The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 23, 1924, Page 6

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ry ‘ . ereuomnss TRA ATTN epee x Yage Six THE DAILY WORKER » sdnesday, July 23, 1924 cr rr eienrmen eee { { t i t ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus ‘ §6.00 per year §8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. ——<$<——— $$$ J. LOUIS ENGDAHL rn WILLIAM F. DUNNE \.. Editors MORITZ J. LOEB....... ——$—$—<—$<$$—$—$—$—— Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <> 250 Advertising rates on application. When Is a Cut Not a Cut?' In these days of unemployment and “open shop” drives, it is more than ever essential that organized workers shall keep alert and ready to fight against cuts in wages or any other lowering of their work- ing standards. If a union is defeated in struggle it at least prevents a second cut, while if it ac- cepts a cut without a fight it is due for another very soon after. That is the universal experience of labor unions. And if there is militancy and strong organization there is no reason for accept- ing a cut at all. These remarks are prompted .by the fact that workers in the men’s clothing industry have awak- ened to the fact that wages have been, cut without the general knowledge of the union membership. It should haye been a suspicious thing when, sev- eral months ago, the manufacturers withdrew their demand, for a general reduction of rates, and ac- cepted the proposal for “readjustment” which is supposed to mean slight changes here and there that do not affect the general level of the market. The workers should have realized that the bosses do not give up so easily. There was a joker in the deck that was being dealt from. What the joker was, is stated by an employer's paper thus: “A wage cut would have affected production and quality of work adversely, while the union’s promise may promote efficient opera- tion.” And further: “A horizontal wage cut would have led the retailers to expect a reduction in prices.” And still further: | “The Chicago manufacturers have secured what is an equivalent to an insurance policy for the piece-work system.” “Among the advantages to the manufacturers will be a more rigid enforcement of the rules of classi- fication, while firms that wish to keep their costs down will be able to improve quality.” Thus we see that what to the workers was a “readjustment,” to the employers was a “wage cut,” camouflaged, in order to keep down discontent among the workers and to fool the retail dealers so that they would not demand reduced prices. Berger’s Lamentations In his daily “Findings” Mr. Victor Berger re- cently found it necessary to bemoan China’s fate as a result of her rapprochement with the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Mr. Berger who is now in air-tight alliance with Mr. LaFollette of the Republican Party of Wis- consin sheds tears over the uncomfortable position poor China finds herself in when she is “between the imperialism of the capitalist governments and the riotism of the Bolshevist government.” Poor Victor Berger! In the stress of a most strenuous campaign to put over his old socialist friend LaFollette he finds time to denounce Soviet Russia. But Berger calls himself a progressive and therefore his attempt to arouse enmity against Soviet Russia must be in the interest of human- ity and made-in-America socialism of the kind that has flourished in LaFolletania for many years. Yet, if Mr. Berger has a shred of honesty in his being solicitous for the welfare of poor China, why does he overlook those who have aided and abetted the robbery of the Chinese people? Why does he attack the Soviet Republic when he knows very well that the First Workers’ and Farmers’ gov- ernment has done everything possible to help China by renouncing all the Czarist concessions and treaties? We are not surprised to find that Mr. Berger is silent about LaFollette and his progressive sena- torial and congressional allies not uttering a word or raising a finger against the last naval bill pro- viding for the expenditure of one hundred and fifty million dollars for war vessels with which to keep China and other weak countries in their place. Nor are we surprised to notice that Mr. Berger did not find it necessary to call,Mr. LaFollette to task for not doing or saying anything in the senate against the United States maintaining a fleet of destroyers on the Ynagtze River for hundreds of miles into Chinese territory. Berger’s tears for China are crocodile tears. Berger’s lamentations are only a smoke screen be- hind which there is hidden a foul attack on the only government which is fighting capitalist im- perialism to a finish—the Union of Socialist So- viet Republics. More than a thousand copies of the Young Worker, sold at the gates of the National Biscuit Company factories, gives us another reason to be- lieve that the workers are waking up. When the thousands of young workers become class con- scious, capitalism may well become uneasy. The keynote of Gompers’ political platform is “repeal the anti-trust laws”; of LaFollette’s pro- gram it is “rigidly enforce the anti-trust