The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 29, 1924, Page 6

Page Six T THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO,, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mall (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 mont’zs ish. uaa ISD aaa Se a a SARE Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Hllnols ~—<$< << $< << $< J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE (“ ee MORITZ J. LOEB. Business Manager 66.00 per year ——<—<—<— $$ —$ Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. —<<——_—$ —$—$—$—$—$— Sp 250 Advertising rates on application. i Recognizing Soviet Russia There is little doubt that during his vacation in Europe, the Secretary of State Hughes will at- tempt to dissuade the various countries from re- suming normal relations with the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics. \ It is apparent that Mr. Hughes, tho speaking ‘in behalf of the most powerful financiers in the world, will meet with hardship in this venture. The fact of the matter is that, one by one, the capi- talist governments are being driven to restoring relations with the Soviet Republic. The recogni- tion tendered Soviet Russia by the conservative Swedish government and the MacDonald British government; the so-called radical French and Danish governments, as well as the imperialist Japanese and the Fascisti Italian governments is imposing testimony to the increasing power of the first workers’ and farmers’ republic. The effect of Mr. Hughes’ visit to London may mean further delay in the Soviet-British confer- ence. Wielding the bludgeon of the all-powerful American dollar, Mr. Hughes may be able to hold back the British financiers for a while. That is the worst that our Secretary of State can do at his best. The Soviet Republic is economically more self-contained than its capitalist opponents. We need but recall that Soviet Russia has lived with- out tangible world economic aid for the last seven years. Great Britain, however, must come to an understanding with the Soviet Republic in order to avoid, at least temporarily, some of the eco- nomic and political obstacles it is now facing as an empire. The British imperialists welcome, at this time, a truce with Soviet Russia, not because they love the Soviet government but because they bear an intense hatred toward it. This is the lesson that Mr. Hughes will have painfully impressed upon him during his stay in the continental capitals. Before Mr. Hughes re- turns to Washington he will find that the number which have recognized Soviet Russia is continual- ly increasing. This may bring back Mr. Hughes, the Secretary of Oil in our national cabinet, to his political senses. Mr. Hughes is today in the helpless position of the old King Canute. When Hughes returns to Washington he will find his administration either splendidly isolated or pre- paring to swim on with the tide of Soviet Russian recognition. The Socialist Campaign It is quite entertaining to see the enthusiasm with which the socialist party, all 55 of them, en- ters the campaign for LaFollette and Wheeler. THE DAILY WORKER The Filipino Court Martial Five hundred Filipino scouts stationed at Ft. McKinley are to be court-martialled because they dared to get together to make more effective their demand for equal pay with white soldiers and for better conditions. This will not be the first time that the rapidly developing American militarist caste has treated cruelly the rank and file of the army. The annals of the American Expeditionary Force in Europe abound with evidence of unutterable harshness in the treatment of the private soldiers. But why is the blood and thunder regime of that most notorious of our strikebreakers, Military Gov- ernor General Wood, resorting to such brutal steps in times of peace? Who is now striking terror in the hearts of our imperialist clique? ‘ The cause for this extreme harshness has its taproots in the intense, widespread discontent that is gripping the Philippine Islands. The Arch- ipelego is simply sick and tired of the unwelcome and uninvited blessings of the American adminis- tration. The nationalist leaders are having their hands full holding back the masses from decisive action at this time. Our imperialists see in the Philippine struggle for national freedom a challenge not only to their own supremacy in the Pacific, but dangerous de- fiance hurled at the entire capitalist imperialist system. Discussing the effects of Philippine in- dependence the August issue of the Review of Re- views madé the following significant admission: “The effects of such a step would be felt in serious ways, not only in Japan and China, but also in Holland, France, and England. Altho our with- drawal from the Philippines might not precipitate the withdrawal of the British from India, it would create profound agitation and might indeed bring on revolutions both in the Dutch and the British Indies. .. . It would be very much easier for us to withdraw; but it would seem to be a clear case of duty for