necessary to mould all the 3. A workers’ and peasants’ govern- ment. Such a possibility exists in the Balkans, Czecho-Slovakia, etc. 4.4 workers’ government with Communist participation. 5..A genuine proletarian workers’ government, which can be realized in its pure form only by the Communist Party. . I know many comrades, neverthe- less, have a great objection to the tac- tics of the united front as such. I can offer these comrades only one comfort. I say to them that the unit- ed front and the workers’ govern- ment are only instruments for the mobilization and organization of the working masses. If that does not please them I propose a compromise. Win the support of the majority ,of the working class in your country, and we will immediately absolve you from the use of these instruments (laughter). If you have a majority of the most important strata of»the proletariat, certainly you may allow yourself to be less strict in the use of these tactics. But, in the most im- Fascism which threatened with a revolutionary seizure of power, and a sort of defensive mobilization by the state which even declared martial law at a certain moment. But this resist- ance did not materialize. Armed wiready, and it does not present us}action did not take place; we have 2 q#ith a new program. It merely brings forward a new factor which was en- tirely lacking in the old parties, a formidable fighting organization, both political and military. Anti-Proletarian. What are the relations between Fascism and the proletariat” Its name alone shows that it is an anti-socialist and therefore an anti- proletarian movement. From begin- ning to end it appears as the destroyer of even the smallest conquests of the working class. But even if Fascism is not the old extreme right reaction with its concomitant of martial law, terror, emergency legislation, and offi- cial prohibition of red and revolution- ary organizations, it is something more than that. It is a more modern, cunning movement which endeavors at the same time to do propaganda among the masses, and even adopts the principles of trade union organiza- tion. It endeavors to form economic workers’ organizations. It is self-evi- dent that we cannot compare these trade union organizations with the red trade unions. But we must admit that ‘aie is a very strong theoretical argu- ment against trade unions and even against revolutionary trade unionism, which maintains that the most effec- tive weapon for the proletarian struk- gle is economic organization. Facts have shown us that this weapon can be very well used for counter-revolt- tionary purposes. “Clase Co-operation.” In fact, Fascism has merely adopted, but in a new form, the old platform of left bourgeois parties and of the social democrats, namely, class co- operation. Fascism exploits also in the. same fashion national and patri- otio ideology. Thereupon Bordiga dealt with the facts which characterized the Fascis conquest of power. We did not have armed action, but a mobilization of 4 ‘ ° compromise instead of it. We absolutely denied thatthere is a question of revolution, as Fascism maintains. The Fascists say we can make this revolution whenever we like. But revolution is not a thing which can be done at will; neither is it at the disposal even of the boldest of political leaders, for even he cannot make events happen whenever he wills it. Only Shift of Leaders. Therefore, no revolution took place. ere was a change in the leadership of the bourgeois class, but this change does not represent ‘a change of the program of the Italian bourgeoisie neither from the economic and social nor from the home policy point of view. It is true that there were persecu- tions against Communists, but the legal procedure was thé ordinary pro- cedure of the land and no emergency legislation was introduced. The old laws are very democratic and liberal, and this enabled us to come out of the trial with flying colors. This does not mean that there were no serious pros- ecutions against the proletariat, but what I want to say is that in this purely political lawsuit, which was supposed to»deal a death blow to the revolutionary general staff, the new situation created by Fascism did not make any difference, Bordiga reviewed the economic situation in Italy under the Fascist regime and showed that in reality it has become) worse, for today the lira is lower than it ever was before. Mussolini's contention is that it could have fallen lower still if it had not been for Fascism, an utterly worthless argument, 9 Middle-Class Awakening. The Fascist government has not kept its promises, and there is great disillusionment in the class on whose support Faseiom depended, namely, parties according to the same pat- tern. On the contrary, we must put the question quite concretely, in ac- cordance with the, cdnditions prevail- ing in the particular country. The Russian proverb says: “Don’t spoil a barrel of honey with a spoonful of tar.” Radek and other theoreticians of the “right” insist on pouring a spoonful of opportunistic tar into the barrél of good united-front honey. We throw away the tar, and preserve the good honey of the