The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 28, 1924, Page 6

i Irene i Page Six THE DAILY WORKEP. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $6.00 per year $3.60....6 months $2.00....8 monthe By mall Chicago only): $2.50....3 mont4s §8.00 per year $4.50. months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, IItInols —————$—<$<———_— J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE t weld itors MORITZ J. LOEB..... jusiness Manager Post: » 1879. Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at t Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March <> 290 Advertising rates on application. “Making Peace” France having shown signs of stubbornness in negotiations over evacuation of the Ruhr and other ticklish questions involved in the London parley, it was quite natural that the next move of Great Britain should be the great review of the British navy. “Forty miles of battleships” is a great argument. Of course, France has a few arguments along that line, even if not so spec- tacular, in the way of airplanes, submarines, poison-gas, etc. Not to be completely silent in the international argument going on, the United States orders a general mobilization of all citizens of military age for September 12th. That, too, is a part of the international politics of the day. Persia gives us a pretext to think in military terms and develop an atmosphere that later can turn against whatever country is necessary. Japan is also handy when- ever the jingoes need an object upon which to hang their propaganda. But the real center of the argument, for which all the demonstrations are intended, is in London where are gathered the diplomats of the great capitalist countries. The last time the British Navy held such a re- view, so we understand, was just before the world war, in July 1914. Of course, it is quite unpre- meditated that this review should come just at the time of the London Conference. It is quite ac- cidental that Mellon and Hughes take their vaca- tions in London at this time, unofficially present in England, of course. That Morgan trots in after them is unquestionably but a chance phenomenon. And if the next war is hatched in London this week or next, it is another purely accidental oc- currence—if one is simple-minded enough to believe the legal fictions. The Conference in London that is supposed to be busy “making peace” and restoring normalcy to Europe is in reality a struggle for favorable posi- tion in the coming war, Capitalist world-politics is fundamentally the same, in peace or war—a struggle for profits, for world-markets. When war ends, the same fight goes on thru channels of diplo- macy, “naval reviews” and “mobilization days.” " When war! begins it but continues the struggle of pre-war politics in a different form. Slick Maneuvers. The official heads of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America are indentifying themselves with the campaign of LaFollette. In doing so they are forced to expose what they probably considered at the time a very profound political maneuver. At the Philadelphia convention the administra- tion proposed, as against the left-wing resolution calling for endorsement of the St. Paul Convention, that the A. C. W. of A. should go to both Cleve- land and St. Paul. In order to get both right-wing and left-wing support for the straddle, they argued that St. Paul might support LaFollette on a “third party” ticket, while the A. C. W, wanted a “labor party.” Joseph Schlossberg was put forward as the spokesman for the point of view that June 17th might be suspected of “opportunism.” The del- egates fell for the trick. But it appears that what acgually was behind the maneuver was the intention to go along with the “respectable” elenients at any cost. Following a well-defined policy of “going around” opposition, and leaving it to fume and fuss after the event, the administration took a “left” attitude toward St. Paul in order to later join the “right” in adula- tion of LaFollette as an individual candidate, not only without a semblance of a “labor party” but with a mighty poor imitation of even a “third party.” It may have been a clever maneuver, considered from a short-time view; but in the long run it was very poor politics. The Amalgamated Clothing Workers would do much better to deal with its membership more frankly and openly. It would then, even if it took a wrong attitude, contribute something to the political education of the mem- bership. As it is, the contribution is to further confusion. Death Day On September the twelfth, the Sixth Anniversary of the Battle of St. Mihiel, will be Natiohal De- fense Test Day. On this day the United States government will stage an imposing dress rehearsal of its organized and potential military prowess. Actual, and symbolic springing to arms will be in order, Telegrams will go out from the Corps Area, Headquarters at Washington sounding the alarm. There will be a make-believe cry that