The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 26, 1924, Page 9

‘ War and the Second International N 1912, two years prior to the last world slaughter in which millions of workers were sacrificed on the altar of imperialism, the Second Interna. tional held an extra-ordinary world congress. It was held in Basel. Switzerland. It was called for the primary purpose of putting an end, if possible, to the then raging Balkan war and to prevent the latter from turning into a World War. To achieve this purpose a certain resolution was adopted, the now fa- mous anti-war resolution of the Basel Congress. Famous for two reasons: For what it pledged the Second Inter- national to do in case of a World War and for what it actually did when the war come about. On the tenth anniversary of the great slaughter, when the Second In- ternational again pretends to be pre- paring against imperialist wars, it is our duty to throw a glance (just a glance) backwards to the memorable pre-war days of 1914. Therein lies a lesson for the workers which must not be lost. ‘The Great Pledge. It was given by the Second Interna- tional on three occasions. By decision of three world congresses. Let us memorize the dates and places: In Stuttgart, in 1907. In Copenhagen, 1910. In Basel, in 1912. The following is the heart of the Basel resolution: “The Congress calls upon the workers of the world to resist capi- talist imperialism by means of In- ternational proletarian solidarity. The Congress issues warning to the ruling classes of all nations not to Increase the miseries of the work- Ing class, which result from the capitalist system of production, by engaging in fresh military ventures. The Congress quite definitely de- mands peace. “Let the governments of all coun- tries not forget that, with the exist- ing European situation and with the present state of mind of the work- ing class, the beginning of a new war may prove not altogether a harmless affair for these very gov- ernments. Let them also remember that the Franco-Prussian war result- ed im a_ revolutionary explosion which led to the Commune, that the Russo-Japanese war created a revo- Jutionary movement involving all the nationalities of the Russian Em- pire, that the growing competition in armaments have already shar- pened the class struggle in England and on the continent of Europe re- sulting in colossal strikes. It would be madness on the part of the gov. ernments not to understand this situation, when the very thought of the calamity of a world war awak- ens a feeling of desperate disgust among the proletariat of the entire -world. The proletariat considers it a crime for workers to shoot at each other for the sake of capitalists’ profits, dynastic intrigues and for the promotion of secret diplomatic treaties. “Should the governments suppress all the possibilities for normal de- velopment and drive the proletariat to desperate action, it will be these govérnments alone that will bear all the responsibilities for the con- sequences of the war. “However, should war break out | in spite of us, it will be the duty of | the socialists to interfere in order to put an early end to it. We shall have to employ all our strength to utilize the economic. and political crisis created by the war in order to arouse the masses and thus en- hance the downfall of the class dom- ination of capital.” It was a warning to capitalism and a sacred pledge to the working class. It-was a pledge to transforra the im- perialist war into a civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. It was a pledge “to arousé the masses | and thus enhance the downfall of capi- talist rule.” Let us remember that. 4nd then— The Great Betray«l. On the 4th of August, 1914, the Ger- man Social-Democracy in the Reichs- tag voted military credits “to defend the Fatherland.” The same day the French socialists in the chamber of deputies unanimously voted in favor of the military bills proposed by the government. Two weeks later the Socialist party entered the coalition government to prosecute war. In Belgium, Vandervelde, one of the heads of the Second International, en- tered in the name of his party into a coalition war government on the 3rd of August, 1914, The British Labor party wavered only for a short while refusing at first to vote the military credits. But a few days subsequent to the declara- tion of war finds already the British Labor party actively engaged in re- cruiting volunteers for the army. And later, on May 26, 2915, Henderson and a few others enter the government “to conduct the war to a successful conclusion.” With the beginning of 1915, there crystallized among the parties of the Second International what may be termed: a division of functions. One set of parties (England, France and Belgium) organized as a war auxiliary to the bourgeoisie of the allied powers, and another set of parties (Germany, Austria and Hungary) organized as an auxiliary to the bourgeoisie of the Central powers. In other words, the entire Second International, with the exception of the socialist parties of Russia, Serbia, Poland, Italy and partly America, has been mobilized and delivered for use to the capitalists of the two warring camps. This is what the leaders of the Sec- ond International did with the Basel resolution. History May Repeat Itself. Most of those leaders are still alive. So is the Second International. Having died an inglorious death in the days of its great betrayal, it later resur- rected and came to life again as the mainstay and most valuable support to the tottering foundations of capi- talism. By grace of the bourgeoisie the Sec- ond International has become a “rul- ing” power. It rules England thru the British Labor party. It practically shares power in Germany with the social-democrat Ebert as the president of the German Republic. It is in fact, if not in name, part of the Herriot government of France. It is in “power” in Sweden and is about to become part of the government of Belgium. The Second International is very much satisfied with its recent suc- cess. At a special world conference, held at Vienna around the middle of June simultaneously with the world congress of the Amsterdam Trade Union International, Friedrich Adler reported “great progress’ for the par- ties of the Second International. At this conference, of which Van- dervelde was chairman, they also dis- cussed the dangers of a new war. And what did they decide? Well, they ap- proved the Dawes plan and decided to draw the attention of all governments. that the evil of all evils is the problem of reparations. But that is not all. In conjunction with the Amsterdam International they decided to hold anti-war demon- strations on the tenth anniversary of the late war. That is, they will protest again, they will pledge themselves again, they will warn once more against the danger of new wars, And at the same time they will sit in the government of England and By A. BITTELMAN will carry out the imperialistic and militaristic policies of British capi- talism. That is, they themselves will prepare the new imperialist slaughter. And their brethren in