united-front tac- tics and share it out in proper pro- portion to each country. I have read that in Czecho-Slo- vakia, Hula and other comrades are much disturbed because we now say everywhere there must be a united front from below, and that we will not modify this according to circum- stances in each country. Neurath was quite right in his article agaifst Hula, in which he said that the executive never proposed this. The E. C. never proposed this. We said that in Ger- many conditions were so ripe that we must now call for unity from below. the middle class. I want to deal now with the methods of the Fascist government towards the real proletariat. I have just told you that our trial showed the inefficiency of the official defensive legal means of the Fascist state. But the latter used.many other methods against the proletariat, and these methods are very serious for us, for our comrades have been charged as common crimi- nals for actions which were in reality sanguinary encounters between the Fascists and the proletariat, especial: ly when the latter was represented by Communists. Fascists enjoy complete immunity even if there is overwhelming evi- dence against them. But terrible sen- tences are passed on workers’ who dared to defend themselves against fascist attacks. There is an amnesty which acquits all those who commit- ted crimes for a national purpose. This amnesty is, of course, extended to only fascists, while revolutionaries are kept in prison and recently are sentenced to 10 and 20 years. Official “Freedom.” We have in fact a government which uses the basest theans of perse- cution against the working class which is driven to despair. Officially, all guarantees are honored. It is allowed to form Communist parties and to or- ganize an anarchist movement, etc., but in reality there is coercion of a very formidable nature. Officially, there is freedom of the press, but the provincial \perfects. can issue the or- ders at any time to suspend papers. As to the trade unions, great pres: sure is exercised by the fascist, gov- ernment which compelled workers to enter’ into fascist trade-unions by means of violence. The premises of red trade-unions were destroyed. Bat fascist activities in industrial organ- izations were not very successful. The fact is that the Italian proletariat is disorganized, instead» of being organ- ized, in fascist trade-unions, Some. times there are workers’ demonstra- tions, under the official leadership of fascist trade-unions, because they are All efforts it possible to mobilize the Party and the working class for ac- tion under the leadership of the Com- munist Party. . 4. The Trade Union policy of the Communist International is the revo- lutionary policy of staying with the organized masses in their existing trade unions and prosecuting the daily struggle as Communists, side by side with the backward workers, in order to win them away from their reactionary leaders and to capture the masses of the trade union mem- bership, mobilize it under Commun- ist leadership in_ the revolutionary struggle for power. We wish to em- phasize as strongly as possible our agreement with this policy, especially as expressed in the decision of the Communist International on the ques- tion of the German trade unions. 5, The report of the Executive con- cerning the Russian and the German Communist Parties is unreservedly endorsed by the American Delegation. We support the old guard of the Rus- sian Party which in connection with the broad masses of shop and factory At the same moment, we said it was obviously quite otherwise in Poland, and also in Austria and other coun- tries. The whole art of the Inter- national consists in making concrete ase of tactics because the situation is extremely varied in each country. We have never said that all parties should be treated alike. Will Com- rade Smeral inform Hula of this. Finally, and once more: with re- gard to the workers’ and peasants’ government, it is nothing more than a method of agitation and propagan- da and mobilization of the masses. It is, as I said in 1922, a pseudonym for the dictatorship of the proletariat. Meyer opposed this, as did also Ra- dek, partly. But not a single man of our Russian Party, because tor us it was quite clear. Our mistake consist- ed only in that many did not perceive this. Radek\and Company were an- gry with us not merely about the style but were developing ‘reforiist tendencies. Attention to the Peasantry. You will remember that I was the originator of the slogan of a work- ers’ and peasants’ government at meeting of the Enlarged Executive. How did that come about? Because of the realization that we were marching forward in a number of countries and were getting pretty near to the problem of the seizure of power. I will not boast that I felt even then that German conditions Disorganizes Workers. Then Bordiga dealt with the discon- tent of the middle class and of the small peasantry because of fascist governmental measures. The latter, who do not count as a political factor, ere being gradually expropriated by tho big peasantry. He then dealt with thé conflicts between the extremists