the country is in danger. The word will be passed on from corps commander to division commander, to brigade commander, thence to colonels, to ma- jors, to captains, and so on down the link. The army, the national guard, the organised re- ¢ : THE DAILY WORKER serves, and whatever citizenry is ready to join under the title of “volunteers for a day” will gather at appointed places for “duty,” and will march. The mobilization will be down to the minutest detail and the — will be staged thru all motions. This is the first time in the ‘atic of the United States that the country will witness so’ great a display of military force in times of peace. This mobilization will be the grandest military show in the country since the armistice. It is only the first of a series to be put over under the National Defense Act of 1920, which provides for the or- ganization of an army of two million men in times of peace and the cxeation of a distinct and per- manent military caste. In the military orders soon to be broadcasted in preparation for this dress rehearsal of death, Sep- tember twelfth will be known as “D-Day—Old D- Day.” We are not familiar with the exact code of the United States army, but we believe that we are not wrong when we translate this “D-Day” into what it will mean to every worker and farm- er—Death Dfy. On this day the workers and farmers of America will be prepared for their death on the battlefields of Europe, the Philip- pines, Mexico and Japan. Strangely enough, these patriotic and military demonstrations will be held on the eve of our national election., Still more strangely, the cry that “America is Ready” will go up in every vil- lage, hamlet, and city of the United States while our bankers and manufacturers will be blanketing the capital of Europe like swarms of locusts. Insull’s Constitutional Convention Samuel Insull, ‘high Mogul of the power and traction interests in Chicago, has decided that his corporations do not control their workers suf- ficiently. He wants greater efficiency, tighter con- trol, and—the final objective—greater profits. And so he grants a “constitution” to the employes of the Northern Indiana Gas and Electric Co., as a try-out. If the plan works as expected, it will be extended to the other Insull interests. The plan is the same “company union” idea being used by ‘the International Harvester Co., the Steel Corporation, the Standard Oil Co., the Colo- rado Fuel and Iron Co., ete. It is the same thing as the “B. & O. plan” of the raiJroad unions, ex- cept that it does not provide jobs for Wm. H. Johnston and his like. That is, it gives the em- ploye a waste-basket to put his complaints in, while it urges him on the greater efforts in the religious hope that God will take his complaint out of the waste-basket and do something about it. So Insull has appointed a “Manager of Industrial Relations,” a sort of constitutional dictator, who will call meetings of representatives of employes and managements, adopt a “constitution,” and proceed to govern themselves. If there are any disagreements, the company management decides what is to be done, while the workers appeal to the higher company officials. It really is not so much unlike our “constitu- tional” government where the Supreme Court, holding office for life under appointment, has the last word. But by handing this “constitution” to the workers as a concession, Insull has insulted their intelligence. It is not a concession. It is an- other instrument of exploitation. A Known by Their Company LaFollette lieutenants are boasting that Wm. Hale Thompson, former mayor of Chicago, will support the Wisconsin senator in his personal campaign.’ Governor Len Small is reported ready to sell his support in return for no competition against him in the race governorship. Hearst is openly flirting with LaFollette, and if support or neutrality toward his New York schemes, involv- ing Hylan, can be received in exchange, William Randolph will probably join the march to Ar- mageddon. The grandest collection of old-party politicians out for fatter pie-cards than America has ever seen is in the process of making. It is rather pathetic to see Eugene Debs trail- ing along with such a crew. It was to be expected of Victor Berger, Morris Hillquit, Wm. H. Jolin- ston, et al., for they are finally where they have always been headed for. But Debs, whatever his lack of understanding, was formerly a bitter foe of just such confusionist combinations by virtue of his revolutionary sentiments. In politics it is inevitable that a group’s eee position is known by the company it keeps. If Hearst, Hylan, Thompson, and their fellows, can sleep in the same political bed with Johnston, Gompers, Stone & Co., and still leave room for Hillquit, Berger, and even Debs to crawl under the blanket, the seal has been put upon the betrayal of .independent political action of the ‘working class, a betrayal participated in by every organized group, openly or by tacitly