us to remain, in view not only of the welfare of the Philippine people, but of the stabil- ity of international affairs at large.” The iron heel of American capitalism is coming down with all its weight on the throat of the Filipino people in the name of world imperialism. In the unspeakable brutality now being displayed by our militarists in the Philippines, the American capitalist class is acting as the policeman of the international exploiters. What Militia Is For Capitalism continues its rule by fooling the workers. While the State, the courts, the church, the army, the police, ete., are quite definitely in- struments for crushing and enslaving the workers, they are continually camouflaged to the simple- minded as impartial instruments of “justice,” for the protection of the weak and defenseless, and nauseaum. It is therefore valuable for us to note down, for corroboration. of the Communist ex- planation of the State power, the words of Gen- eral Foreman of the Illinois National Guard, in a letter to the officers of a coal corporation: “I may be permitted to express my very great surprise that, in the light of past events, a coal com- pany whose mines are located yours are, does not appreciate the wisdom and see its way clear in its own interests, if for no other reasons, to ar- range for and insist upon the performance by its employes of their military duty.” General Foreman would not, of course, have written such a letter for publication. He would not make such a speech to a meeting of union men. He thought he was Speaking confidentially, as a trusted servant to his masters, and therefore he spoke frankly. All the more valuable evidence, And the way in which they go about this support presents us with amusing side-lights in the so- cialist view of politics. For instance, we have Eugene Debs, the “revo- lutionist,” making his first contribution in an ar- ticle eulogizing Mrs. Robert M. LaFollette, osten- sibly citing the sterling womanhood of that estim- able dame as a reason why the working class should vote for her husband. Then there is-the New Leader, weekly successor to the defunct daily, which finds in the nomina- tion of Wheeler, lawyer from Montana, the touch that stamps the “independent” campaign with a “labor” character. Further, the 8. P. of New York calls a “monster mass meeting” to ratify their coalition with the disgruntled republicans and democrats, and is de- lighted and surprised to get out the “monster” crowd of 483 people. The final touch of ludicrousness, if it were not rather tragic at the same time, would be given by the spectacle of Debs calling upon Vladimir Tlyitch Lenin to bless his “strategic rztreat.” Because Lenin led the retreat of the Russian work- ers, after the capture of power and to preserve it, Debs thinks Lenin would endorse his complete surrender without a fight. The socialist party coneeption of the class strug- gle and class politics is a bizarre and monstrous thing. Nothing in the history of the working class is comparable to it. Morgan is for the Dawes Plan. Coolidge is for it. Davis is for it. LaFollette is silent, but his backers are for it. The labor governments, so- called, are for it. We suppose, therefore, that Debs is for it. Only the Communists call upon the working class in every country to fight against this measure of enslavement. French newspapers reply to Prime Minister MacDonald’s argument of “Forty Miles of Dread- noughts,” with an invitation to him to come over and review “The greatest army in Europe.” The debate is getting hot. If the workers do not speak up by revolutionary action, the debate will be con- tinued with guns, while workers act as targets, ¢ ‘ . therefore, is his letter. Not that any Communist needs more proof that the government is the ex- ecutive committee of the capitalist class—but that the poor boobs who still follow the Gompers’ lead- ership have to have their lessons rubbed in strong and hard. Negroes Are Workers If the discussions now going on in the ranks of the Negroes, centering largely around the or- ganization and personality of Marcus Garvey, finally lead to the discovery that the Negroes are, in vast majority, working men, then Garvey will not have lived in vain. The Utopianism that characterizes the fantastic projects of reclaiming Africa as the home of the Negro race is not the most important character- istic of the movement that goes under the name of Universal Negro Improvement Association. That is but a surface phenomenon. The real social con- tent of the movement is the awakening of millions of exploited workers to the fact of their exploita- tion, of their subjection, social and economic, by sinister forces that rule society. It is inevitable that, so long as the Negro is forced to fight against the special discriminations that arose historically from his period of slavery in America, just so long his struggle for emancipa- tion will have a racial tendency, rather than a class one. But just as inevitable is the awaken- ing of the Negroes, gradually but surely, to the fact that their exploitation takes place primarily as exploitation of workers. The Negroes are work- ers. They are exploited as workers. There is but one road to their emancipation, and that is hand in hand with the white and yellow workers of all lands, in the struggle for the overthrow of capital- ism and the establishment of a workers’ govern- ment. Bankers and business men dominated the C. P. P. A. meeting called to organize Illinois, just as they dominated the national LaFollette movement. 