laws.” Do you think this will keep them apart? Then you ” do not understand the “non-partisan” policy. Ps ah, Mobilization and Pacifism Somehow we cannot get enthusiastic about the fact that some peace societies. are issuing pro- tests against the mobilization order of the War De- partment for September 12. Protest and denun- ciation of the mobilization are in order, indeed, for $2.00....3 monthe |it is definitely a move of American imperialism in preparation for another war, into which the work- ers of this country will soon be thrown. The work- ers should be mobilized against the mobilization, war should be prepared against the \threatening Chicago, Ilinole| war, and every move in that ditection must be encouraged. But the resolutions of the wonf€n's pacifist societies, someway or other, sound rather fishy. Perhaps that is because we recall other days, when pacifist societies, passing such resolutions, acted in reality as an aid to the war makers. The trouble with these Tolstoian dames and damsels is, that they are pacifists, in a world of war. All their middle-class souls desire is to be left in peace with their small shops, their literary clubs, and their churches. And when war comes again, as it will, they will again proclaim that true pacifism consists in fighting the national enemy while pre- serving “peace” at home by shooting and jailing the Bolsheviks. No, we’re sorry ladies, but we cannot invite you to go along in the only real anti-war move- ment. Your pacifism is a sickly sentimentality that serves no one but the imperialists. What is needed to fight war, is a militant working class, determined to carry the fight against the capital- ist system, the cause of wars, to the point where the wars of imperialism are turned into the wars of revolution. es e Martial Law in Persia As a result of the death of the American vice- consul, Major Imbrie, martial law has been pro- claimed in Persia. ‘ The situation is really more grave than sur- face indications would tend to reveal. The United States consul, who by the way was an experienced agent of American imperialism in Russia and in other countries, may have been killed by a fanatic |and religious mob for attempting to take pictures at the wrong time. But it is difficult for us to accept this as the sole reason for the unfortunate episode. We have too often been given such sec- ondary causes for events of the first order in capi- talist international politics and diplomacy. The possible outcome of the death of Mr. Imbrie is uppermost in importance at this moment. There is deep resentment against all foreigners in Per- sia. Soviet Russia is the only country that is looked upon with.favor by the Persian people. For years the foreign capitalists have been laying plans to rob the country of its national wealth, of its oil and copper and turquoise resources. For years the British, Russian, French and American imperialists have been angling for a concession to build a railway linking up the Karoun River which flows into the Persian Gulf, with the Caspian Sea. The contest for boring oil wells has been sharp. There has been intense competition for the right to construct a dam on the Karoun River at Ahwaz and for the irrigation of the province and delta of Arabistan, one of the richest alluvial plains of Persia. , 5 Today the disorders in Persia, the unstability of the government, the failure to establish a republic, the impotency of the Madjless (Persian parlia- ment), the economic chaos in the country, the ac- casional onslaughts on foreigners are due primar- 4 ily to a contest between the British Oil barons getting their aid and comfort from the Royal Petroleum Department at Queen Anne’s Gate Building, London, and the Standard Oil interests of A26 Broadway, New York. The last two years have seen Mr. Hughes write many a note in behalf of the Standard Oil Co. in reference to the Khostor- ia and other oil concessions. American capital is now getting the best of the deals. But oil and blood don’t mix in the eyes of the Yankee imperial- ists. e In this critical hour the Persian people have only one friend in the world—the Soviet Republic of Russia. Persia is now facing a crisis far more grave than the one it weathered in 1911 over the case of the American finaneial adviser, Morgan Shuster. It only takes a spark to explode a powder magazine—in Persia or elsewhere. “Depend Upon U. S.” Secretary of State Hughes told the Europeans who were hanging on his words in breathless sus- pense that they could count upon the help of the United States. Just carry thru the Dawes plan, he told them, and everything will be fine and dandy, with Uncle Sam handing out the long green to all and sundry. The Dawes plan and American money will settle all the troubles of Europe. There is little doubt that American money will play a great part in European affairs before the: proletarian revolution pushes it out. But,that the European peoples should be anxiously desiring this intervention shows that education fh disillu- sionment is still not complete. Europeans need not worry about Uncle Sam leaving them. ‘Dhe U. 8S. has a great deal of in- vestment in Europe, and a great deal