giving consent, except the Communists. Law Enforcement at the Ritz Millionaires at the Ritz-Carlton hostlery in ‘New York City were caught violating the Volstead pro- hibition act. Waiters who gertieipated in breaking the law by serving the Hquor at the order of their em- ployers were arrested along with the millionaires. The rich men were ordered to pay a fine of $250 each, which meant less that to have assessed a fine ofone Clown cigarette each against the wait- ers. But the waiters who carried out their orders from the millionaire gentlemen are to go to, the penitentiary for a term of years. It seems such a waste of space to comment upon this bit of news. Write your ewn editorial By GREGORY ZINOVIEV < ONG before the outbreak of the/| world war, Vladimir Ilyitch had| lost all confidence in the European| socialists. He knew that \“gomething | was wrong in Denmark.” He had been | saying for a long while about the offi- cial socialists, that they are nothing else but smugglers of opportunism. At the outbieak of the war we lived) in a small village in the Galician mountains. I recollect arguing against Lenin in the following fashion. I said: “You'll see. "These gentlemen of the German socjal-democracy will never dare to speak against the war. They will simply keep quiet.” And Lenin answered: “No, After all, they are not as corrupt. as that. Of course they will not fight against .the war, they will, as a matter of habit, merely vote against it, in order not to arouse against themselves the working mass- es.” We could see later that Lenin was mistaken, just as I was. We had failed to penetrate into the real nature of these Knights of the “na- tional defense.” European socialism was completely destroyed. They had voted for military credits. When we received the latest issue of the Vorwaerts, official organ of the German social-democracy, we imme- diately brought to Lenin the news that the German social-democrats voted in favor of military credits. At first Leniy wouldn't believe it. He said: “It is impossible. This must be a falsified issue of the Vorwaerts, published by the German bourgeoisie in order to deceive us and thus com- pel us to betray the International.” And yet the news was true. It was {later substantiated that the socialists of the “national defense” had voted military credits. When, Lenin was finally convinced of the truth these were his first words: “The Second International has ceased to exist.” |'These words had the effect of the ex- plosion of a bomb-shell. Now we all see it. Yes, the Second International has ceased to exist. It is as simple to us now as the alphabet. But just think of it, what the Second International meant to ys prior to the war. It had in its ranks, at least on paper, some few millions of followers, It was led by such authorities as Kaut- sky, Vandervelde, -Vaillant, Guesde, and Plechanoff. And against all these people stands up an unknown Russian Marxist and declares: That “the Inter- national has collapsed and it is well that this happened.” There was no end to the atta and charges against the shameless- ness of the Bolsheviks on the’ part of the reorganized leaders of the Second International. Lenin was one of the main movers of that paragraph of the famous anti- war resolution which was adopted at the International Socialist Gangress held in Stuttgart in 1907. Jointly with Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin proposed to the Congress to accept the following proposition: That at the outbreak of an imperialist war it must be our duty to provoke a social revolution. In other words to transform the imperial- ist war into a civil war. . After long debates the Congress accepted the proposal. As finally adopted” the language of the resolution differe somewhat from the one originally sub- ‘documents of our Party. S|translated this document into Bur- mitted by Lenin. Lenin used to, tell us how he and Bebel were discusing the formulation of the proposal. Theo- retically Bebel was in agreement with the fundamental principles of Lenin’s proposal. But he demanded great care in the use of language. “In order not to frighten away the geese.” Then came the imperialist war. Lenin reminded the leaders of the Second International of the existence of the Stuttgart resolution. But these leaders turned away their heads and continued to give service to their re- spective capitalist governments in the prosecutipn of the war. I recollect now the first manifesto of our Party against war. It is.self- understood that most of that was written by Lenin himself,’ just as he has written all the other important When we opean languages and presented it to such people as the leaders. of the Swiss Socialist Party, Grimm, the Roumanian evolutionist, Rakoysky (who finds himself now in our ranks) their attitude toward us was one of contempt. They were simply terror- ized upon reading that “it is our duty to transform the imperialist war into a civil war.” At present we all understand