2 “Get a new reader for the DAILY WORKER and a new member for the Workers Party.” awenge: tenance By JAMES P. CANNON, ant Executive Secretary Workers Party. \ Why should any Communist be sur- prised or shocked if the Communist Party decides to take part in elections under its own name? This is the natural thing to do, and is being done constantly by Communist parties in all parts of the world. ‘To follow another course there must be a series of special circumstances which offer decided advantages to the party in making a joint campaign with other groups of workers, The decision of our party to enter its own candidates in the elections this year has met with general ap- proval thruout the party ranks, The judgment of the Central Executive Committee and the special party con- ference in taking this decisive step has been confirmed by the great ma- jority of the comrades with whom we have had the opportunity to discuss the present situation and explain in detail the reasons for our action. Some questions, however, are aris- ing in certain sections of the party. A number of comrades have come forward with objections and criti- cism, and it is necessary to answer them. Some comrades fear we have aban- doned the United Front. They con- sider .that our action represents the victory of the two extreme wings in our party, who, strangely enough, have been meeting on common ground in opposition to our partici- pation in the Farmer-Labor Party, altho for quite different reasons. Oth- er comrades who have yet a some- what unclear conception of the pur- Poses of the United Front and who have been tunconsciously falling into the habit of regarding the Farmer- Labor Party as an end in itself, have written to the National Office in re- cent days, requesting further explan- ation of our action. The bold decision of our party to stand on its own feet in the present campaign and enter its own candidates has taken their breath away. It is necessary to answer both of these criticisms fully and adequately. In this article we will take up some questions raised by a party branch in the west, from the latter stand- point, leaving a discussion of the tactical significance of our recent decision for a later article. We have said a thousand times, and we repeat it agaiit, that our labor party policy is based on the united front tactics laid down by the Com- munist International. In order for us to take part in the labor party, instead of conducting an election campaign under our own name, we must be able to see decided advantages in it from the standpoint of Communism and the Communist Party. A first and neces- sary condition must be the participa- tion in the movement of large bodies of other workers who are willing to make a common fight with us on the basis of the class struggle. In such circumstances, we have the advantage of coming into contact with a workers’ mass movement, and if we have taken care to maintain the autonomy and independence of our party, we can do fruitful work therein for the principles of Communism. We can draw the masses of workers nearer to the Com- munist position, win them ‘’&’way from the false leadership of opportunist and Progressive politicians and toward the leadership of our party. Only when all these conditions are present is it permissible to sacrifice even \ tem- porarily the tremendous advantake of putting up our own ticket, as is done in nearly every country in the world. So much for the general theory un- derlying the Labor Party policy we have followed up to now. Taking this theory as our basis, we were and are obliged to consider the concrete facts confronting us at every stage in the development of events. The statement of our party printed in the DAILY WORKER on the day the candidacy of Foster and Gitlow was announced correctly set forth the actual situation in the present cam- paign. Despite all our efforts to create a United Front political move- ment under the banner of the Farmer- Labor Party on a national scale, we were not successful... The reasons for this failure are not far to seek. The basic reason, of course, is the almost complete domination of the organized labor movement by reactionary labor leaders and the labor aristocracy, which are opposed to independent Political action by labor and to the class struggle in general, But be- sides this basic reason there were contributing factors which played an important part in killing the Labor Party in the present campaign. The treachery and cowardice of Fitzpat- rick and his group in Chicago dealt the movement