more money to invest. Markets are in great demand, and Europe will continue to be a prospective field of investment for American capital, so long as the workers are not in power. American capital can be depended upon to continue the exploitation of thé European workers just as long as it is al- lowed to do so. Send in that Subseription Teday. RUSSIA IN 1924 (Continued from Last Issue.) Closely related to the stabilization of the ruble, was the problem of balancing the state budget. This, too, has been al- most accomplished. For several years after the revolution there was practically no budget. The situation was chaotic. Questions of state income and expenditure were largely mat- ters of speculation. This was the natural result of the tre- mendous revolutionary upheaval, the civil war, and the other factors that shook things up generally. However, within the past three years, not only has the budget been built up, but expenditures have been practically balanced with income. This year the state deficit will be only 10 per cent, and next year it is hoped to wipe it out altogether. The accomplishment of these two vital financial measures, the stabilizing of the ruble and the balancing of the budget, are doing much to put Russian industry on its feet. They lead directly to economy: and efficiency in every field of activity. At last it is possible to make head or tail out of what is go- ing on with regard to costs and prices. Industry and the gov- ernment will now go ahead on a surer basis than ever. It is just so much solved of the general economic problem that al- most overwhelmed and drowned out\the Russian revolution. The New Economic Policy. Early in 1921 the New Economie Policy was introduced. The situation was a desperate one. The fledgling proletarian revolution was manifestly unable to meet all the indastrial burdens ‘placed upon it. So the government monopoly on industry was relaxed and domestic trading by private in- dividuals allowed to some extent, It was admittedly a danger- ous expedient, thus to introduce a degree of capitalism into Russia. Many said that the remedy was worse than the disease, and that the revolution was doomed. Especially was this dolorous song sung by the pseudo-revolutionists of the Emma Goldman and Kautsky type. But there was no alter- native. The masses were hungry and had to be fed, on pain of the immediate death of the revolution. The great problem was to utilize for revolutionary pur- poses the industry and trade that would develop through the private initiative thus called upon. This has been definitely accomplished, despite the pessimists. He is blind who, visiting Russia, cannot see the lightening effect of private trade upon the general economic crisis. The good effects of the Nep have far outweighed the bad. The prophesied poisoning of the re- volution has not taken place, although, here and there, a few supposedly sound revolutionaries have collapsed under it, a notable case being that of our erstwhile comrade Tobin- son, who did such good work in the “Chicago Workers’ In- stitute a number of years ago. But while exploiting its ad- vantages, the Communists are not blinking the unquestioned , dangers of the Nep. Kameney, in the speech I mentioned awhile ago, pointed out the menace of the extensive private capital now employed in the distribution of food, clothing, = =6ftms By -~ WILLIAM Z. FOSTER ete., the only branches of industry where the Nep has a real foothold. He cited the following figures to show the kinds and percentages of capital in this line: ! Government Co-Operative Private Wholesale PPE thy 8% 14% Wholesale-Retail . 40 o 10% 50% RRO GASE ied criasaiie Enea ay," 10% BBY, A bad feature of the private control of retail trade, which is so largely in the hands of the Nep, is that very much of it is in the villages, where the business is small and the individ- ual Nepmen can operate to better advantage than the more cumbersome government and co-operative machinery. Kame- nev pointed out the political danger in this and declared it would never do to have the Communists appear to the peas- ants merely in the role of tax collectors, while the private traders were allowed to bring them the advantages of reviving industry. The peasants, who reason only from very concrete things, might easily conclude that the organizer of the new prosperity was not the proletarian state but the private mid- dleman. Kamenev maintained that the conquest of the peag- ant market is of supreme importance to the revolution, and: hi indicated the co-operative as the means to accomplish it, Every effort must be put fortlf to develop the co-operative. He said, “As in the old long-past days, which we hope will never return, when we were crying ‘Everything for transport’ and ‘Everything for fuel’, we will now have to raise the-slogan in the Party, ‘Everything for the economic struggle against private capital and for the capture of the market through the co-operatives.’ ” > Private capital was allowed to resume limited operations in Russia as a servant to the revolution, as a sort of an in- dustrial stop-gap, pending the time when the workers could take over every function of industry. It is not allowed to escape from this role. In order that industry may proceed undisturbed, the Communist prefer to defeat private capital, the Nepmen, in open economic struggle; that is, by better or- ganization and service. But where these means do not suffice, and where the Nepmen assume a threatening’ attitude, the Communists do not hesitate to use more drastic methods, such as wholesale cutting of rates, open discrimination against the Nep business and in favor of government places, special taxes, and the like. And, undoubtedly, if the situation re- quired it, still sharper political weapons would be used. Under no circumstances will the Communists allow the cap- italists to entrench themselves and to menace the revolution. In Russia, Nepmen are, at best, looked upon as temporarily necessary evils. Politically they are disfranchised and so- cially they are virtual outcasts, except in their own circles. Despite the difficulties it has unquestionably bred, the Nep is a success for the revolution, and the difficult problem’ of at once exploiting it for the Workers’ Government while avoid- ing its poisonous dangers, has been practically solved. - (To Be Continued Tomorrow) LaFollettism and the Communists 29 £1 Browder ‘OU say that the LaFollette move- ment is a sign of the decay of the capitalist system. Then why don't you support LaFollette and help to hasten the process?” So questioned an intellectual friend, in discussing the relation of the Com- munists to the “third party” move ment. My answer to him may be of interest to others who meet the same question. Communists take careful note af everything that either symptomizes the decay of the capitalist order or assists in extending that decay. But that does not mean that we align ourselves with every destructive force within capi- talism. There are many signs of so- cial disintegration, products of the breakdown of capitalism, which have nothing in common with Communism. For example, there is the Ku Klux Klan. Not even the socialist lars, who pretend to see a connection between the Communists end the K. K. K., real- ly think that any body of revolutionary workers can find any common ground of action with the Klan except the battle field where we fight against this miserable aggregation of coward- ly rufffans. Yet the Klan is certainly a destructive force, the product of cap- italism and assisting to destroy the capitalist social fabric. The Klan in the U. S. is quite sim- ilar to the fascisti in Italy. Mussolini was a convenient tool for Italian capi- talism, which used him in a pinch, but Mussolini has hastened the pro- cess of capitalist decay in that coun- try also. The recent disclosures of the terrific corruption in the fascist gov- ernment shows a condition certainly unfavorable to the continued exist- ence of capitalism in Italy. But Com- munists cannot have any attitude to- ward fascism in any of its forms, ex- cept that of the bitterest struggle against it,for it is a poison even more destructive of the labor movement than of capitalism. LaFollette is a sign of dissolution of the capitalist society. But he is not the harbinger of the new order that is to cofme. He signifies capitalist de- cay, because, while he will obey, in the final analysis, the orders from capitalism, he has no clear-cut pfo- gram of action of any kind that looks to the future. He is not clear-cut capi- talist, as Coolidge—and he is distinct fly anti-working class. He is faced to- ward the void of the dissolution of society that capitalism would mean if there was no rising working class. But he represents the new sociéty that is to come even less than he does the capitalist system. The Communists, on the other hand, lend the struggle for a definite pro. gram that leads to a socialist society as the first step to Communism. They aecept the realities of the clas: struggle, they work on the basis of the economic system as capitalism ha: developed it, and they propose, not tc go backward to a petty bourgeoi: heaven of 1776, but forward to work ers’ control, nationalization of indus try, the overthrow of the capitalis ‘dictatorship and the building of th Soviet State thru the dictatorship o the proletariat. That means the Communists mus at all times represent, must fight sid by side with, every movement an every group that is really moving even if but for the next step, in th direction of laying the foundation ¢ that working class power. But LaFo lette is merely a part of the poiso generated by the death of capitalism he means nothing for the future. Training Youth for Slaughter - ‘HH capitalist class permeates America’s entire educational sys- tém with war propaganda. From the first grade of grammer school, thru the last year of college, the immature minds of our youth are impressed with the patriotic prepaganda ‘et “defense of country above all other considera- tions.” Millions of grammar school children are taught the slogan, “My country right or wrong,” before they learn Christ's admonition, “Love they neigh- bor as thyself.” They learn the salute to the flag before they become ac- quainted with the golden rule, In the grammer and high schools in