it. It looks to us as a matter of course. But at that time the mere idea was some- thing unheard of. Our opponents used to tell us that only: anarchists~ can conduct such propaganda. Even at the conference at Zimmerwald, we had to meet the opposition of the moderates because we took the posi- tion that Martov was an agent of the Monday, July 28, 1924 Lenin and the Outbreak of the World War bourgeoisie. “How can you say that? How dare you say a thing like this? We know Martov for the last 20 years.” And to this we replied: “Yes. We know Martov just as well as you do, and yet we insist that the Russian working class will accept our point of view, will fight against the war, and that Martov is merely defending the point of view of the bourgeoisie.” But all these episodes aré not the main thing. I relate them merely ta show the state of affairs in the Second International at the outbreak of the gules war. Nobody was ready to fight. ak, votes was accustomed to continue in the old ways of legality and parliamentarism. All the old lead- ers believed in legality as in a fetish, It required tremendous effort to estab- lish our point of view, even among the participants of the Zimmerwald Conference. Even now I can see’ vividly “the scene of the meetings between Lenin and Ledebour at Zimmerwald. Lede- bour said: “Of course you who live abroad, not in-your own country, can speak very easily ahout the war. I'd like to see you carrying it out when you get back to Russia.” I'm sure that when Ledebour thinks of these words now he feels ashamed of himself, And Lenin answered very quietly: “When Marx wrote the Com- munist Manifesto he, too, was living abroad, And only his bourgeois op- ponents could see fit to reproach him with this fact. I find myself: now abroad because the Russian workers have sent me here. When the. hour comes it will find us at our posts.” Lenin faddilled his word. LaFollette, Where Do You Stand on the Dawes Plan? By HARRISON GEORGE N July 4, you, Robert:Marion La- Follette, issued a statement to the people, saying, in part: “In the course of the campaign, I shall give frank expression to my views on every political issue of re- cognized importance. The people have a right to know the position of, every candidate upon questions which are of vital moment to them. I have never avoided or evaded issues. I shall not do so now.” What About This Issue? As this is being written the inter- national bankers whom you pass over with only two printed lines of vague and general denunciation in your so- called “Wisconsin Program”—are. in London reshaping the reparations pro- gram of the Versailles Treaty, which you once denounced but concerning which you now fail to speak. While millions of American workers may be ignorant of the ghastly im- portance of the London Conference, you are not. You know that in Lon- don the bankers of America and Eng- land—the great Morgan interests you once denounced—are gathered in joint meeting with the Allied premiers to put across the infamous “Dawes Report of Reparations.” Secretary Hughes and Secretary Mellon are at the conference door. At a diplomatic) dinner given by and for such inter- national bandits, Secretary, Hughes added the weight of the American government to the demand of Mor- gan’s agent, Thomas W. Lamont, that guarantees for “American investors” should take precedence over both German and French interests in en- forcing the “Dawes Plan.” Millions of workers do not under- stand the meaning of the Dawes plan. They have had its virtues sung by the same capitalist newspapers you once attacked as ‘‘controlled.” You, however, know the Dawes plan. You know that it provides for the absolute enslavement of the German working class to Wall Street in return for a Joan of $200,000,000. You know that Morgan’s banks are those “investors” Secretary Hughes demands protection for. You know that the government owned railroads of Getmany are to be mortgaged for $3,000,000,000 and turned over to private ownership, and this terrible burden is to be laid upon the backs of German workers. You know that every shop and factéry in Germany is so loaded with obliga- tions, which, to discharge, must make driven slaves out of every worker in Germany. . You know, Mr. LaFollette, that these gigantic sums never could be and are not calculated to be paid in money to the Allied bloodsuckers. You know that such reparations debts can only be discharged, if at all, by exportation of goods made by ving labor in Germany, into the world ket in competition with American la- bor, among others. Do You Say This Is No Issue? You say that the people “have a right to know” the position of candi- dates upon “questions which are of vital moment to them.” Very well; what about the Dawes plan? -Is that a@ question of no vital on to American workers? Listen to the voice of wall Street on that subject. The “Commercial and Financial Chronicle,” organ of the bankers—including those bankers who support you for