a heavy blow. The betrayal of the Labor Party move- ment by the Socialist Party played a part. On top of these, the tremendous sweep of the LaFollette movement throughout the Labor Party generally had the effect of so neutralizing its class character as to make it impos- sible for us to hold any considerable section of it in line for a class fight on @ national scale. After the Cleveland Convention of the C. P. P. A. we were confronted with the following facts: 1, There was not even one voice raised in the Cleveland Convention against LaFollette and for the Farmer- Labor Party. R. D. Cramer, who fought valiantly in the first Cleveland Convention of the C. P, P. A. sat mute in the convention of July 4th. A Tuesday, July 29, 1924 Fitzpatrick had already gone back{litical movement in America, as it to the Gompers policy. William Ma-|will be proven in their final struggle, Follette and to the movement that would not admit him as a delegate. Sidney Hillman was on the LaFollette band wagon, Even the Socialist Party, with Eugene V, Debs, surren- dered unconditionally to LaFollette, the petty-bourgeois politician, and cravenly gave up the fight for a Labor Party. Our hopes for a left wing at Cleveland which would fight for a Labor Party and join hands with the St. Paul Convention Committee on that issue did not materialize. 2. A large section even of the ele- ments which took part in the St. Paul Convention were unable to stand wp against the tremendous pressure of the LaFollette forces and capitulated to them. Even such - pronounced Farmer-Laborites as William Mahoney of Minnesota, Kidwell of Cali- fornia, and many others who could be mentioned, found it easier to betray the interests of the working class and the principles of the Labor Party than to fight against the permeation of the poisonous doc- 'trine of LaFolletteism into the class movement. They were afraid to take an unpopular stand, although the in- terests of the working class clearly demanded it. We discussed the situation for many days and considered it from all angles. We took up the state of affairs in every single state and discussed them in detail. Taking the principle of the United Front, as briefly outlined above, as our basis, we put the question to our- selves this way: If we can see a substantial United Front mass move- ment that.can be organized on a national scale under the banner of the Farmer-Labor Party, we will par- ticipate in it and go through the cam- paign as a part of the United Front; maintaining, of course, the right of independent criticism and agitation. On the other hand, if thete is no United Front and no mass movement, if the Farmer-Labor Party represents in reality nothing but the Communists and a circle of close sympathizers, then the very foundation for our par- ticipation ‘in the movement on a United Front basis is taken away. Under such circumstances, we are duty bound to raise our own revolu- tionary standard and fight in our own name in order that we may not be hampered in making the most out of the ‘campaign for the Communist Party and the Communist principles, which, in the final analysis, is the objective of all our work. Our fight is a fight for Communism. All our activity must lead to this. The conclusion we finally arrived at, on the basis of the facts staring us in the face, was that the Farmer-La- bor United Front in the present cam- paign does not exist. With the pos- sible exception of a few states such as Minnesota, Montana and Washington, there is no appearance of a Farmer- Labor mass movement, able to stand up against the LaFollette wave. And even in these places the movement is gravely endangered by enemies from within. aA This judgment of the Central Exe- cutive Committee was confirmed by a special Party conference of District Organizers, Federation Secretaries, Party editors, and a nymber of other leading comrades from various sec- tions of the country. Events which have transpired since this decision only pile up the evidence mountain high, to prove the accuracy of our esti- mate of the situation. In view of these facts, to have con- ducted the campaign under the banner of the Farmer-Labor Party, would not have been to the best interests of our Party, which are one and the same thing as the interests of the working class. It would have meant that the whole burden of the campaign on a na- tional scale would have fallen on the shoulders of our Party. We would have been obliged to do practically all the work for the Farmer-Labor Party and pay most of the expenses. With the exception of a circle of close sym- pathizers, who will support the Com- munist candidates just as readily as Farmer - Labor candidates in most cases, there would have been no one to help us, no United Front, no mass movement, Moreover, to conduct such a cam- paign under the name of the Farmer- Labor Party, would have meant to moderate the propaganda and tone down the whole campign. We would not have been able to utilize the cam- paign méetings to the best advantage to promote our Party and its