New York City, and most other cities, the children are practically compelled to recite the rigamorole, “I pledge al- legiance to my flag ahd to the country tor which it stands” so many times that it is deeply instilled into their minds. Militaristic Education. In spite of the fact that it is the fathers and mothers who pay the taxes which keep the schools running, their children are forced to buy their education at the price of promising to become future soldiers. Three years ago I desired to take a course in Ohio State University, which, like other state colleges, requires that the stu- dent take two years of military drill in view of the fact that there is no tuition charge, I wrote to the president of the Uni- versity explaining that while I con- sidered war to liberate the working class inevitable and necessary, I could not conscientiously undergo a course in military training which was ad- men to defend the capitalistic United States government. The president re- plied that since I was getting my edu- | cation free, I had no right to complain. “If you think that you should not take military drill I suggest you go to some other institution of learning such as Harvard,” he wrote sarcastically, “where you do not have to suffer any inconvenience. No one is compelling you to attend a free institution of learning.” During the year the United States entered the latest capitalistic slaugh- ter, I attended Boston University. ‘When lieutenant-governor Cox, who is now governor of Massachusetts, spoke to us in the auditorium, and asked us to vote unanimously to sup- port President Wilson, a dozen voted against supporting a futile and avoid- able war. We were ostracized and persecuted by the-faculty. Persecute Blind Scholar. One of the twelve, Hino Frieberg, a blind Communist scholar, had won the Buck scholarship. The Buck scholarship was the highest honor given by the university, entitling the student to four years tuition, a trip to Burope and a post graduate course, with all living expenses paid. Frieberg had won the scholarship entirely on his merits. He was teaching Latin at the Perkins blind institute, was a splendid writer-and an advanced student, Because of Frieberg’s Com- munist anti-war convictions, the scholarship was taken away from hing by the scholarship committee of Bos- ton University. I met him two years ago selling newspapers on the streets of Boston. The armies are recruited largely from youths of college age.* The stu- dents of this country-—grammar, high mittedly tor the purpose of training |school asd college—have the false patriotism dictated by corrupt war Profiteers crammed down their throat. They are forced to sing “My country ‘tis of thee” so many times in gram- mar school that they never hear the song without a feeling of intense loathing. The gymnasium courses which they are required to take in high school and college are contam- ‘inated with lectures by army officers who tell the young men that the pur- pose of the course is to train them to be “good citizens, who can spring to the defense of their country at a moment's notice,” Boys of 14 years of age all over our “land of the free” are forced to take military drill under the direct super- vision of army officers, as,is done in such high schools as the English and Latin high schools in Boston, Army Before Honor. History courses are converted into By Karl Reev classes propagating the idea that joi ing the army “when the country is danger” is a higher duty than love home, individual honor, conseienc conviction or any other consideratio It is a well known fact that the h’ tory books used in the Americ: schools are 99 per cent glorified b: graphies of the best slaughterers pi juced in America. The domination/of the ‘workers the Wall Street profiteers prevails the schools as much ag in the pulpi the press and the work shop. It compulsory to attend the “goose st schools” of this country. The or other alternative the mother m select for her child is the refo: school. It is compulsory for the tea: ers to fill the minds of the boys a girls with the damnable patriotism the .war lords. If they don’t do_ they are fired. | Views of Our Readers From the “Heretic” Red hop. To the DAILY WORKER:— Your letter of June 1st came duly to hand bit at-a time when I was over-| Whelmed with correspondence and so it got buried not to be reached until today. \ Regretting that I did not get some- thing to you in time for publication, I am, with every good wish for 1 Worker and all to whom we are * debted for it, very cordially and fully yours, WM, M, BROWN. P. S.—The reporters constitute pulse of public opinion and you n be interested to know that at the 0 ginning of the trial they were alm? equally divided as fo sides, but fore it ended they were all on mi » Brownella Cottage, Galion, Ohic WwW. M. WALL STREET CHURCH SWILLS i MILLION OUT OF RENT TROUG By The Federated Press| NEW YORK, July 22.—The well-known business institution in the we street district, Trinity Church Corporation, made a cool million and a qua From rents alone it raked in $1,131,258 and f, % last year, It announcer. “ ' ;

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