President, Mr. La- Follette, says: “It is pointed out that once the Dawes plan is adopted, Burope will probably invade American markets on a larger and more formidable scale, favored by labor costs much below those prevailing in the United States. \f labor does mot meet the situation by intelligent ac nce in reduced wages, it will suffer a lessened demand for its You know what that means, La- Follette. You know that application of_the Dawes plan or any-other plan of enslaving German labor will mean terrible and prolonged unemployment for American workers, that the 2,000,- 000 workers now out of work will be increased by millions more, that all the misery of wrecked@#hopes and broken homes hangs over the heads of millidns of American workers and their fanfflies. Is this, then, no issue for you, Mr. LaFollette? What Have You to Say? Apparently, the issue of the misery of millions of American workers are nothing to you, Mr. LaFollette. You have issued a statement that you will make your campaign upon domestic issues only. You are @ilent upon the Dawes plan, which is the most im- portant issue in the political world, which is not “foreign” but so vitally important to American bankers and diplomats that they are laying the threatening basis of new and more terrible wars at the London Confer- ence. Just as in the recent war, American workers will be called upon to rescue the loans of Morgan. Do not the jobless millions who will tramp the streets of American cities as a result of German _ reparations constitute an American issue? Does the fact that the dragon’s teeth of world slaughter are being sown broad- cast over the earth by Wall Street bankers, Secretary Hughes and your sort of fake radicals now controlling European governments, constitute no threat to American workers, no Amer- ican issue, Mr. LaFollette? How Do You Differ From Brigadier- General Dawes? You may say you “avoid lor evade” no issue. Very well; will you repu- diate the Dawes plan .at once, and categorically? Why do you hide -be- hind “domest{e issues only”? How do’ you differ from Coolidge, the Repub- lican, whose program endorses the Dawes plan? How do you differ from Dawes, himself? How do you differ from the other capitalist party, the party of Morgan’s servant, Davis, who also endorses the Dawes plan?. Are Bs OCLC 7! Brecthntivansione Mead SATAN’S BUSHEL By Garet Garrett Price $2.00. (B. P. Dutton & Company, New York.} In “Satan’s Bushel,” Garet Garrett paints a graphic picture of the wheat farmer’s life and problems, showing how he is exploited on every hand by the banks, the farm implement trust, and the grain gambler. Dreadwind, a young speculator in the Chicago wheat pit, after achieving tas phenomenal success in a number of daring operations, awakes to the fact that “a man may buy and sell millions of bushels of wheat with ngt the re- motest interest in the wheat itself as a food, as a vital commodity, as a sign of civilization.” Inspired with a sud- den desire to know more’about wheat, he leaves Chicago for the wheat fields of Kansas, where his eyes are opened to the economic struggle of the farmer for existence, Strikes Grain Gambler Garrett strikes at the evils of grain gambling and the exploitation of the farmer in a namey ‘of telling pas- sages: “The ONS sells and the farmer buys. What does heysell? A primal substance, the!food that sustains the world. What does he buy? Machin- ery, wagons, building materials, hard- ware, cloth, ar, sometimes a plano or a phonograph—such things.. When he sells the primal substance what does he say to the te oot, il ways: you afraid to declare yourself? Is that why you play the fox and hide behind “domestic issues"? Are you, in fact, a bluff and a fruad no different than other capitalist tricksters? Words Mean Nothing—What Will You Do? And if you are elected President, Mr. LaFollette, and have promised the American people that you will repudiate the Dawes plan of enslaving the international working class—what will you do? Words mean nothing. If you are elected on a, promise which you seem too cowardly to make —that you will destroy and defeat the Dawes plan, what concrete program of action do you propose? Will you undo the work of Secretary Hughes favoring Morgan and the U. S, Steel Trust as against the French banks and the*Comite des Forges in the en- slavement of German labor? Suppose you do repudiate the Dawes plan in words, Mr. LaFollette—have you any definite, practical program to defeat it, to save the German proletariat—and in inevitable sequence, the American proletariat—from grinding slavery in behalf of one or another group of international bankers or national ex- ploiters? Is is because you have nothing but sweet words to fling against the power of international capitalism that you are silent? Then you are bankrupt, Mr. LaFollette! Acknowledge Your Bankruptcy! Your bankruptcy is the bankruptcy of the world capitalist system, Mr. LaFollette. You and hosts of your supporters have spoken in praise of the so-called “liberal” or “labor” gov- ernments of France, England and Germany. Yet these are the very gov- ernments which are now deliberately enslaving the world proletariat .to’ Morgan. They are, according to your own claim, the kind of governments yours would be. Dare you denounce them and their acts? The Socialists of Germany, who are kin to Berger and Hillquit—your ardent supporters—are fixing a final seal of betrayal to their record of treason to the workers by welcoming the Dawes charter of slavery over the paar tongswonanar’ peconooecas LULERATERICID RAN i TO es ee ‘How much will you give me?’ But when he buys what does he say? He says: ‘How much will you take?’” Worms, Worms In describing the speculators in the wheat pit, he say: “It makes one think of a body of worms—worms at the roots of the wheat.” The exploitation of the farmer's sur: plus production is well brought out in the following passage: “Tell me why less brings more than plenty. Why do seven bushels. profit the farmer more than ten? ... And why will the farmer grow ten instead of seven? The surplus, what is called the surplus—the rope that hangs*him —it is in the last three bushels.” The analogy between the farmer and the industrial worker is shown in the following: ‘ “The speculator who sells your wheat ‘before it is grown—-do you know what he sells? He sells your labor. Do you know how he sells it? He, sells it at auction. A few hundred speculators sell the labor of three mil- lion farmers—at auction! Farmer ve. Elements “But the farmer who feeds this world has no artificial environment. He stands alone facing the elemental rhythms. _They are uncontrollable, | ican unpredictable, He may know plant biology, he may know the chemistries of soil and vegetation, he may be scientific as the Department of Agri- oper Ly sear workers as a last hope to ve the capitalist class of Germany t m collapse and revolution, There is a United Front from J. P. Morgan and Secretary Hughes, through Ebert, Severing and Stresseman and you, Bob LaFollette, to Hillquit and Debs. Is is aimed at the heart of the pro- letariat. Dare you to break that United Front, Mr. LaFollette? And if you’ do—whom can you call upon to fight the mternational bank- ers? What power coulg you conjure forth to defy Morgan and Stinnes and the Comite des Forges? You, at least, are not so simple as to think that the millionaire bankers, Vanderlip, Spreckles, Rawleigh and the rest of your financial supporters will serious- ly oppose their brother bankers in the interest ef the proletariat which they together exploit and oppress! Dare you, then, call upon the proletariat of Germany for resistance? Dare you then, call upon Américan workers fo: resistance to these international bank ers and fake socialists? It is not névessary, Mr. LaFollette' The Communist International is al ready mobilizing these forces—rea forces. The Communist Internationa has a program—g complete, definit: and realistic program to solve th: capitalist problem of who shall plun der the German workers! It is th: program of the proletarian revolutio: and proletarian dictatorship in Ger many, Mr. LaFollette—and you ca) neither use it nor abuse it as yo: have used and abused the awakenin. workers’ movement of America! And in this campaign, Mr. LaFo lette, while you are silent or evasive the Communists of the Workers Part will advocate the real solution, wi explain the menace of the Dawes pla and will point out that. you are nc concerned and have no remedy fc this curse of capitalism which is han; ing over the lives of the internation: working class. The Communists wi say—Down with the Dawes plar Down with capitalism! Down with a the Eberts, MacDonalds, Herriots an LaFollettes! Forward to proletarie revolution! the wind will ibe when and how listeth, the rain will fall by a law its own, the sun hath no preoccup tion with the weal of mankind.” —~ “Satan’s Bushel” should be read | everyone who has an interest in t! farmer’s problem. Garrett manag to pack his book full of valuable inf mation about the economic position the farmer in spite of the romantic a! imaginative thread running through A criticism is that the viewpoint thruout. that of the benevolent « server rather than that of the stri gling. farmer. The book, therefo lacks thet rugged strength, virili and power which is to be found works like the proletarian dramas Ernst Toller, and which is charact istic of those writers who are mc thoroly a part of the strugglo whi Garrett tries to portray. * B, M PLAY BALL! “Aw, come on, play ball!" The ta were impatient with all this milite hokum of the 104th field artillery the N. Y. national guard interrupti their perfectly good baseball game ji because Babe Ruth “joined up” t other day. If there were a real w imminent, this same bunch of Am: “fans” would be shouting: “A come on, get in the fight!” The f boys yelling for the other fellows do it, culture could wish him te be, and yet’ Send im that Subscription Tod ‘