France, in Germany, in Belgium and all over the world will be doing the very same thing. And in the United States the socialist party will help LaFollette destroy the political independence of the American workers, thus removing the only power that is capable to fight imperialism and war. The Second International is prepar- ing to repeat the history of 1914 only on @ much bloodier scale. Shall we permit it? There Is No Short Cut. Let every working man take to heart the experiences of the past ten years. What do they teach us? You cannot prevent new imperialist wars. They will come. They must come, They are part and parcel of modern capitalist economy, If you don’t want new wars, destroy capi- talism. Remove the capitalists from power and take the government into your own hands. To prepare against war is to pre pare for the social revolution and for the seizure of power by the working class. The first step to this is the building of a powerful revolutionary working clasg party—a Communist Party. And if war comes—as it surely will —you will not be able to stop it, un- less you wil} be ready to seize power and establish the proletarian dictator- ship. To achieve this something ‘more than good intentions will be necessary on the part of the exploited masses of America. They will have to be class conscious, well organized polit- ically and economically, trained for battle and inspired with confidence in their strength and a will to power. Who will educate these masses? Who will develop their class con- sciousness, raise their hatred of the bourgeoisie and inspire them with the will to power? 3 Will LaFollette do it? Will Hill- quit, the C. P. P. A. and Gompers do it? : Make your own conclusions. But be sure of one thing. Whatever your de ~ cision, remember the lessons of the past ten years, which cannot be ex- pressed any better than in the fol- lowing words of Lenin: “Nothing will end war, nothing will usher in a real democratic peace, noth- ing will free the nations from the greedy capitalists which are fattening on war—nothing but a proletarian revolution.” War Persecutions and Their Results (Continued from Page 7) was taken in all its confusion by the war crisis. In spite of its advertised sentimental fighter for his class to an and many of its real virtues, it natur- all too saintly petty bourgeois pacifist. But it is a change, a shameful change. It represents the change in the S. P. Its small proletarian tendency was de- stroyed, and even its best elements were so at sea that in 1918 they were innocently talking a class collabora- tion program of “reconstruction”—in- stead of revolution, The |. W. W.—an Example of Syndi- calist Confusion. Some will say that the I. W. W., surely, has a record under war perse- cution that is beyond all criticism. If we speak of the fine type of fighting workers who made up the revolution- ary minority (unorganized) both in- side and outside of prison during the war, I agree. But as one of those who shared intimately in the catas- ally suffered great mutilation under | War persecution. Its failure to main- |tain its ideological unity and tone, and increase rather than decrease its | power in the struggle, is a failure of the syndicalist argument that an econ- \omic organization can discharge the functions of a political party in lead- \ing the struggle. Some leaders of the I. W. W. have learned this lesson from the war | crisis, but—most remarkably—they do not go on from the acknowledgement that the union cannot be a political |party to the logical conclusion that there should be a separate revolution- /ary political party organized. -Far |from it. They only disavow the polit- jical function—the struggle for power —altogether! They become pure and simple unionists! Industrial union- ists, of course, but minus any sad trophic results of official confusion, I/gram for the revolutionary ov must add that, as an organization, the |throwal of capitalism—and many of reputation of the I. W. W. for appo-|them have become advocates of pac- sition to war, or for any consistent |ifism in the class struggle. program in relation thereto, is unjus- tified. The G. E. B. met, quarreled, but could not agree on any statement. So The I, W. W., which has always|none was made. Chaplin, then editor tried to fulfill the contradictory func-|of Solidarity, waited until nearly reg- tions of a revolutionary (tho anti-|istration day, then, disgusted, pub- parliamentary) political party, and—/lished his own statement, advising the at the same time—of a labor union,|I. W. W. members to register, but to ced claim exemption as “opposed to war.” This farcical situation was heightened when a defiant statement, upon which the G. E. B. could not agree, was found among papers taken in the raids and was used against us by Judge Landis with telling effect. While the G. E. B. quarreled, the membership became confused. There was not even bad leadership. While Solidarity snorted defiance to the war lords, regiments of drafted I. W. W. were entrained, the Marine Transport Workers’ union was given trusit4 work and good wages in handling war supplies. It bought Liberty bonds and put up a service flag. All these excel- lencies were duly lugged into court to prove we were good patriots. But we were convicted just the same. Only the trial again proved, by a division among the defendants on how it should be conducted, that the revolu- tionary and the unionist elements were wholly at variance. At Leavenworth the group was given over to numberless quarrels and re- criminations, In spite of the fact that every issue could be seen looming up for future decision, no program was discussed or adopted concerning the group attitude toward parole, commu- tation or conditional release, until after the crisis was upon us and the group already irrevocably split. This fight be- came murderously bitter and, pushed into the foreground as an excuse for factionalism, is now ruining the organization outside. Gunplay and fights go on between leaders in head- quarters who advocate pacifism to the masses in the class struggle. Both sides are equally certain that the I. W. W. needs no revolutionary minor- ity organization such as the T. U. E. L. forms in the A. F. of L., and both are equally wrong. Lately the leading speakers of the I. W. W. are acknowledging that it has no revolutionary mission, that it organizes for two things only—first, for the “everyday struggle,” second, to “carry on production after capital- ism shall have been overthrown” (by the Communists, presumably!). The Workers Party invites those members of the I. W. W. who want to fill this hiatus and help to overthrow capital- ism to join the Communist movement —without leaving the I. W. W., how- ever. ‘In the next war to end war the Communist Party will have work for these good fighters. In the next war, together with all the resentful elements from the last one dragged again into the ranks, will go the Com- munists, organized to carry on sys- tematic work to turn the war into revolution. In the next war, if the revolutionists are persecuted, they can feel that they Were persecuted for something.