press. We would have been operating under a form of camouflage when the politi- cal situation cri ud -for a direct and open fight, for a frontal attack from a revolutionary class standpoint against LaFolletteism, and all the trai- tors to the labor movement who are following in its wake, In a word, we would have been mak- ing all the immediate sacrifices from the standpoint of our Party that a United Front movement entails, with- out having a United Front in reality, without having a mass movement, Under these conditions the Workers Party had no alternative but to raise its own revolutionary standard and make the fight alone, All the others go over to LaFollette, but the Workers Party stands and fights, It is proven in this campaign, at the very begin- ning of the workers’ independent po- , i iil = honey, one of the outstanding pioneers/and at each decisive stage between in the Labor Party movement of the|then and now, that the Communist Northwest, swore allegiance to La} Party alone understands and defends the interests of the working class as a whole. However, the principle of the United Front and the conditions under which we can and will take part in it, hold good now as before. The Workers Party has not retreated one inch from the ground which it has stood upon up till now in the Labor Party movement. It still stands for the creation of a broad Labor Party and will fight for it in the future as in the past. It will be the only party keeping the idea alive in the present campaign. Wherever there is a United Front political movee ment embracing wider masses of the workers than we are able to draw around us for direct support of the Workers Party, we will take part in such a movement. We are ready and willing to do this now on a state scale, even tho the conditions for such a movement do not exist on a national scale, In the state of Washington, for example, where we are of the op- inion that the Farmer-Labor Party has some of the proportions of a mass movement, our policy will be to sup- port the state ticket of the Farmer- Labor Party in the coming elections, providing it maintains its stand on a class basis and makes no alliances which will bring it under the leader- ship of petty bourgeois politicians. The Farmer-Labor Party of Wash- ington is in no way jeopardized by the actions which we have taken on a national scale. If the leaders of the Farmer-Labor Party of Washington will stand their ground, the Workers Party will stand and fight with them. The same holds true in a few other states where there is a substantial state Farmer-Labor Party which will go thru the campaign with its own candidates. The only condition we set up is that the Farmer-Labor Party must have some of the proportions of & mass movement, broader than the Workers Party and its close sympa- thizers. We can understand how our decision to put Foster and Gitlow in the field may have taken some of the Labor Party leaders in the west by surprise. We were obliged to move quickly. Events were developing at a very rapid rate, and it was not possible for us to have lengthy and delayed con- sultations with Farmer-Labor people all over the country, much as we would have liked to do this, in order to come to a complete agreement with them before taking action. The Workers Party has not be- trayed the confidence of any sincere supporters of the Farmer-Labor move- ment. We stand now, as before, ready to go together with them in a common fight wherever it is possible to make a substantial showing. There is noth- ing in our recent decision to interfere with this. ‘ There is another aspect to the ques- tion which it is necessary to speak about here. Their letter seems to ap- proach the question in-all of its phases from the standpoint of the Farmer- Labor Party and from the standpoint of those Farmer-Labor leaders with whom we have been co-operating to a certain extent. We are sure that this attitude is an unconscious one and is the result merely of their far removal from the Party Center and of incom- plete assimilation of the whole con- tent of the United Front tactic of the Communist International. But such an attitude puts the whole question on a false basis. Communists have to approach all these problems first of all from the standpoint of the Com- munist Party because it is the only Party standing for the immediate and ultimate interests of the working class. Any activities we engage in that do not result in strengthening and building the Communist Party, in increasing its influence over the la- boring masses and winning them away from the influence of all other groups and parties, does not serve the real interests of the working class as a whole. If we fail to do this, we fail to develop the instrument which is in- dispensible, nd€ only for the final revo- fairs amon; outside of Belgium takes of a brother part: virtue? .... be thi ‘We are r ‘(From “ °? Clara Zetkin’s Cry for Peace. LARA ZETKIN'S militant call to the Social-Democrats to resist the imperialistic war stands out in brilliant contrast to