and revisionists of fascism. Fascism has not introduced anything new on the field of foreign policy. It is true, we had the de jure recognition of the Soviet Government but tho Italian Motesactns was not taken in by the machinations of the fascist - press. Italian capitaligm ‘was interested in an understanding with Russia, The Ital- ian proletariat enterpreted this recog- nition not as a sign of weakness 0; the part of Soviet Russia but as a sign of weakness on the part of fascism. Bordiga also spoke of the conditions of the Mussolini election, and ex- plainsd the positions and the forces of the different parties. And Wo em- phasized. the importance of the com- munist fight during this election and of the success achieved by Communist candidates. Then he dealt with the Matteotti af- fair and spoke of the conditions under which the socialist defeat took place. The discontent which began to de- velop in the seclions of the popula- tion deceived by fascism, spread after this event. Proletariat Not Pacifist. The discontent is great among the middle classes. But one must differ- entiate between this movement and the state of mind of the working class, It is by pacifist and legal means that the recently formed opposition against fascism hopes to bring about a change. But the proletariat knows full well that the excesses of the forces of the right must be met by force and that the situation can be stabilized only by long periods of struggle and by violent means and can be finally set- tled only by the establishment. of pro- letarian dictatorship. i Communists Sought Strike. At the beginning, all the opposition partios, including ae Party took part in vi | finition of this difference was made workers form the iron-class force of the Russian revolution. We consider the criticism made by the German Left against the Right is fully justi- fied, and we endorse the decision of the Communist International support- ing the German left majority. 6. The fight of the Communist In- ternational against both/the right op- portunistic tendencies and the left sickness within the Communist move- ment finds the absolute support of the American Delegation. We consider it essential that also in the future a con- stant struggle should be waged both against\right aberrations as exempli- fied by Hovgland, the left aberrations personified by Bordiga, and the more dangerous revisionism of Grazeadei, Korsch and Lukacs. The American Delegation agrees with the criticism of the Communist International of the American Party that opportunistic tendencies as ex- pressed by the Lore group have mani- fested themseives-and must be com- batted relentlessly. We agree that mistakes such as are mentioned in the Communist Interna- tional letter have been made in an attempt to apply the United Front tactics in the American situation and that these mistakes were due to the youth of the party and its lack of ex- perience in the United Front, ma- neuyer. : The decision of the Communist In- ternational relative to the third party Position of the American Party has been accepted by the Central Execu- tive Committee of the Party and is being carried out by the Party as whole. , ene See arene ct Oy were becoming ripe. But We had the sub-conscious feeling that the ques- tion of power was progressing fairly rapidly in several countries. And that is why we always tried to tell the various parties: “Pay attention to your peasants! Of course, a party which is no- where near power does not need to do this. It remains merely a party to a section of the toiling masses. But from the moment that the party seri- ously thinks of power, becomes a mass party, it must consider how the peasants will act, and how the coun- try will react to the government of the party. Therefore our slogan of a workers’ and peasants’ government expresses the fact that in many coun- tries we are approaching the prob- lem of power. It is the expression for the hegemony of the proletariat in’ the revolution and the leadership of the party of the proletariat. For us it was in a certain sense a transi- tion from revolutionary propaganda to revolutionary deed. There is a difference between agi- tation and propaganda. The best de- by Plekhanov when he was a Marx- ist: “Propaganda means conveying certain complexes of ideas to a small circle of people; agitation means spreading on2 main idea among a great mass of people.” I think this definition ,is good enough>for us. It is correct. Thus our slogan arose fror SSSSSSSFSFSFSSSSSFFSFeSFSsesF tests. But since then the Parties have divided. The parliamentary Commun- ist fraction dissociated itself from the declarations made by the other Par- ties, All the other Parties, including even the maximalists, formed a joint committee of parliamentary opposi- tion. In connection with this, a very peculiar thing happened. The Com- munist Party proposed the general strike as a protest against the assas- sination of Matteotti. Strikes had already broken out spontaneously. But all the’ other Parties were of course opposed to the proposal of the Communist Party, and advocated « 10 minutes’ strike. But even fascist and employers’ organizations were in favor of this proposal! Thereby this strike was deprived of all political and class importance. ,It is self-evident that the Communidts alone proposed the right form of protest with which the assassination of Matteotti should have been met. | . What is the present position of the Mussolini government and what is the general defeat which might lead to in- teresting developments. The situation can change much more rapidly than ‘we expected before the Matteotti af- fair took place., It is clear that the position of the fascisti will be much more difficult in the future and that the possibility of anti-fascist action has takeh place. * Communists Gain, The problem which confronts the revolutionaries as as follows: “How are we to use this situation and what is to be our attitude? The Party must insist on the autonomous role which was assigned to if. It must adopt the slogan of the liquidation of all anti-fascist oppositions, and must re- place them by an open and direct ac- tion of the Communist movement. There are certain facts which have given prominence to our Party. Since the election and since other manifes- tations and demonstrations of the ac- tivity and vitality of our Party, our adversaries have adopted a different language toward us. The fascist press wants to enter into polemics with us almost daily in connection with the the fact that we were obliged to turn from propaganda of communism to agitation among the masses of the people, and to prepare for the strug- gle for power. When we have to face the struggle for power we must make use of just this catchward for it is popular and attractive, and, when it has been well-explained to the work- ers, will serve as a magnet for all those strata which should either be neutralized or drawn into the move- ment, Therefore this slogan of the work- ers’ and peasants’ government is for us the expression of the hegemony of the leading role of the proletariat in the revolution, of the will to pow- er, of the determination to form a government of our own which will be able to handle the peasantry. | And they have tried with partial success to kill this vital conception of Lenin- ism, this living source of Leninistic activity and agitation \among the magses, by opportunistic interpreta- tions. Left Deviations and Tactics of the United Front. I advise our comrades, and espe- cially our German comrades who-now put ¢otton-wool in their ears when- ever they hear the united front men- tioned (arid this is only too under- standable after all the mistakes and experiments in Saxony), to think this matter over very earnestly. Comrade Burean (Junior) in Cze- cho-Slovakia, writes for instance, that the tactics of the united front is the main source of revisionism: That is not true. Anybody who is a re- visionist will soon find a “source,” in parliamentarism or something, else (laughter, and hear, hear). We can- not defeat the Social Democracy if we are afraid of our own shadow and keep on saying that the tactics of the united front are a‘source of revision- sm. There are always people for whom this slogan is a source of re- visionism. We must take what is good; what is Leninistic in the unit- @d.front, and what is popular in the workers’ government; what will win the confidence of the masses, not on- ly of the working class but of all the oppressed. We, the true left wing of the Com- munist International, must take this work into our own hands. Only % this way shall we eliminate the erro! of the real right wing, convincing those of the right who can be con- vinced and fighting those who can- not. The Fifth Congress must not think that its task is to declare the united front a mistake, but we must take measures of precaution against their distortion, we must adopt some form of inoculation against oppor- tunism as against smallpox. In Ger- many the ulcer has burst; it had been forced to a head. Its logical outcome was seen in Saxony. In my opinion, if in Czecho-Slovakia the ulcer has not likewise burst, if we have not had such a political cata- strophe, it is because conditions were not ripe enough. The attitude of the Prague Congress and comrade Hula’s article show this. In view of the apathy and confusion of mind rag- ing in the Central Committee of the Slovakian Party, I em afraid that if Be the situation had been similar we should have witnessed another Saxon fiasco. (Tomorrow—Concrete Tasks of Prin- cipal Parties.) attention to our Party and to its task which differs from all the other op- Position movements. The Communist Party is the only Party which offers to” the masses means of action capable of putting an end to the present situation. We must carry out our task of agitation in op- position to the socialist end maximal- ist parties. This is the way in which we must use the situation which has arisen. We must naturally not depend only on politics, but must rally and unite the masses. It is only when we shall have achieved this unity of the Be Friday, August 1, 1924 N.Y. WORKERS CHEER ANTI-WAR DEMONSTRATION Speakers Hold Crowd Long After Curfew (Special to The DAILY WORKER) NEW YORK, July 31.—More than a thousand workers gave enthusiastic demonstration of their opposition to capitalist war at a huge open air mass meeting held at 110th St. and 5th Ave, This meeting, arranged by the Work- ers Party, Local New York, marked the opening of the anti-war week campaign in New York. Amongst those that addressed the meeting were Juliet Stuart Poyntz, H, M. Wicks, Rebecca Grecht, Charles Mitchell, and Ludwig Landy, with Bronson as chairman. The speakers dwelt on the nature of capitalist wars and the growth of American imperial- ism, They exposed the Socialist be- trayal of 1914 and the years after that, and called upon the workers to or- ganize for the establishment of a Soviet Republic as the only way to eliminate wars. . Still Strong at Midnight. The audience was not a shifting, changing one. The immense crowd which gathered early in the evening remained for several hours listening attentively to the Communist mes- sage of class war against capitalist war, and laudly applauding all mem- tion of Soviet Russia as the only na- tion sincerely striving for peace. At 12 midnight, the meeting was still going strong, but had to be dis- persed by order of the police. Although at first the police would not permit the sale of party literature, a large amount was sold, including the DAILY WORKER, and the pamphlet on Imperialism by Lovestone. On Hillquit’s Corner. This meeting was one of the most successful street demonstrations held by the Workers Party in New York. It gave splendid evidence of the grow- ing influence of the party in this city. The corner of 110th St. and 5th Ave. is in a section long known as the stronghold of Morris Hillquit. Two or three meetings a week have been held there by the party since May ist. And the results of our propaganda could be seen at this anti-war meet- ing in the applause which greeted at- tacks upon the Socialists as betrayers of the working class. Party Activities Of Local Chicago BRANCH MEETINGS Sunday, August 5 South Slavic No. 2—8743 Buffalo Ave., South Chicago, Ill. Bulgarian—842 W. Adams St., 7 p. m. Armenian—955 W. Grand Ave., 2 p. m. Monday, August 4 Enlarged Executive Committee—Room 303, 166 W. Washington St. Federation Secretaries attend. => tai Park, English—3322 Douglas vd. — Side, English—2409 N. Halsted Ttatian, acace--t0ek 8S. Fiftieth Ct., Cicero, Ilinoi Mingtecute "ward, Italian — 1103 S. Loomis Street. Tuesday, August 5 City Central Committee Meeting—2733 Hirsch Blyd. Pe & be taken up: tails of the” ‘W. P. Election Cami paign. 2. Pctivities of various language units and problems. 3. Industrial registration. 4. ree rrangements for the Press Picn: aehSs Slovak, Town of Lake—Bohe- mian Prolet School, Whipple and South Sist Street. Wednesday, August 6 Roumanian Branch—2254 Clybourn Ave. ug! Park, Jewish—3420 W. Roose- velt Road. Terra Cotta, Italian—2707 N. Marsh- iy pag ay echo-Slovak, Cicero—Masaryk School, ‘1th Ave: and Band Pl., Cicero. Mid-City, er Leh feo premarital Hall—Ogden and Taylor S1 Engiish—oila 8. Halsted eet. Czecho-Slovak No. 3—2548 8. Homan ue. masses that we shall have found the] Aven' for the development Arouse Masses. Other means must be used than an attack led by a terrorist minority! We never had faith in such tactics, and if there is a political movement |»; which by its critical and political at- titude endeavors to liquidate the il 6 lusion of effective action by terrorist minorities, it is our Party. We are convinced that revolution- ary success can be achieved only by bringing into motion the masses, the working class and its allies—the peas-| ants which must be led by the Com- munist Party which must be the gen- eral Staff of the proletariat. phenomenon plained the conditions which gave rise to it. They existed in Italy where fascism lad national and religious unity. But he said that these condi- tions were not as developed in other countries, for instance in Germany where fascism can evidently develop For the struggle against fascism abroad Italian Communists do not de- pend onthe hypocritical support of the foreign bourgeoisie, on a moral cam- paign, but rather on the revolutionary solidarity of the workers of all coun tries in the struggle against bourgeoi:, fascism. Matteotti Phirsrunceed this draws public! reaction and | oA atte ctl a ene eminent —, Thursday, August 7 Pana ama Hall, 2409 N. Halsted enth Ward, Italian—2439 S. Oakley Biva. gartirty; frat Ward, Itallan—611 N. Sani pout Side, 5 Bagiish—3201 8. Wabash Wissian No, 171902 W. Division Street. Scandinavian Karl Marx—2733 Hirsch Friday, August 8 weap aah Chicago, 641 EB. anes 9 The St om oak Hanson Bark-—Bohe- Freethink fenoot” Rovnost, Mans- fea" Ave, near * Saturday, A suse beet 1 — 2:80 a nee vd. waits eee oe , 353 Auspices Finnish SATURDAY, AUGUST 2nd, 8 P. M. ANTI-WAR MEETING, Imperial Hall, 2409 N, Halsted St. Speakers: Tom Bell, Canada, English; Vaino Vii- tanen, Waukegan, Finnish, Other pro- gram. Dancing. Admission free. Ev- erybody welcome. DETROIT, MICH. Mikel Sherman, N. D. _ Naturopath ropracto hp erp cor fail try i Nature's road td health. Hours: 11 \to 4 and 6 to 8 P. M 4863 VAN DYKE AVENUE, betw, Forest and Gratiot PITTSBURGH, PA. DR. RASNI