those of the leaders of the party majority. CLARA ZETKIN: “FOR PEACE.” The political ends of German imperialism and the strategic rule-of its militarism cannot sway our ac- tions as international Socialists .... It seems to us un-. brotherly and impolitic to make the proceedings of the German social-democrats dep the French socialists. Let us not forget that ‘a large part of north and east France finds itself under German rule. Since when are the mis- an excuse for one’s own sins? Since when do they make amends for one’s own lack of In the Beginning There Was the Deed.’ here arid there, the bells of a new day rang out. German proletariat must send back an answering cry: " The International,” Vol. 1.) Communist Candidates and the Farmer-Labor Party lutionary victory of the workers, but also for all their immediate struggles which lead towards it,—that is, an in- dependent revolutionary Party which stands up at all times for the inter- ests of the working class as a whole and which leads the way at every stage of the fight. If the United Front fails in this, the United Front is a failure and all our work is a failure. . The comrades of the western branch, lacking the complete information which determined our recent actions, found fault with what they considered a lack of frankness on the part of our Party, and apparently have been influ- enced somewhat by the charges of our enemies that we have played some kind of a clever game with other groups in the Farmer-Labor move ment. Thefe is no foundation for such an opinion. The Communist Party always draws up its policy independently of all other groups and parties, in ac- cordance with what it considers to be for the best interests of the working class and the advancement of the rev- olutionary struggle. Of course this does not preclude an agreement on a given line of action with other groups willing “to make a sincere fight to- gether with us. But we cannot put aside our own judgment when ques- tions arise which so vitallf affect the welfare of the working class as the present election campaign. There is no secret about what we have done or why we have done it. It is no breach of faith with any honest elements in the labor movement, but a proof of loyalty towards the movement as a whole. The comrades seem to be somewhat concerned as to whether we have not done “grave injustice” to some of the leaders in the Farmer-Labor Party who have not completely understood and agreed with our action at first. Communists need not be so sensitive. It is incorrect to come to the con- clusion that the subordination of our own Party is always the correct thing to do. We have had to ask ourselves quite seriously a ntmber of times if the many concessions and compro- mises we have been making in order to maintain the unity in the Farmer- Labor movement have not lead a num- ber of our own comrades to consider that the Communist Party is in its proper place only when it is sitting in the back seat. The true function of the Communist Party is not to “go along” but to go ahead. The Communist International never tires of dinning into our ears that our first reaction to all political manouv- ers. must be this: How does it in- crease and extend the influence of the Communist Party over the laboring masses? Comrade Zinoviev told us once-at a session of the Enlarged Executive: “Do not forget that we are not merely a workers’ party; we have to be a shrewd workers’ party.” Commun- ists must never forget that we are dealing with all kinds of enemies in the labor moyement, with all kinds of agents of the bourgeoisie, and with muddle-headed people who will lead the workers into the ditch if we allow their false conceptions to prevail. ‘We have to see to it that the Com- munist Party knows how to take advantage of every situation to strengthen, the Communist influence over the masses and to strengthen the Communist Party. Only when we are doing this can we say that we are Jeading towards the final revolu- tionary struggle. The proletarian revolution is the only solution of the labor problem and_ the Communist Party is the only Party aiming at this goal. The Farmer-Labor Party, as such, doer not do this and it cannot, under any circumstances, be regarded as an en¢ in itself. Our work in the Farmer-La. bor Party, in the United Front in al its aspects, in fact, must be regarde¢ by Communists as the Communist In ternational regards it: a means o revolutionary agitation and mobilize tion, The German events and th: verdict of the Communist Interna tional on them has settled this ques tion for all time. nt on the state of af- “. ... So let us make an immediate and a forceful move for peace on behalf of the German social-demo- cracy, of the German workers, for the most pressing duty of all. Let us.make this move together with the leaders, if these leaders are at last makin, make this move without them if they. still hesitate, un- — decided; let us make this move against them, if they - want to falter by the wayside up their minds; let us «. Let our watch-word Soon, The